'Situaã§Ãµes-Limites': the Emergence of Video Art

‘Situações-Limites’: the emergence of video art in Brazil in the 1970s

Nick Fitch Columbia University

with the collaboration of Anne-Sophie Dinant, Associate Curator, South London Gallery

In the mid-1970s, at the tail end of the most repressive phase of the Brazilian dictator- 1. For a detailed political ship (1964–85), an experimental video practice fl ourished in Rio de Janeiro and São history of the Brazilian dicta- Paulo.1 When the new medium took root, artists’ fi lm-making in Brazil was already well torship, see Skidmore (1988). established: beginning with Lygia Pape’s fi rst fi lm, Letreiros/Cinemateca/MAM (1965, 35mm). Several other leading Brazilian artists worked in 35mm, 16mm and 8mm, among 2. A tradition of experimental them Artur Barrio, Paulo Bruscky, Antônio Dias, Nelson Leirner, Anna Maria Maiolino cinema in Brazil goes back at and Antonio Manuel.2 Properly speaking, with the exception of a few earlier experi- least to the 1950s, when the ments by the painter Rubens Gerchman, the history of Brazilian video begins in 1974.3 paulista (São Paulo native) Th e carioca (Rio de Janeiro native) artist Anna Bella Geiger, then a professor at the art fi lm-maker Roberto Miller school of the Museu de Arte Moderna, Rio de Janeiro, was approached by Walter Zanini, made his fi rst animations. the visionary director of the Contemporary Art Museum of the University of São Paulo, to fi nd videos for inclusion in the exhibition ‘Video Art’ at the ICA Philadelphia.4 Geiger 3. In 1971–72 Rubens Gerch- in turn invited fellow artist Ângelo de Aquino and her students Sônia Andrade, Ivens man, José Roberto Aguilar, Machado and Fernando Cocchiarale, and the group produced fi lms with the portapack Carlos Borda and Ralph equipment that the Brazilian diplomat Jom Tob Azulay had brought back to Rio aft er a Camargo took part in experi- stay in Los Angeles. Th ey recorded their videos in a single day in 1974.5 ments on ½-inch and ¼-inch Like Geiger and her students, most of the early practitioners of video art in Brazil equipment belonging to the came from a fi ne art rather than a fi lm background. Perhaps not surprisingly, Brazilian Ralph Camargo Gallery. See video of the 1970s evidences strong continuities with the proto-conceptual and fi rst- the catalogue Anon (1975). generation conceptual movement of the 1950s and 1960s and with the experimental practice of Lygia Clark in particular.6 Th e two primary aesthetic propositions that 4. Th is was at the request of the video artists found in Clark’s work were a concern with the human body and an the American curator Suzanne embrace of cultural marginality. Th ese preoccupations of Clark’s became a feature of Delehanty.

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Leticia Parente, video still from Marca Registrada (Trademark) (1975), b/w, sound, 11:44 min. Courtesy of André Parente.

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avant-garde Brazilian culture across genres and mediums in the 1970s, when aft er the relative cultural freedom of the years 1964–68, offi cial censorship and political repression markedly increased, and artists and writers turned their attention to the domain of individual subjectivity. By the early 1980s Brazilian cultural critics had already noted the contrast between the euphoria of the 1960s and the sobriety of the 1970s:

If the decade of the 1960s in Brazil was that of New Cinema, of the popular musical festivals, of Tropicalia, of street parties and the play Rei da Vela (Th e Candle King); that is, years of Dionysian celebration, the 1970s may be consid- ered as a gaining of consciousness of a reality that was already inescapable, of open struggle and oft en of intense mourning. For Brazilian culture it was what might be called entering the age of reason, with all of its painful consequences. (Bittencourt 2009: 259)

Like the confessional ‘diary-poetry’ that proliferated in artisanally printed and inde- pendently distributed editions in the 1970s such as Waly Salomão’s Me Segura qu’eu vou dar um troço (1972) and Torquato Neto’s Os últimos dias de paupéria (1973), Brazilian video was a self-consciously marginal practice, aimed at a tiny artistic public and imbued with social and political critique.7 Whilst non-Brazilian readers will most likely be familiar with the Cinema Novo movement, of more direct relevance for understanding the emergence of an avant- garde video practice in the 1970s are the feature-length fi lms O Bandido da luz vermelha/Red Light Bandit (Rogério Sganzerla, 1968), Matou a família e foi ao cinema/ Killed the Family and Went to the Cinema (Júlio Bressane, 1969) and Triste tropic/Sad Tropics (Arthur Omar, 1974–78). All three were made subsequent to the heyday of Cinema Novo and are associated with the underground fi lm movement – Brazilianized as ‘udigrudi’ – that fl ourished during the exile of prominent Cinema Novo directors such as Glauber Rocha and Carlos Diegues. Th e diff erences between Cinema Novo and the udigrudi are illustrated by a comparison of the most paradigmatic fi lms of each movement: Glauber Rocha’s Terra 5. Th ese fi lms were fi rst em transe/Entranced Earth (1967) and Rogério Sganzerla’s Red Light Bandit. Rocha’s shown at the ‘8th Jovem tale is of a populist provincial governor in the imaginary state of El Dorado who Arte Contemporânea’ chooses not to fi ght off a coup headed by the right-wing politician ‘Porfi rio Diaz’. isTh exhibition at the Museu de is an obvious allegory of the deposition of left -wing President João Goulart by the Arte Contemporânea da technocratic regime of General Humberto de Alencar Castelo Branco in 1964. Universidade de São Paulo, Sganzerla’s fi lm, on the other hand, is a fi ctionalization of the exploits of the notori- before travelling onto the ous bandit João Acácio Pereira da Costa, who carried out a string of burglaries and Institute of Contemporary sexual assaults in São Paulo between 1966 and 1967. To quote the Brazilian fi lm histo- Art, Philadelphia, where a fi lm rian Ismail Xavier, Red Light Bandit, ‘characterizes the passage from the “aesthetics of made by Antonio Dias in Italy hunger” to the “aesthetics of hunger” to the “aesthetics of garbage”’ (Xavier 1997: 18). was added. According to the fi lm historians Randal Johnson and Robert Stam: 6. For a helpful overview of As Cinema Novo decided to reach out for a popular audience, the Under- Clark’s artistic development, ground opted to slap that audience in the face. As Cinema Novo moved toward particularly with reference to technical polish and production values, the Novo Cinema Novo, as it also came her move away from conven- to be called, demanded a radicalization of the aesthetics of hunger, rejecting the tional object-making, see dominant codes of well-made cinema in favour of a ‘dirty screen’. Th e Under- Rolnick (1999). ground movement proclaimed its isolation in the names the fi lmmakers gave to their movement: marginal cinema or subterranean cinema. Although they 7. Regarding the importance were intentionally marginal, identifying socially downward with rebellious of poetry as a literary genre in lumpen characters, they were also marginalized, harassed by the censors and Brazil in the 1970s, see Süsse- boycotted by exhibitors. (Johnson and Stam 1995: 39) kind (2003).

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Anna Bella Geiger, Passagens no 1 (1974), video, 13 min. Courtesy of the artist.

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At fi rst glance Lygia Clark’s contemporaneous work with alternative forms of psycho- therapy in her ‘Nostalgia do corpo/Nostalgia of the Body’ workshops at the Sorbonne in Paris and sober, diaristic videos such as Geiger’s Passagens nº 1 (1974) would seem to be the polar opposites of the boisterous udigrudi and its aesthetics of garbage. But on closer examination, strong parallels emerge between these diverse bodies of work. To varying degrees, they were all responses to the deterioration of the political situation in Brazil in 1968 and the repression that followed the promulgation of the Institutional Act No. 5 (regularly abbreviated as AI-5) in December of that year. AI-5 marks a major turning point in the Brazilian dictatorship; it is the moment when the military defi nitively abandoned the relative political moderation of Caste- lo Branco’s presidency (1964–67), and took such authoritarian measures as closing Congress, subjecting all crimes against ‘national security’ to military justice and offi - cially instituting censorship (aimed particularly at television and radio). Writing on Brazilian video, art historian Elena Shtromberg emphasizes the thematization of political censorship, judging that ‘artists viewed their practice at this time as off ering unique opportunities to confront censorship by symbolically enacting it – to underline the “reality” of its existence – and, at the same time, by directly challenging it’ (Shtrom- berg 2008: 276). Such a confrontation with censorship is certainly at play in the body of work under discussion, but Shtromberg is insuffi ciently attentive to the cultural nuances and contradictions of the Brazilian dictatorship, and thus overestimates the impact of direct artistic censorship; for as the literary historian Flora Süssekind cautions: ‘To the contrary of what is generally believed, censorship was by no means the only, nor the most effi cient strategy of repression adopted by the military govern- 8. In 1968 the government ments in the cultural fi eld aft er 1964’ (Süssekind 2003: 18–19). As Süssekind goes on simultaneously extended to explain, there were three broad cultural strategies that the military employed over instalment credit to cover the its twenty-year rule: (1) an aesthetic of the spectacle, coinciding with the rapid expan- purchase of television sets sion of television;8 (2) a repressive strategy based on censorship and social control; thereby vastly boosting owner- and (3) a game of co-opting and incentives to cultural producers. Writing in 1979, at ship levels, and established the opening of Brazil’s transition to democracy, the novelist and literary critic Silviano a single, government-wide Santiago laments not so much the eff ects of direct censorship on artists during the propaganda bureau, the Asses- previous decade, as ‘the complete lack of interest and curiosity that the work of art had soria Especial de Relações to confront, for censorship above all castrated, cooled, neutralized, blunted the critical Públicas (AERP, or Special thought and sensibility of the public’ (Santiago 2001: 112–13). Advisory Staff on Public To better understand the meaning of marginality for Brazilian artists in this context Relations), whose team of of cultural neutralization and widespread political apathy during the decade of the journalists, psychologists and 1970s, it is instructive to consider the words of the artist Hélio Oiticica in one of his sociologists fi rst decided on letters addressed to Lygia Clark: themes and general approach and then contracted private When I say ‘position on the margin’ I mean something similar to the Marcusean advertising agencies to produce concept: it does not mean marginal gratuitousness or wanting to be marginal pro-government television ads. by force, but rather [it] means placing in a very clear social sense the position In the 1970s, benefi ting from a of the creator; one which not only denounces a society alienated from itself, but partnership with the American which also proposes – through a permanently critical position – the demysti- media company Time-Life and fi cation of the myths of the dominant class, [and] of the forces of repression ... strong government backing, (Cited in Garramuño: 2009: 90) the conservative O Globo newspaper-publishing empire Oiticica’s explanation of the radical dimension of his ‘position on the margin’ sheds gained near monopoly control light on the political imperatives of Clark’s own practice of marginality – and by exten- over the Brazilian television, that of younger video artists such as Geiger. Clark’s ‘marginal’ practice began sion market and TV-Globo with participatory actions such as Caminhando/Walking (1963) and ‘sensorial objects’ accordingly maintained a like Pedra e ar/Stone and Air (1966); work for which she exclusively employed cheap, staunchly pro-military line in everyday materials, such as stones, plastic bags and scissors, thus abandoning the its programming (Skidmore creation of art objects. Another aspect of her marginal position is apparent in her 1988: 110–11).

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increasing devotion to an alternative psychotherapeutic practice that was rejected by the psychiatric profession. Brazilian artists of the 1970s embraced video in a highly conceptual manner, fi lming themselves in minimal, quotidian settings. Performing actions for the camera that signify liberation from inner repression, both on the part of the artist and the spectator, they exploited the absence of a large audience, allowing for greater intimacy between performer and camera. Early Brazilian video works were made principally for presen- tation on television monitors – rather than for projection in a dark room – and they are usually short in duration. Using basic equipment and working without specifi c training in either video or fi lm, the artists experimented with the new medium in their studios, and the recorded performances are the result of the one-to-one exploration they undertook with the camera. Th e body became a site for releasing inner, personal tensions, and provided a means to free the individual from the violence infl icted by living in an oppressive political and social environment and the inevitable build-up of anxiety that such an existence entails. Known for her highly fi nished abstract paintings and engravings from the 1950s, Anna Bella Geiger experienced an artistic crisis following what she describes as the ‘climate of total disenchantment’ that set in aft er the military coup, leaving her feeling that art had lost its meaning and that she personally was ‘diving into the abyss without even knowing how to swim’ (Scovino 2009: 20–21). As a way out of this ‘chaos’, Geiger abandoned the idiom of pure abstraction and regularly introduced fragmen- tary organs and body parts into her compositions. Th is can be linked to the political crisis of 1968–69, which she experienced directly when her geographer husband Pedro Pinchas Geiger was incarcerated as part of a military purge of left -leaning academ- ics. As a result, a further shift in Geiger’s practice took place, impelling her towards a more experimental, ‘extra-artistic’ direction and inspiring her to create work that was increasingly collaborative and anthropologically oriented. Th e transformation of her practice began in 1968 when she was teaching at the Museu de Arte Moderna, Rio de Janeiro (MAM-RJ). Here, she says, she ‘felt a need to speak about the political situation of the moment, and also because at that very moment we had decided to boycott the [São Paulo] Biennial’ (Farias and Montejo Navas 2007: 84). By 1968–69, she felt she had ‘reached a limit, which, all of a sudden was a rupture’. Her pedagogical activity in the museum convinced her that ‘it was impossible to remain inside of the classroom, refl ecting upon aesthetic questions’ and aft er 1968 and AI-5 she concluded, ‘I could no longer bear the students coming and not perceiving that it was no longer possible to make something’ (Alvarado et al. 2010a: 231). Situações-Limites, or ‘limit-situations’ was the generic title that Geiger gave to the full range of her artistic practice across media from 1973 onwards, a practice that made obvious reference to the intolerable political reality of the Brazilian dictatorship.9 Indeed, Geiger titled her 1975 solo show at the MAM-RJ, ‘Situações-Limites: Fotos/ Vídeos/Livros’, and during these years Geiger’s artists’ books, photo-conceptual and 9. On the occasion of her video works were deeply interrelated. 1976 gallery show, Geiger As a way of elucidating the genesis of her fi rst video, Passagens nº 1 (1974), Geiger wrote, ‘Situações-Limites is describes her life around 1970: the generic name of the works that I produced from 1973 I lived wandering through Rio de Janeiro, from the Catete neighbourhood to on. Nevertheless, here, by Lapa [then a seedy neighbourhood], going through some streets that are behind denominating the ensemble the Central Station. Th e course was determined by labyrinthine choices. I was of works that I am presenting investigating (and continue to investigate) thrift stores and junkyards. […] Th e Situações-Limites, I want that videos Passagens nº 1 and nº 2 are also refl ections of those wanderings through term to defi ne and at the same the city. Th e irony in my work is born from that archaeology that I experienced time delimit my fi eld of action through the city. (Scovino 2009: 28) (Anon 1976: n.p.).

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It is precisely such a dérive through Rio de Janeiro that the three segments of Passagens nº 1 record. In the fi rst, Geiger haltingly climbs a winding staircase inside a historic building earmarked for demolition, a fate shared with many other mansions in the affl uent, hillside Jardim Bôtanico neighbourhood aft er the transfer of the capital and embassies from Rio de Janeiro to Brasília. Th ere is never any direct reference to outside events in Passagens nº 1, but Geiger’s leaden movements and the claustrophobic atmo- sphere in this fi rst segment bespeak a dread characteristic of the deadening climate of the 1970s – colloquially referred to in Argentina as the ‘years of lead’ (años de plomo) and in Brazil, simply as the ‘suff ocation’ (sufoco). In the second segment, the action shift s outdoors to the older and poorer hillside neighbourhood of Gloria. Geiger ascends a seemingly endless, litter-strewn staircase of the sort that abounds in Rio de Janeiro’s historic areas and that so oft en signal squa- lor and deprivation. Th e sense of disjunction caused by the artist’s traversal of such radically diff erent zones of the city continues in the third segment, where Geiger vari- ously vertically, horizontally and diagonally crosses the grand stairway leading up to the neo-classical portico of the Benjamin Constant Institute for the Blind, located in the exclusive beach-front Urca neighbourhood. 10. Parente was a native of Despite initial shared artistic impulses, Oiticica and Geiger diverged considerably the north-eastern Brazilian during these years. Where Oiticica operated under the Marcusean formula of Crelazer state of Bahia, which is famous (creativity plus leisure), identifying with marginal social groups and romantically for its craft tradition and for exalting the culture of Rio de Janeiro’s shanty towns, Geiger developed a more theo- its needlepoint, in particular. retically sophisticated and aesthetically radical conceptual practice. In a 2008 inter- In a 1985 statement, Parente view, Geiger laments the inadequacy of a preoccupation with ‘creativity and the ludic details how Marca Registrada character of art’ in the face of the changed social and political conditions of the times. was the culmination of her Th e artist recalls: earlier conceptual works on paper and explains the work’s Th e new uncertainties arising with the 1970s seemed to be of another tenor relation to Bahian needlepoint [from those of the 1960s], and the job of deciphering them required [theo- traditions: ‘I believe that the retical] elements of greater complexity. What seemed essential to me at that phase of the body that bears moment was that we fi nd a way to move ahead within that tangle of questions witness to cultural situations, and limit-situations. (Scovino 2009: 23) political situations, and social situations culminated in a Geiger provides further clarifi cation for the genesis of this shift , explaining that ‘while video work, which, of all my Kosuthian concepts may have infl uenced us, it was only the reality of that moment of works, is the one that achieved suspension of political liberties in Brazil that impressed on us the necessity of a deep the strongest brand (sigla) – it understanding of the political and the social’ (Scovino 2009: 23). is called Marca Registrada. A commitment to the subversion of everyday activities is apparent in the videos In this work, on the sole of of carioca artist Leticia Parente, who like Geiger and Clark uses the body as a site for my foot with a needle and a political and social critique. In Marca Registrada/Trademark (1975), a work that both black thread, I sew the phrase resonates with and exceeds the contemporaneous revalidation of craft in the work “made in Brazil” into the of American feminist artists such as Judy Chicago, Parente patiently sews the words skin. It is an agony! It is very ‘Made in Brazil’ into her foot, literally branding herself as a Brazilian consumer prod- distressing because the needle uct.10 Th e violence inherent in this act provokes a malaise on the part of the viewer and enters, wounds my foot – it elicits, among other potential readings, refl ection on the repressive political climate in could only be my own foot. Brazil. In Preparação I/Preparation I (1975) a reference to the suppression of opposi- At the same time, there is a tion is made as the artist stands in front of a mirror, places tape over her mouth and folk custom in Bahia in which her eyes, and then draws another set of eyes and mouth on the tape. In the work In people embroider a lot with a (1975), she enters an empty closet, hangs herself on a hanger like an article of clothing, thread in the palm of the hand and then closes the closet door; a sequence of actions that alludes in equal measure to and in the sole of the foot. state violence and to the objectifi cation of the female body. Th at is the video work from Sônia Andrade, in her video experiments from 1974 to 1977, also integrates political 1975 that is the synthesis of all analysis with the quotidian using her body as a mise-en-scène for a critique of televi- of that phase’ (Alvarado et al. sion’s invasion of daily life in Brazil during the dictatorship. In Fio/Wire (1975), a work 2010b: 304).

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whose form recalls both Eleanor Antin’s Th e King (1972) and Marina Abramović’s Art Must Be Beautiful, Artist Must Be Beautiful (1975), the artist wraps a wire around her head, hideously deforming her face. And in Feijão/Beans (1975), Andrade simulates a typical domestic setting, depicting herself eating a humble lunch of black beans and the soft drink Guaraná, both Brazilian staples. She sits in front a television playing episodes of the American series Tarzan, which was dubbed into Portuguese and aired on the staunchly pro-military TV-Globo network that monopolized Brazilian television broadcasts in the 1970s. Midway through her meal, Andrade unexpectedly pours the beans and the beverage over her head and then throws the beans at the camera until the screen is totally obscured, as if she were mimicking the violence of the television characters. Th e oft en confrontational, yet marginalized, video practices of Geiger, Parente and Andrade, like the udigrudi’s ‘aesthetics of garbage’ and Clark’s anthropological practices, refl ect a very diff erent cultural climate in Brazil from the liberal cosmopolitanism of the 1950s and 1960s. Yet despite the cultural nationalism and isolationism imposed by the military dictatorship, video art in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo did not develop in a vacuum, as Walter Zanini’s contacts with Susan Delehanty and the presence of video works by the likes of Vito Acconci, Bruce Nauman and Richard Serra at the 1975 São Paulo Biennial all testify. While the new medium of video off ered enormous potential for artistic indepen- dence to nonconformist artists like Geiger, Andrade and Parente, Brazilian video was, paradoxically, born in the heart of a major museum (the MAM-RJ) and at the country’s foremost state university (the Universidade de São Paulo). Such contradictions make Brazilian video a uniquely productive fi eld for reconsidering the cultural production of the dictatorships of the southern cone of South America, and the ways that avant-garde artists negotiated the tensions between political opposition and institutional participation in Brazil in the 1970s.11

Acknowledgements

Th e authors wish to thank Moacir dos Anjos for having fi rst introduced us to this body of work through the 2008 programme ‘Film under the Military Regime in Brazil in the 60s & 70s’ at the South London Gallery. Special thanks are also due to Jytte Jensen and Barbara London of the Museum of Modern Art for their generous assistance in securing viewing copies of the relevant fi lms and for their many insights into post-war Brazilian fi lm and artistic culture. Finally, I particularly wish to thank the MoMA Film 11. Also worthy of mention Department and the staff at the library of the Museu de Arte Moderna de São Paulo is the pan-Latin American for facilitating the research for this article. dimension to Brazilian video, refl ected in the participation of various Brazilian artists in references —— (1976), Anna Bella Geiger. São Paulo: Galeria the programmes of the Centro Alvarado, Daisy Peccinini de, and Fundação Arte Global. de Arte y Comunicación in Armando Alvares Penteado (eds) (2010a), ‘Geiger, Bittencourt, Francisco (2009), ‘Ten Years of Buenos Aires. For a perceptive Anna Bella’ (Depoimento de artista ao Instituto Experimentation (1980)’, in Glória Ferreira (ed.), Brazilian perspective on the de Pesquisa da FAAP – Sector Arte set. 1985), Arte contemporáneo brasileño: Documentos y relationship of the CAYC Arte novos meios/multimeios: Brasil 70/80, São críticas/Contemporary Brazilian Art: Documents and the second-generation Paulo: Instituto de Pesquisa Setor Arte, Fundação and Critical Texts, Santiago de Compostela: Argentine conceptualists to the Armando Alvares Penteado, pp. 231–35. Artedardo. public relations agenda of the Anon (1975), Video Art, Institute of Contemporary Farias, Agnaldo and Montejo Navas, Adolfo military junta in Argentina see Art, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, 17 (2007), ‘Não tem nada a ver, mas … Entrevista com Morais (1979). January–28 February, Philadelphia: Th e Institute. Anna Bella Geiger’, in Adolfo Navas (ed.), Anna

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Bella Geiger: Territórios, passagens, situações, Rio Gazzola (ed.), Th e Space In-Between: Essays on Latin de Janeiro: Casa da Palavra, pp. 81–93. American Culture, Durham: Duke University Press, Garramuño, Florencia (2009), La experiencia pp. 111–18, 179. opaca: Literatura y desencanto, Buenos Aires: Scovino, Felipe (2009), ‘Anna Bella Geiger’, in Fondo de Cultura Económica de Argentina. Arquivo contemporâneo, Rio de Janeiro: 7 Letras, Johnson, Randal and Stam, Robert (eds.) (1995), pp. 19–37. Brazilian Cinema, New York: Columbia University Shtromberg, Elena (2008), ‘Bodies in Peril: Press. Enacting Censorship in Early Brazilian Video Morais, Frederico (1979), ‘Argentina: Los Trece Art (1974–1978)’, in John C Welchman (ed.), de la Fama ou o campo de batalha das infl uências Th e Aesthetics of Risk: Volume 3 of the SoCCAS internacionais’, in Frederico Morais (ed.), [Southern California Consortium of Art Schools] Artes plásticas na América Latina: Do transe ao Symposia, Zürich: JRP/Ringier, pp. 273–91. transitório, Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, Skidmore, Th omas. E. (1988), Th e Politics of pp. 172–88. Military Rule in Brazil, 1964–85, New York: Oxford Torquato, Neto (1973), Os últimos dias de paupéria University Press. (ed. Wally Sailormoon), Rio de Janeiro: Livraria Süssekind, Flora (2003), Vidrieras astilladas: Eldorado Tijuca. Ensayos críticos sobre la cultura brasileña de los Rolnik, Suely (1999), ‘Molding a Contemporary sesenta a los ochenta, Buenos Aires: Corregidor. Soul: Th e Empty Full of Lygia Clark’, in Rina Xavier, Ismail (1997), Allegories of Carvajal and Alma Ruiz (eds), Th e Experimental Underdevelopment: Aesthetics and Politics in Exercise of Freedom: Lygia Clark, Gego, Mathias Modern Brazilian Cinema, Minneapolis: University Goeritz, Hélio Oiticica, Mira Schendel, Los Angeles: of Minnesota Press. Museum of Contemporary Art. Salomão, Waly (2003), Me Segura qu’eu vou dar um contributor details troço, Rio de Janeiro: Edições Biblioteca Nacional, Nick Fitch is a Ph.D. candidate in Art History at Aeroplano Editora. Columbia University. Santiago, Silviano (2001), ‘Repression and Censorship Anne-Sophie Dinant is Associate Curator at the in the Field of the Arts during the 1970s’, in Ana Lúcia South London Gallery.

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