THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE NEOCLASSICAL TRADITION IN LABOR ECONOMICS GEORGE R. BOYER and ROBERT S. SMITH* This essay on labor economics examines neoclassical theory's rise to ascendancy following the second World War, with a secondary focus on the relative decline but continued influence of institutionalist eco­ nomic theory. The authors describe the evolution of institutional and neoclassical theory from the late nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries, examine some early intellectual debates between the two camps, briefly describe the work of neoclassical labor economics pioneers, and look at major developments over the past 30 years. They argue that neoclassical economists' increasing intellectual breadth and influence in public policy have led them to pay closer attention to issues that have long been of concern to institutionalists and "neoinstitutionalists." he field of labor economics has institutionalist approach survived, and in Tchanged dramatically in the postwar some universities continued to thrive, but period. At the end of the second World its practitioners tended to move out of eco­ War, labor economics was dominated by a nomics departments and into departments group of academics who, while knowledge­ of industrial relations or business schools. able of neoclassical theory, had their roots This essay chronicles the rise to dominance in the institutionalist approach to econom­ of the neoclassical approach to labor eco­ ics. However, the next thirty years saw the nomics. rise to dominance of an approach to labor We begin by describing the roots of the economics that was rooted in neoclassical institutionalist and neoclassical "camps" in economic theory. The same period saw a the half-century before the second World decline, within economics departments, of War. This is followed by an examination of institutionalist-based labor economics. The the state of labor economics in the first postwar decade, and of some early intellec­ tual debates between the institutional and neoclassical camps. We then briefly de­ scribe the work of four of the pioneers of *The authors are Professors in the Department of Labor Economics, New York State School of Indus­ neoclassical labor economics—H. Gregg trial and Labor Relations, Cornell University. They Lewis, Gary Becker, Jacob Mincer, and thank John Abowd, Robert Aronson, Francine Blau, George Stigler. Finally, we examine some Ronald Ehrenberg, Gary Fields, Robert Hutchens, of the major developments in neoclassical George Jakubson, Lawrence Kahn, Harry Katz, and labor economics since the early 1970s, and Marcus Rebick for their perspectives on postwar labor economics and comments on various drafts of this show how the neoclassical has been influ­ essay. enced by the institutional approach. Industrial and Labor Relations Review, Vol. 54, No. 2 (January 2001). © by Cornell University. 0019-7939/00/5402 $01.00 199 200 INDUSTRIAL AND LABOR RELATIONS REVIEW Our essay is an attempt to generate some Institutionalism began in the United insights into how economic thought about States at about the same time that Alfred labor issues has developed and been modi­ Marshall's Principles of Economics (1890) was fied over the past half century. It is not laying the groundwork for what we now call meant to be a survey of all aspects of labor neoclassical labor economics. Institution- economics, both neoclassical and institu­ alism's roots can be traced back to the tional. Our focus throughout is on the German historical school of economics, and development and modification of the neo­ some of its founders, such as Richard Ely, classical approach. We begin with the roots had been trained in Germany (McNulty of the two alternative approaches to study­ 1980:131-33; Kaufman 1993:30-31). Ely ing the labor market. described the economics that was taught in American universities in the 1870s and 1880s as "dry bones"—focusing entirely on The Historical "natural economic laws" and laissez faire, Antecedents of Two Traditions and seeing people as simply "instruments] During the interwar years, the entire by which wealth is created and not the end discipline of economics was characterized for which it exists" (Ely 1938:125-27). Ely by what one recent author (Yonay 1998) rejected this "barren" approach, and turned has termed a "struggle over the soul of his attention to the study of practical prob­ economics" between two fundamentally lems (including those facing the American distinct approaches toward understanding labor movement) using a variety of meth­ economic phenomena: neoclassical eco­ ods.1 In 1886 he published The Labor Move­ nomics and institutionalism. Neoclassical ment in America, which, while largely a his­ economics began in the late nineteenth torical work, is regarded by many as the first century as a challenge to the classical eco­ American labor economics text. nomics of David Ricardo and John Stuart In 1892 the University of Wisconsin hired Mill. It "replaced the individual economic Ely to be director of the newly formed agent as a sociological or historical datum School of Economics, Political Science, and by the utility-maximizing individual" History, and in 1904 he hired his former (Stigler 1969:225). Although classical eco­ student at Johns Hopkins, John R. Com­ nomics and neoclassical economics con­ mons, to teach labor economics. Com­ tained similar laissez-faire social philoso­ mons "turned the University of Wisconsin phies, the issues addressed by the two in Madison into a center of institutionalist schools were much different. Classical eco­ research, that is, of rigorous study of the nomics had focused on economic growth; evolution and practicing of various eco­ neoclassical economics focused on issues nomic organizations" (Yonay 1998:51). In of relative prices and allocation of a given 1905, two of Commons's colleagues at Wis­ set of resources. According to the English consin, Thomas Adams and Helen Sumner, economist Joan Robinson (1953:22), classi­ published a textbook entitled Labor Prob­ cal economics had been concerned with lems, which typified the institutionalist ap­ "big questions," such as the distribution of proach to labor economics. In the preface output among wages, rent, and profits. Adams and Sumner (1905:v) wrote that Neoclassical economics, on the other hand, assumed that the big questions had been "the principal aim of this book is to furnish answered, and focused on "little ques­ tions," such as "Why does an egg cost more than a cup of tea?" This new focus on prices and their underlying supply 'According to McNulty (1980:133), Ely's interests and demand conditions permitted ana­ were "so wide ... that only a fraction of the topics on lytical techniques thatwere deductive and which he wrote could be said to belong to the realm abstract, and in time this approach was to of economics." As evidence of his broad interests, become mathematical. Ely's graduate students later became professors of sociology and history as well as economics. THE NEOCLASSICAL TRADITION IN LABOR ECONOMICS 201 a convenient collection of facts that will which concerns itself with ... an institution or a facilitate the study and the teaching of the group of institutions and the consequences for American labor problem." The book had men of the operation of these institutions. two parts: "Evils" and "Remedies." "Evils" (Brissenden 1926) contained chapters on women and child In contrast to the institutional approach, labor, immigration, the sweating system, the neoclassical approach to labor econom­ and poverty. "Remedies" included chap­ ics—which emphasizes the word econom­ ters on unions, profit-sharing, cooperation, ics—is built upon posited maximizing mod­ industrial education, labor laws, and the els of firms and workers at the individual material progress of the wage-earning class. level, and it is ahistorical in nature. One In the same year Commons (1905) pub­ starts, as did Marshall, with certain funda­ lished a collection of recent papers by him­ mental principles about economic actors, self and others in a volume entitled Trade not a collection of facts, and from theoreti­ Unionism and Labor Problems, which comple­ cal analyses (often expressed and reasoned mented the Adams and Sumner text. Thus mathematically) are drawn hypotheses or emerged what was later called "institution- conclusions about labor market outcomes. alist labor economics." In its quest for analysis, this approach looks Instinationalist labor economics empha­ for general patterns rather than patholo­ sized the word labor. This approach was gies peculiar to certain institutions or mar­ kets. Put in terms of modern statistical fact-based, its methodology largely was in­ analysis, so widely used in testing hypoth­ ductive, and it generally relied on a case- eses about the labor market, the neoclassi­ study approach toward data-gathering. cal approach seeks to discover systematic From the intensive, often historical, study behavioral tendencies, and it comfortably rel­ of individual cases or events came detailed egates deviations from these tendencies to descriptions of various labor-market institu­ the "unexplained variation" of the error tions or outcomes. Followers of this institu­ term. tional approach differentiated "descriptive economics" from "economic theory," and The principal strength of the neoclassi­ saw their role as providing "data sufficiently cal approach is that it satisfies the scholarly concrete, definite, and convenient to form yearning for general principles that can a basis for analysis, discussion,