Phonological Development: Does Misperception Play a Role in Children's Misarticulations? Montreal Working Papers in Linguistics, Vol. 1
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Phonological Processes
Phonological Processes Phonological processes are patterns of articulation that are developmentally appropriate in children learning to speak up until the ages listed below. PHONOLOGICAL PROCESS DESCRIPTION AGE ACQUIRED Initial Consonant Deletion Omitting first consonant (hat → at) Consonant Cluster Deletion Omitting both consonants of a consonant cluster (stop → op) 2 yrs. Reduplication Repeating syllables (water → wawa) Final Consonant Deletion Omitting a singleton consonant at the end of a word (nose → no) Unstressed Syllable Deletion Omitting a weak syllable (banana → nana) 3 yrs. Affrication Substituting an affricate for a nonaffricate (sheep → cheep) Stopping /f/ Substituting a stop for /f/ (fish → tish) Assimilation Changing a phoneme so it takes on a characteristic of another sound (bed → beb, yellow → lellow) 3 - 4 yrs. Velar Fronting Substituting a front sound for a back sound (cat → tat, gum → dum) Backing Substituting a back sound for a front sound (tap → cap) 4 - 5 yrs. Deaffrication Substituting an affricate with a continuant or stop (chip → sip) 4 yrs. Consonant Cluster Reduction (without /s/) Omitting one or more consonants in a sequence of consonants (grape → gape) Depalatalization of Final Singles Substituting a nonpalatal for a palatal sound at the end of a word (dish → dit) 4 - 6 yrs. Stopping of /s/ Substituting a stop sound for /s/ (sap → tap) 3 ½ - 5 yrs. Depalatalization of Initial Singles Substituting a nonpalatal for a palatal sound at the beginning of a word (shy → ty) Consonant Cluster Reduction (with /s/) Omitting one or more consonants in a sequence of consonants (step → tep) Alveolarization Substituting an alveolar for a nonalveolar sound (chew → too) 5 yrs. -
Part 1: Introduction to The
PREVIEW OF THE IPA HANDBOOK Handbook of the International Phonetic Association: A guide to the use of the International Phonetic Alphabet PARTI Introduction to the IPA 1. What is the International Phonetic Alphabet? The aim of the International Phonetic Association is to promote the scientific study of phonetics and the various practical applications of that science. For both these it is necessary to have a consistent way of representing the sounds of language in written form. From its foundation in 1886 the Association has been concerned to develop a system of notation which would be convenient to use, but comprehensive enough to cope with the wide variety of sounds found in the languages of the world; and to encourage the use of thjs notation as widely as possible among those concerned with language. The system is generally known as the International Phonetic Alphabet. Both the Association and its Alphabet are widely referred to by the abbreviation IPA, but here 'IPA' will be used only for the Alphabet. The IPA is based on the Roman alphabet, which has the advantage of being widely familiar, but also includes letters and additional symbols from a variety of other sources. These additions are necessary because the variety of sounds in languages is much greater than the number of letters in the Roman alphabet. The use of sequences of phonetic symbols to represent speech is known as transcription. The IPA can be used for many different purposes. For instance, it can be used as a way to show pronunciation in a dictionary, to record a language in linguistic fieldwork, to form the basis of a writing system for a language, or to annotate acoustic and other displays in the analysis of speech. -
On the Treatment of Consonant Cluster Reduction
ON THE TREATMENT OF CONSONANT CLUSTER REDUCTION Young-Seok Kim In this paper we will consider a theory of Consonant Cluster Reduction (CCR) without deletion rules. Through its analysis of CCR and closely related phenome,1a in the phonology of Korean, this paper explains why CCR should be dealt with by a general convention which we shall refer to as Stray Erasure Principle. It will be shown that, though primarily based on the Korean language, this theory makes correct predic tions about similar phenomena in other typologically unrelated languages such as Menomini. 1. The Syllable Structure of Korean The phonemic inventory of Standard Korean comprises 9 (or 10) vowels and 21 consonants including glides. 1 At the phonetic level, only a limited number of con sonants (i.e. [p=], [t=], [k=], [1], [m], [n] and [IJ] are allowed in the syllable-final position because of Obstruent Neutralization. However, all the consonants can in principle occur both morpheme-initially2 and morpheme-finally provided we admit that there are some accidental gaps for some reason or other. True consonants can also occur before an on-glide y or w. The canonical syllable structure of Korean would then look like this: (1) ~ (C) (G) V (C) Since we do not find evidence supporting the syllable-internal hierarchical struc ture, we will take no account of the possibility of assigning G either to the onset (cf. B.-G. Lee 1982) or to the nucleus, which in turn is dominated by an upper node, namely the rime. Instead, we will adopt the basic idea of Clements and Keyser (1983), which is minimally different from the theory developed by Kahn (1976) in that it recognizes an intermediate CV tier between the syllable (0) and the phonemic melody 1 It has been taken for granted by many grammarians that vowel length is distinctive in the Seoul dialect (H.-B. -
Introduction: Constraints in Phonological Acquisition
1 Introduction: constraints in phonological acquisition René Kager, Joe Paten and Wim Zonneveld This volume presents ten studies in phonological first languageacquisition, an area of research that has become one of fast-growing importance in recent years. The reason for this is not just the fruitfulness and linguistic interest of this type of study per se: it is also thecase that the more we come to know about phonological development, by the analysis of growingnumbers of data collections and increasingly sophisticated experiments, themore the field has complied with the notion that acquisition research liesat the heart of the modern study of language. One of the aims of this introductionis to illustrate and discuss these developments. In line with them, thepast decade in phonology in particular has witnessed an upswell of productiveinteraction between empirical acquisition research and theory development. With thearrival and rise of constraint-based models, in particular Prince and Smolensky's(1993) Optimality Theory, phonological theory now providesa framework that meets the desiderata expressed more than two decadesago by Lise Menn (1980: 35-36), who is also a contributor to this volume: () ... The child'slonguetiedness',that overwhelming reality which Stampe and Jakobson both tried to capture with their respective formal structures, could be handled more felicitously if one represented the heavy articulatory limitations of the child by the formal device of output constraints I...1The child's gradual mastery of articulation then is formalized as a relaxation of those constraints. The rapid emergence of acquisition studies within OptimalityTheory reflects the general suitability of constraints for the formalisation ofdevelopmental limitations, as well as the usefulness of constraint ranking for expressingthe relaxation of these limitations. -
Lenition in Persian Phonological System Aliye Kambuziya1* Mahmoud Mobaraki2 1
Lenition in Persian Phonological System Aliye Kambuziya1* Mahmoud Mobaraki2 1. Associate Professor, Linguistics Department, Faculty of Humanities, Tarbiat Modares University, Iran 2. Ph.D. Student, Linguistics Department, Faculty of Humanities, Tarbiat Modares University, Iran * E-mail of the corresponding author: [email protected] Abstract This study deals with lenition processes according to the theoretical framework of generative phonology to answer the cited questions: How phonological processes are applied in Persian phonological system as lenition? In other words, how do the data support the application of lenition processes in Persian? In which contexts do lenition processes apply in Persian? Synthetic process typology of phonological processes is investigated according to the phonological pattern of Persian; finally the most frequent lenition processes are selected. To see how these processes are applied in Persian as lenition, Standard Persian and six dialects out of twenty five dialects which show these processes are selected. The data are gathered in field study. Then, each of the lenition processes is probed on the Persian varieties to find the alternatives and underlying forms which are important to decide how the lenition processes are applied; and to find the positions in which lenition processes take place. The collected data support the lenition processes in Persian. The data show that the lenition processes tend to occur in postvocalic, intervocalic and final positions; and the final position has the highest frequency for lenition processes to occur. This support Kenstowichz‟s idea that mentions word final is the typical position for lenition. Keywords: lenition processes, generative phonology, synthetic process typology, Persian phonological system 1.Introduction 1.1The Current Approaches to Lenition In traditional approach, the typology of phonological processes is dualistic. -
An Ultrasound Investigation of Secondary Velarization in Russian
An Ultrasound Investigation of Secondary Velarization in Russian by Natallia Litvin B.A., Minsk State Linguistic University, 2009 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Linguistics Natallia Litvin, 2014 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. ii Supervisory Committee An Ultrasound Investigation of Secondary Velarization in Russian by Natallia Litvin BA, Minsk State Linguistic University, 2009 Supervisory Committee Dr. Sonya Bird (Department of Linguistics) Supervisor Dr. John H. Esling (Department of Linguistics) Departmental Member iii Abstract Supervisory Committee Dr. Sonya Bird (Department of Linguistics) Supervisor Dr. John H. Esling (Department of Linguistics) Departmental Member The present study aims to resolve previous disputes about whether or not non-palatalized consonants exhibit secondary velarization in Russian, and if so what this corresponds to articulatorily. Three questions are asked: 1) are Russian non-palatalized consonants velarized or not? If so, 2) what are the articulatory properties of velarization? and 3) how is the presence or absence of secondary velarization affected by adjacent vowels? To answer these questions, laryngeal and lingual ultrasound investigations were conducted on a range of non-palatalized consonants across different vowel contexts. The results of the study show that 1) Russian non- palatalized consonants are not pharyngealized in the sense of Esling (1996, 1999, 2005), 2) /l/ and /f/ are uvularized, 3) /s/ and /ʂ/ can feature either uvularization or velarization. The study also shows that secondary articulations of Russian non-palatalized consonants are inherent rather than dependent on vowel context. -
The Effects of Phonological Processes on the Speech Intelligibility of Young Children
Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 10-20-1994 The Effects of Phonological Processes on the Speech Intelligibility of Young Children Susanne Shotola-Hardt Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the Speech and Rhetorical Studies Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Shotola-Hardt, Susanne, "The Effects of Phonological Processes on the Speech Intelligibility of Young Children" (1994). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 4780. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.6664 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. THESIS APPROVAL The abstract and thesis of Susanne Shotola-Hardt for the Master of Science in Speech Communication: Speech and Hearing Sciences were presented October 20, 1994, and accepted by the thesis committee and the department. COMMITTEE APPROVALS: .. \\ ....___ ____ ; --J6~n McMahon Sheldon Maron Representative, Office of Graduate Studies DEPARTMENT APPROVAL: ""' A * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * ACCEPTED FOR PORTLAND STATE UNIVERSITY BY THE LIBRARY b on £!luve-4* ~ /99</: . ABSTRACT An abstract of the thesis of Susanne Shotola-Hardt for the Master of Science in Speech Communication: Speech and Hearing Sciences presented October 20, 1994. Title: The Effects of Phonological Processes on the Speech Intelligibility of Young Children. The purpose of this study was to explore the relationship between occurrence of 10 phonological processes, singly and in groups, with mean percentage of intelligibility of connected speech samples. -
Sounds Difficult? Why Phonological Theory Needs 'Ease of Articulation'
SOAS Working Papers in Linguistics Vol. 14 (2006): 207-226 Sounds difficult? Why phonological theory needs ‘ease of articulation’ David Shariatmadari [email protected] Introduction In this paper I will try to show that theories of phonological structure must incorporate some measure of phonetic naturalness, specifically the idea that there exists a tendency to conserve energy in the use of the articulatory organs, with ‘easy’ sounds being those that require less physical effort to produce on the part of the speaker. I will call this the Ease of Articulation Hypothesis (EoA) 1. A strong form of EoA would state that articulatory phonetics is the sole motivating factor for sound patterns including the structure of phonemic inventories, phonotactics and morphophonemic variation. This is clearly false. If it were the case, phonology would be indistinguishable from phonetics. There would be no reason for a given phonological process not to apply in all languages, since all human beings have the same vocal apparatus and what is phonetically natural for a speaker of Turkish must also be phonetically natural for a speaker of Japanese. And yet, there are clearly many phonological differences between these two, and among all other languages. In contrast, a weak version of EoA might hold that articulation is one of a number of pressures competing for influence over the shape of the speech string. Some of the time it will win out. Whether or not it does depends, crucially, on the structure of the language concerned. Since every language has a different structure, the way in which phonetic influence is felt will be different for every language. -
PHONETICS and PHONOLOGY of REGRESSIVE VOICING ASSIMILATION in RUSSIAN NATIVE and NON-NATIVE SPEECH by Natalya Y. Samokhina
Phonetics and Phonology of Regressive Voicing Assimilation in Russian Native and Non-native Speech Item Type text; Electronic Dissertation Authors Samokhina, Natalya Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 29/09/2021 04:59:37 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/194543 PHONETICS AND PHONOLOGY OF REGRESSIVE VOICING ASSIMILATION IN RUSSIAN NATIVE AND NON-NATIVE SPEECH by Natalya Y. Samokhina _____________________ Copyright © Natalya Y. Samokhina 2010 A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the GRADUATE INTERDISCIPLINARY PROGRAM IN SECOND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AND TEACHING In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2010 2 THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE As members of the Dissertation Committee, we certify that we have read the dissertation prepared by Natalya Y. Samokhina entitled Phonetics and Phonology of Regressive Voicing Assimilation in Russian Native and Non-native Speech and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy _______________________________________________________________________ Date: Diane Ohala _______________________________________________________________________ -
An Apparent Example from Basque Juliette Blevins
Unexpected obstruent loss in initial obstruent–sonorant clusters: an apparent example from Basque Juliette Blevins (CUNY) & Ander Egurtzegi (IPS-LMU) To be published as: Blevins & Egurtzegi. 2017. “Unexpected obstruent loss in initial obstruent–sonorant clusters: an apparent example from Basque”, Phonology 34, 507-522. Abstract The apparent loss of initial obstruents in Basque borrowings from Romance (e.g. laru ≪ Lat. claru) is striking. While Proto-Basque is generally reconstructed as lacking initial clusters, the expected repair in loans, based on typology, phonology and phonetics, is copy-vowel epenthesis, not obstruent loss. Indeed, there is evidence for a vowel-copy process in Basque in other loans with obstruent–sonorant clusters (e.g. gurutze ≪ Lat. cruce). We suggest that initial obstruent loss before /l/ but not /r/ is related to Romance developments. In the Romance varieties in contact with Basque, /fl pl bl kl gl/ all show evidence of neutralisation to /ʎ/ word-initially. We hypothesise that obstruent loss in words like Basque laru reflects influence from local Romance languages at a time when Basque lacked /ʎ/. In contrast, vowel copy conforming to Basque syllable structure was the norm in Romance loanwords with clusters not affected by this process. 1. The preference for OR onset clusters The majority of work on tautosyllabic consonant clusters explains a cross- linguistic preference for obstruent-sonorant (OR) onset clusters over other cluster types in terms of the sonority hierarchy (Sievers 1881; Steriade 1982; Clements 1990; Blevins 1995; Berent 2013). Whether the sonority hierarchy adopted is the seemingly universal one shown in (1), or a more language-specific scale like those argued for in Steriade (1982) or Parker (2002), phonologists are largely in agreement on two points. -
Semitic Gutturals and Distinctive Feature Theory
University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics Volume 16 UMASS Occasional Papers -- Number 14 -- Papers in Phonology Article 3 1990 Semitic Gutturals and Distinctive Feature Theory John J. McCarthy University of Massachusetts, Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/umop Part of the Phonetics and Phonology Commons Recommended Citation McCarthy, John J. (1990) "Semitic Gutturals and Distinctive Feature Theory," University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 16 , Article 3. Available at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/umop/vol16/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. McCarthy: Semitic Gutturals and Distinctive Feature Theory Semitic Gutturals and Distinctive Feature Theory John J. McCarthy University of Massachusetts. Amherst 1 Introduction An adequate theory of phonological distinctive features must meet two criteria: (a) it must be able to describe all the distinctions made by the sound systems of any of the world's lan guages; and (b) it must be able to characterize the so-called nat ural classes of sounds in all languages. (A natural class is a set of sounds that are recurrently treated as a group by different phonological rules.) In practice. the second criterion for the adequacy of a distinctive feature theory is a good deal more important -- you can always make more distinctions by adding more features. but you generally cannot add nonredundant features to define more natural classes. -
Chapter on Phonology
13 The (American) English Sound System 13.1a IPA Chart Consonants: Place & Manner of Articulation bilabial labiodental interdental alveolar palatal velar / glottal Plosives: [+voiced] b d g [voiced] p t k Fricatives: [+voiced] v ð z ž [voiced] f θ s š h Affricates: [+voiced] ǰ [voiced] č *Nasals: [+voiced] m n ŋ *Liquids: l r *Glides: w y *Syllabic Nasals and Liquids. When nasals /m/, /n/ and liquids /l/, /r/ take on vowellike properties, they are said to become syllabic: e.g., /ļ/ and /ŗ/ (denoted by a small line diacritic underneath the grapheme). Note how token examples (teacher) /tičŗ/, (little) /lIt ļ/, (table) /tebļ/ (vision) /vIžņ/, despite their creating syllable structures [CVCC] ([CVCC] = consonantvowel consonantconsonant), nonetheless generate a bisyllabic [CVCV] structure whereby we can ‘clapout’ by hand two syllables—e.g., [ [/ ti /] [/ čŗ /] ] and 312 Chapter Thirteen [ [/ lI /] [/ tļ /] ], each showing a [CVCC v] with final consonant [C v] denoting a vocalic /ŗ/ and /ļ/ (respectively). For this reason, ‘fluid’ [Consonantal] (vowellike) nasals, liquids (as well as glides) fall at the bottom half of the IPA chart in opposition to [+Consonantal] stops. 13.1b IPA American Vowels Diphthongs front: back: high: i u ay I ә U oy au e ^ o ε * ] low: æ a 13.1c Examples of IPA: Consonants / b / ball, rob, rabbit / d / dig, sad, sudden / g / got, jogger / p / pan, tip, rapper / t / tip, fit, punter / k / can, keep / v / vase, love / z / zip, buzz, cars / ž / measure, pleasure / f / fun, leaf / s / sip, cent, books / š / shoe, ocean, pressure / ð / the, further / l / lip, table, dollar / č / chair, cello / θ / with, theory / r / red, fear / ǰ / joke, lodge / w / with, water / y / you, year / h / house / m / make, ham / n / near, fan / ŋ / sing, pink The American English Sound System 313 *Note: Many varieties of American English cannot distinguish between the ‘open‘O’ vowel /]/ e.g., as is sounded in caught /k]t/ vs.