January Chronology 2016
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
B U R M a B U L L E T
B U R M A B U L L E T I N ∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞A month-in-review of events in Burma∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞ A L T E R N A T I V E A S E A N N E T W O R K O N B U R M A campaigns, advocacy & capacity-building for human rights & democracy Issue 20 August 2008 • Fearing a wave of demonstrations commemorating th IN THIS ISSUE the 20 anniversary of the nationwide uprising, the SPDC embarks on a massive crackdown on political KEY STORY activists. The regime arrests 71 activists, including 1 August crackdown eight NLD members, two elected MPs, and three 2 Activists arrested Buddhist monks. 2 Prison sentences • Despite the regime’s crackdown, students, workers, 3 Monks targeted and ordinary citizens across Burma carry out INSIDE BURMA peaceful demonstrations, activities, and acts of 3 8-8-8 Demonstrations defiance against the SPDC to commemorate 8-8-88. 4 Daw Aung San Suu Kyi 4 Cyclone Nargis aid • Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is allowed to meet with her 5 Cyclone camps close lawyer for the first time in five years. She also 5 SPDC aid windfall receives a visit from her doctor. Daw Suu is rumored 5 Floods to have started a hunger strike. 5 More trucks from China • UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Burma HUMAN RIGHTS 5 Ojea Quintana goes to Burma Tomás Ojea Quintana makes his first visit to the 6 Rape of ethnic women country. The SPDC controls his meeting agenda and restricts his freedom of movement. -
Minorities Under Threat, Diversity in Danger: Patterns of Systemic Discrimination in Southeast Myanmar
Minorities under Threat, Diversity in Danger: Patterns of Systemic Discrimination in Southeast Myanmar Karen Human Rights Group November 2020 Minorities under Threat, Diversity in Danger: Patterns of Systemic Discrimination in Southeast Myanmar Written and published by the Karen Human Rights Group KHRG #2020-02, November 2020 For front and back cover photo captions, please refer to the final page of this report. The Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) was founded in 1992 and documents the situation of villagers and townspeople in rural southeast Myanmar through their direct testimonies, supported by photographic and other evidence. KHRG operates independently and is not affiliated with any political or other organisation. Examples of our work can be seen online at www.khrg.org. Printed copies of our reports may be obtained subject to approval and availability by sending a request to [email protected]. This report is published by KHRG, © KHRG 2020. All rights reserved. Contents may be reproduced or distributed on a not-for-profit basis or quotes for media and related purposes but reproduction for commercial purposes requires the prior permission of KHRG. The final version of this report was originally written in English and then translated into Burmese. KHRG refers to the English language report as the authoritative version. This report is not for commercial sale. The printing of this report is supported by: DISCLAIMER The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of Karen Human Rights Group and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of HARP Facility. Contents Introduction .................................................................................................... 4 Methodology .................................................................................................. 7 Abbreviations................................................................................................. 9 Map: KHRG’s operation area ..................................................................... -
2009 October 26, 2009 Highly Repressive, Authoritarian Military Regimes Have Ruled the Country Since 1962
Burma Page 1 of 12 Burma BUREAU OF DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND LABOR International Religious Freedom Report 2009 October 26, 2009 Highly repressive, authoritarian military regimes have ruled the country since 1962. In May 2008 the Government announced voters had approved a new draft Constitution in a nationwide referendum. Democracy activists and the international community widely criticized the referendum as seriously flawed. The new Constitution provides for freedom of religion; however, it also grants broad exceptions that allow the regime to restrict those rights at will. Although authorities generally permitted most adherents of registered religious groups to worship as they choose, the Government imposed restrictions on certain religious activities and frequently abused the right to freedom of religion. There was no change in the Government’s limited degree of respect for religious freedom during the reporting period. Religious activities and organizations were subject to restrictions on freedom of expression, association, and assembly. The Government continued to monitor meetings and activities of virtually all organizations, including religious organizations. The Government continued to systematically restrict efforts by Buddhist clergy to promote human rights and political freedom. Many of the Buddhist monks arrested in the violent crackdown that followed pro-democracy demonstrations in September 2007, including prominent activist monk U Gambira, remained in prison serving long sentences. The Government also actively promoted Theravada Buddhism over other religions, particularly among members of ethnic minorities. Christian and Islamic groups continued to struggle to obtain permission to repair existing places of worship or build new ones. The regime continued to closely monitor Muslim activities. Restrictions on worship for other non-Buddhist minority groups also continued. -
Burma's Political Prisoners and U.S. Sanctions
Burma’s Political Prisoners and U.S. Sanctions Michael F. Martin Specialist in Asian Affairs September 15, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R42363 c11173008 . Burma’s Political Prisoners and U.S. Sanctions Summary The release of all Burma’s political prisoners is one of the fundamental goals of U.S. policy. Several of the laws imposing sanctions on Burma—including the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003 (P.L. 108-61) and the Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE (Junta’s Anti- Democratic Efforts) Act of 2008 (P.L. 110-286)—require the release of all political prisoners before the sanctions can be terminated. The Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2014 (P.L. 113- 76) requires the Department of State and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to “support programs for former political prisoners” in Burma, as well as “monitor the number of political prisoners in Burma.” Burma’s President Thein Sein pledged during a July 2013 trip to the United Kingdom to release all “prisoners of conscience” in his country by the end of the year. Since his announcement, he granted amnesties or pardons on seven occasions. While President Thein Sein has asserted that all political prisoners have been freed, several Burmese organizations maintain that dozens of political prisoners remain in jail and that new political prisoners continue to be arrested and sentenced. Hopes for a democratic government and national reconciliation in Burma depend on the release of prisoners, including those associated with the country’s ethnic groups. Several ethnic-based political parties have stated they will not participate in parliamentary elections until their members are released. -
'Going Back to the Old Ways'
‘GOING BACK TO THE OLD WAYS’ A NEW GENERATION OF PRISONERS OF CONSCIENCE IN MYANMAR On 8 November 2015 Myanmar will hold widely anticipated general elections – the first since President Thein Sein and his quasi-civilian government came to power in 2011 after almost five decades of military rule. The elections take place against a backdrop of Under pressure from the international commu- much-touted political, economic, and social re- nity, in 2012 and 2013 President Thein Sein forms, which the government hopes will signal ordered mass prisoner releases which saw to the international community that progress is hundreds of prisoners of conscience freed after being made. years – and in some cases more than a decade – behind bars. These releases prompted cautious “As the election is getting near, most of the optimism that Myanmar was moving towards people who speak out are getting arrested. greater respect for freedom of expression. In I am very concerned. Many activists… are response, the international community began to facing lots of charges. This is a situation relax the pressure, believing that the authorities the government has created – they can pick could and would finally bring about meaningful up anyone they want, when they want.” and long-lasting human rights reforms. Human rights activist from Mandalay, “They [the authorities] have enough July 2015. laws, they can charge anyone with anything. At the same time, they want Yet for many in Myanmar’s vibrant civil society, to pretend that people have rights. But the picture isn’t as rosy as it is often portrayed. as soon as you make problems for them Since the start of 2014, the authorities have or their business they will arrest you.” increasingly stifled peaceful activism and dis- sent – tactics usually associated with the former Min Ko Naing, former prisoner of conscience and military government. -
Monthly Chronology of Burma's Political Prisoners for November
P.O Box 93, Mae Sot, Tak Province 63110, Thailand e.mail: [email protected] website: www.aappb.org ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Monthly Chronology of Burma's Political Prisoners for November, 2013 P.O Box 93, Mae Sot, Tak Province 63110, Thailand e.mail: [email protected] website: www.aappb.org SUMMARY OF THE CURRENT SITUATION 66 political prisoners were released on November 15th. This month also saw the sentencing of 30 activists, several of which paid fines rather than face imprisonment. A large number of those imprisoned are farmers sentenced under Section 18 of The Peaceful Assembly Law and Section 505 (b) of The Penal Code. MONTH IN REVIEW The release of 66 political prisoners is welcomed by AAPP (B) and we hope the end of the year will see the release of the remaining detainees. However it is important to remain aware of the high number of political activists who are still facing trial, particularly those who were part of the mass release this month. Individuals such as Naw Ohn Hla and Aung Soe and his colleagues are still facing further charges under various sections of law. It is possible that despite their recent release they will be convicted again very soon. Given the limitations imposed upon them by Section 401 releases, they face lengthy periods in prison under their current charges. A recent interview with Khin Nyunt, the former chief of Burma’s military intelligence unit, reiterates the attitude high ranking officials have taken towards political activists. He stated that “They are looking out for their own interests by saying they were imprisoned without reason. -
Urgent Action
Further information on UA: 14/16 Index: ASA 16/4371/2016 Myanmar Date: 1 July 2016 URGENT ACTION PRISONER OF CONSCIENCE U GAMBIRA RELEASED Prisoner of conscience U Gambira was released on 1 July after all charges against him were dropped by courts in Myanmar. On 1 July U Gambira, also known as Nyi Nyi Lwin, was released from Insein prison in Yangon after completing his sentence under immigration charges and after courts dropped all other charges pending against him. U Gambira was arrested on 19 January, several days after entering Myanmar from Thailand, where he had been living. As a Myanmar citizen, he had travelled to Myanmar to apply for a passport but was sentenced in April to six months in prison with hard labour for entering the country illegally. On 28 June he received additional charges in Yangon for activities dating back to 2012 when U Gambira was released after having been imprisoned since 2007 for his leading role in mass anti-government protests, known as the Saffron Revolution. Upon his release he tried to re-open monasteries which the authorities had closed down because of the activities of their monks during the Saffron Revolution. Amnesty International believed these charges to be politically motivated. U Gambira should have never been imprisoned in the first place. Amnesty International will continue to campaign for the release of all prisoners of conscience in Myanmar. Thank you to all those who sent appeals. No further action is requested from the UA network. This is the fourth update of UA 14/16. Further information: https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/ASA16/4339/2016/en/ Name: U Gambira Gender m/f: m Further information on UA: 14/16 Index: ASA 16/4371/2016 Issue Date: 1 July 2016 . -
A Chance to Fix in Time” Analysis of Freedom of Expression in Four Years Under the Current Government
Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization “A Chance to Fix in Time” Analysis of Freedom of Expression in Four Years Under the Current Government 4 Research Report “A Chance to Fix in Time” Analysis of Freedom of Expression in Four Years Under the Current Government Research Report Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization A Chance to Fix in Time: Analysis of Freedom of Expression in Four Years Under the Current Government Table of Contents Chapters Contents Pages Organisational Background d - Research Methodology 2 - Photo Copyright Chapter (1): Introduction 2 1.1 Background 1 1.2 Overall Analysis of Prosecutions within Four Years 4 Chapter (2): Freedom of Expression 8 2.1 Lawsuits under Telecommunications Law 9 2.2 Lawsuits under the Law Protecting the Privacy and Security 14 of Citizens 2.3 National Record and Archive Law 17 2.4 Lawsuits under Section 505(a), (b) and (c) of the Penal Code 18 2.5 Lawsuits under Section 500 of the Penal Code 23 2.6 Electronic Transactions Law Must Be Repealed 24 2.7 Lawsuits with Sedition Charge under Section 124(a) of the 25 Penal Code 2.8 Lawsuits under Section 295 of the Penal Code 26 2.9 Three Stats Where Free Expression Violated Most 27 Chapter (3): Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Procession 30 3.1 More Restrictions Included in Drafted Amendment Bill 31 Chapter (4): Media Freedom 34 4.1 News Media Law Lacks of Protection for Media Freedom and 34 Journalistic Rights 4.2 The Tatmadaw’s Filing Lawsuits Against Irrawaddy and 36 Reuters News Agencies a Table of Contents A Chance to -
USAID/BURMA MONTHLY ATMOSPHERIC REPORT October 2019
USAID/BURMA MONTHLY ATMOSPHERIC REPORT October 2019 Contract Number: 72048218C00004 Myanmar Analytical Activity Acknowledgement This report has been written by Kimetrica LLC (www.kimetrica.com) and Bindez Insights (https://bindez.com) as part of the Myanmar Analytical Activity, and is therefore the exclusive property of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Melissa Earl (Kimetrica) is the author of this report and reachable at [email protected] or at Kimetrica LLC, 80 Garden Center, Suite A-368, Broomfield, CO 80020. The author’s views in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. OCTOBER 2019 AT A GLANCE Fighting in Shan and Rakhine States Continues. In Shan State, 20 civilians were injured and 4 killed, and in Rakhine State 25 civilians were injured, at least 8 killed, and thousands displaced. (Pages 2 and 4) Tatmadaw and Kachin Independence Army Conflict Flares Up. For the first time since the Tatmadaw announced its unilateral ceasefire nine months ago, the Tatmadaw and the Kachin Independence Army fought in October. (Page 2) Karen National Liberation Army and Mon National Liberation Army Clash. The Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and the Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA) clashed in a territorial dispute this month in Ye Township, Mon State, and Kawkareik Township. (Page 2) Karen Martyr’s Day Organizers Found Guilty. Karen Martyr’s Day Organizers were sentenced to 15 days in prison for not cooperating with authorities under the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Law after organizing a peaceful march to commemorate Karen Martyr’s Day in Yangon. -
CPIN Template 2018
Country Policy and Information Note Burma: Critics of the government Version 3.0 January 2019 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the basis of claim section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment on whether, in general: • A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm • A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) • A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory • Claims are likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and • If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must, however, still consider all claims on an individual basis, taking into account each case’s specific facts. Country of origin information The country information in this note has been carefully selected in accordance with the general principles of COI research as set out in the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI), dated April 2008, and the Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation’s (ACCORD), Researching Country Origin Information – Training Manual, 2013. -
MYANMAR: Monk Receives 68 Years in Prison
MYANMAR: Monk Receives 68 Years in Prison Buddhist monk and activist U Gambira was arrested on 4 November 2007 in the search for the organizers of the major anti- government demonstrations that began in August 2007. The authorities brought the protests to an end with a violent crackdown in late September 2007. U Gambira is currently on trial under at least nine charges for his role in the demonstrations of August and September 2007. The laws he has been charged under include three security laws that have been used arbitrarily to criminalize peaceful political dissent. U Gambira's lawyer, Aung Thein, withdrew from the case on 1 October 2008 stating that U Gambira was not receiving a fair trial. He cited the court’s failure to allow him to prepare a defense and complained that the court had not provided him with a copy of the prosecutor’s file in advance of the trial. The court had also rejected his request for more time to discuss the allegations presented in the file with U Gambira. On 18 November 2008, U Gambira was sentenced to 12 years’ imprisonment by a special court inside Insein Prison. This was swiftly followed by two further sentences: on 20 November he was sentenced to 15 years in jail and then on 21 November he was given an additional 12 years with hard labor. Exact details of the sentences remain unclear but as of November 21, 2008, U Gambira has received a total of 68 years’ imprisonment. A total of 16 charges have been brought against U Gambira. -
¬¬Journal of Buddhist Ethics
Journal of Buddhist Ethics ISSN 1076-9005 http://blogs.dickinson.edu/buddhistethics/ Volume 19, 2012 The Burmese Alms-Boycott: Theory and Practice of the Pattanikujjana in Buddhist Non-Violent Resistance Martin Kovan University of Melbourne Copyright Notice: Digital copies of this work may be made and distributed provided no change is made and no alteration is made to the content. Re- production in any other format, with the exception of a single copy for pri- vate study, requires the written permission of the author. All enquiries to: [email protected]. The Burmese Alms-Boycott: Theory and Practice of the Pattanikujjana in Buddhist Non-Violent Resistance1 Martin Kovan2 Abstract This essay presents a general and critical historical survey of the Burmese Buddhist alms-boycott (pattanikujjana) be- tween 1990 and 2007. It details the Pāli textual and ethical constitution of the boycott and its instantiation in mod- ern Burmese history, particularly the Saffron Revolution of 2007. It also suggests a metaethical reading that consid- ers Buddhist metaphysics as constitutive of that conflict. Non-violent resistance is contextualized as a soteriologi- cally transcendent (“nibbanic”) project in the common life of believing Buddhists—even those who, military re- gime and martyred monastics alike, defend a fidelity to 1 Originally presented at the International Association for Buddhist Studies (I.A.B.S.) Conference, Taiwan, June 20-25, 2011. The author is grateful to Ashin Issariya, Ashin Kovida, U Nay Meinda and Ven. Pandita for their generosity. 2 School of Historical and Philosophical Studies, University of Melbourne. Email: [email protected]. Kovan, The Burmese Alms-Boycott 96 Theravāda Buddhism from dual divides of a political and humanistic fence.