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New Age, Vol. 15, No.8, June 25, 1914

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New Age, Vol. 15, No.8, June 25, 1914 PAGE PAGE NOTES OF THE WEEK. 169 READERSAND WRITERS.By R.H. C. 181 CURRENTCANT . 171 VIEWS AND REVIEWS: BUILDINGON SHAND.By FOREIGNAFFAIRS. By S. Verdad . 172 A. E. R. 182 TOWARDS NATIONAL GUILDS. By “National Guildsmen” 173 THE EASYSCHOOL OF PLAYWRITING. By Charles . - McEvoy 183 INDUSTRIAL UNIONISMAND THE GUILDSYSTEM. By . RECENTVERSE. By C. E. Bechhofer 183 G. D. H. Cole and W. Mellor . * 174 . THE NATIONALISTVOLUNTEERS. By L. G. Red- PASTICHE. By T. K. L., W. J. T., C. E. Bech- mond Howard . * 175 Stafford John hofer, . 185 GOD HELP GOD! By CharlesBrookfarmer . 176 LETTERSTO THE EDITORFROM R. B. Kerr, Mary DEMOCRACYIN ESSE AT HOLLANDPARK. By Elizabeth de Carlton, E. J. Moynihan, W. R., Walter Sickert . 177 P. C. Hoffmann, C. F. Dixon-Johnson, A. DRAMA.By FrancisJohnHope . 178 H. Hilmy, Theognis, Carl Eric, M. D. Eder, THROUGHARID GREECETO THE GREENISLE OF B., FelixElderly, Harold Gilman, Hugh CORFU. By RichardCurle . * 179 Blaker, Arifiglio . 187 ~- NOTES THE WEEK. Fromone point of view, of course,these men were OF autocrats; they did each what seemed right in E’his own Too much value must not be attributed to the apparent eyes. But from another point of view-a truerpoint of unanimity with which the Railwaymen’s officials carried view-each was for the time being and relatively to the most of theirresolutions at the recentCongress at circumstances, a genuineDemocrat, since the will of Swansea. Long practice has made the control of meet- each was found consenting with the hearts of all. Can ings comparatively easy to the wirepullers, and much of we saythat any of theexisting Trade Unionleaders thebusiness isconducted almost automatically. The (save, perhaps, Mr. Tom Mannin his ‘best days)is a decision, a fortnight ago, however, of the Miners’ Exe- man of thisstamp, a Democrat of thishigh temper? cutive to press for the abolition of the Three Shift Sys- Mr. Thomas is certainly not one of the kind, nor has tem should put us onour guard against accepting a the Railwaymen’s Union a man of the kind among their unanimous Executive or even a unanimous Congress as officials. Butthis only supports our forecast that not necessarily representative of the rank and file. In that much will happen as the result of the large campaign instance, as we know,it was only after the rank and now being undertaken. file of the miners had sought outside their officials for *** a spokesman that the officials acted; and then more in Onephrase alone in Mr. Thomas’sremarks atthe pique, we believe, thanin good faith. The same, we Congressindicated that he had any notion of public have no doubt, will prove .true in a certain measure of responsibility. We havesaid many times that in view the resolutions dutifully registered by the railway dele- of thetremendous power nowpossessed by thebig gates at Swansea. Of nearly a thousand branches, ac- Unions, it behoves their leaders to place before them- cording to Mr. Thomas, nearlya thousand supported selves a national as well as a sectional good. It ,is con- theproposals of theExecutive and,-in particular their trary to public policy that an association of a million absurd programme.But wait untilNovember comes men should be allowed to hold up society for their own round andthe reality of the men’s support of their interests exclusively. They must show us that their Executive is put to t xe test. We do not say that there gain will notbe our national loss ; they must prove will be any active disloyalty; but we are certain there to us that in seizing their new rights they are seizing will be a good deal of passivedisloyalty. The wills of new responsibilities with them. Otherwise the situation men simply cannotbe finessed or trickedinto active is one of anarchy merely. It appears that Mr. Thomas consent. The wirepullersmay succeed as theyusually and his colleagues have taken the letter of this law and do when nothingmuch depends upon it;but not all made a fetish of it, for they talked of responsibility with their engines will save them from disaster in the time of much unction but with the most pitiful understanding. peril. What is the resposibility it is apparent they have in ‘Y * * theirminds? Not, believe us,the responsibility of In reporting the results of the branch voting on the striking a blow for theredemption of theworking Executive’s programme and in adding that “the great classeswith the immense power theyhave now accu- object of the Executive was to meet the overwhelming mulated ; But the responsibility of keeping the present mass of opinion of the rank and file,” Mr. Thomas no peace ! Yes, that is it precisely. Having obtained their doubt believed himself to be planted with both feet upon power and having obtained it, as we affirm, solely for the rock of democracy. But that is not at all our idea the purpose of serving society by delivering at least one of acomplete ’ democracy,for leaders to allowthem- section of the proletariat from the degraded status of selves to be pushed ! Their business is something more wagery,they are now too timid to use the powerfor thanto await the pressure from behind of theover- thatpurpose, and talk instead of responsibility. Why, whelmingmass of their Union’s opinion, and then what would have been said of Napoleon or Lincoln or cautiously to shuffle a step- or two forward ; their busi- Cromwell, if, having prayed for popular power and been ness is to divine the will of the overwhelming mass of given it, they had straightway begun to make terms of their members and in its strength to leadthem where surrender with the enemy? Yet in talking of responsi- they want to go. Consider, for example, what kind of bilityin theirsense of theword, the Railwaymen’s a democratLincoln o’r Cromwell or Napoleon would leaders are guilty of just this moral feebleness. We re- have been, each to have waited to be pushed into action. peatthat their power does indeed carrywith it a re- 170 sponsibility ; but a responsibilityfor employing it for continued (chiefly by our readers,for the present), by the use for which it was designed ; and since that use, the time of the next Congress the foregoing resolution in our judgment, is no other than to lift a section of the will be widened in its scope to admit of a demand for proletariat out of wage-slavery (to the enormous relief directorialcontrol sans phrase. That, and that alone, of mind of the public at large), its use for anylesser will mark the beginning of the end of the wage-system. purpose is a diversion and a prostitution. +** +** Mr. Harold Cox on the need for popular instruction “Step by step,” said Mr. Thomas, “stage by stage in economics is a stale joke. The man himself has no . we shall have done something practical by means grasp whatever of the subject; for who does not now of our programme for the emancipation of the workers realise that while labourremains in the category of as a whole.” Would that we could believe it ! Would commodities wages can never rise is by confession an that we could, as economists,allow ourselves to be- obsoleteeconomist. But not only canwages never lieve it ! But, as wehave beforepointed out,there rise under the wage-system, but they will continue re- is not an item on the programme now adopted by the latively to fall, with the effect that step by step, stage Union that will emancipate by a single step or a single by stage, as Mr. Thomas would say, the wage-system stage a singlerailwayman, let alone “the workers as will fail to be able to provide even the means of sub- a whole.” Suppose even what is most improbable, that sistence of theproletariat. What, therefore, we are everydemand of theprogramme is conceded by the likely to see is the abolition of the wage-system by one Companies-where, in the first place, is the emancipa- means or another; by the capitalists acting through the tion of therailwaymen, and where,in the second,is machinery of the State, if the present drift continues ; theemancipation of the rest of the workers? Though or by Labour acting through blackleg-proof Unions if conceivably receiving more wages per week and enjoy- the present drift can be diverted. Now we do not say ing a littlemore leisure, the railwaymen will remain that Capital is more awareof the decision before it than exactly what they are to-day, men whose wills are under Labour is. On the contrary, there are among capitalists the direction of others.They will beno more free, thetwo parties of Progressivismand Conservatism no moreindependent, no more manly for selling their exactly as there are in the Labour movement; and of birthrightfor thirty rather than for twenty pieces of these two it is now one and now the other that makes silver a week. Responsibility will still be denied them ; its voice heard. For example, there is no doubt whatever they will be no more able than now to take a pride in in our minds that, with all his cant of philanthropy, Mr. their work or to feel within themselves that it is by free Lloyd George belongs definitely and consciously to the choice they are wherethey are. Inshort, they will party of Progressive Capitalism. What must betheir remain what they are, wage-slaves with not a step taken aim but to nationalise labour at its source, and what are nor a stage overpassed towards emancipation. And for the sources of labour but maternity and children? And therest of theworkers, what of them?Let us sup- thenturn to Mr.Lloyd George’s speech of Saturday pose that the cost to the Companies of the concessions last, and note how he declared that “we mean to extend now being demanded amounts to the estimated sum of the guardianship of the State over the children of the eight millionsper annum.It isnot an over-estimate, land.”The guardianship of the State-why notsay we believe, and thirteen millions is said to be nearer the virtualownership and done with it? ?’he children of mark.
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