Kagawa University Economic Review Vol.89,No.3, December2016,187－215

The Topology of Queerness and Jewishness in Buenos Aires

―― From “Silent Exile” to “Home” ――

Mitsuko Kawabata

1.Introduction

This paper explores the relationship between Jewishness and queerness and its influence on the socio-political landscape of Buenos Aires, Argentina. On July 21, 2010, Argentine president Cristina Fernández de Kirchner signed a bill to legalize same sex marriage, which was published the very next day. This event garnered both local and international attention due to the fact that it made Argentina the first country to officially recognize gay marriage in Latin America（Díez 2011, 13; Encarnación 2011, 104）. A month later, the Jewish queer organization JAG （also means “celebration” in Hebrew ”חג“ Judios Argentinos Gay ; “Chag” or） released the first Argentine film dealing with queerness and Jewishness, “Otro entre Otros,”（Other among Others）directed by one of JAG’s members, Maximiliano Pelosi（Sztajnszrajber, 2010）. Although JAG seemed to cease its social activities less than a year after the release of the film（Michanie 2013）, its activities have been revitalized since late 2013, when the young charismatic Reform rabbi, Sergio Bergman, became a deputy of the city legislature. In order to illuminate the topology of two identities－Jewish and queer－in Buenos Aires society, I examine the existing literature on Jewish and Argentine queerness and thus present a parallel history of both groups. Drawing on interviews with two figures who were involved with major Argentine queer organizations（JAG and another group called Keshet －188－ Kagawa University Economic Review 596

Argentina）, I consider the meaning of Jewish-queer in the discourse of “diversity” promoted by the city. Daniel Boyarin et al attempt to both explore and problematize the “forging connections”（2004, 9） between Jewishness and queerness. By considering the nature of “queer” as a complex and transgressive concept, rather than a simple replacement for “homosexual,” Boyarin’s study discusses the intersection of Jewish and queer identities. Meanwhile, in his ethnographic study of Jewish and queer organizations in Vienna, Matti Bunzl depicts the processes in which the two groups, both imagined as Other, have been incorporated into the city’s pluralistic cultural landscape（2004）. In contrast to Boyarin’s study, Bunzl takes a comparative approach, considering the two groups as having “parallel histories”（Ibid, 213）. Scholars have taken different approaches to the study of Argentine queer identity. Most studies focus on institutional history as it relates to civil rights movements and international LGBT networks（Díez 2011; Encarnación 2011; Friedman 2012）. These studies have depicted the paradoxical trend in gay-rights movements in Argentina and elsewhere in Latin America where social acceptance of homosexuality and the legalizing of same-sex civil rights do not necessarily correspond（Encarnación 2011）. While some studies have problematized existing forms of dominance in politics, economics, and sexuality, other studies examine the entry of queerness into existing cultural forms, such as tango, where queerness has been criticized as a re-exoticization and re-marketing of this performance art （Savigliano, 2010）. While both types of study have considered the circumstances facing ethnic and sexual minorities, none have explored how queer studies, Jewish studies, and Latin American studies are intertwined. Moreover, these studies fail to consider whether queerness and Jewishness are mutually permeable categories, rather than distinct groups. Regarding the mutability of identity, Judah Cohen discusses Jewish rap and hip-hop as a space where Jewish identity, creativity and masculinity are 597 The Topology of Queerness and Jewishness in Buenos Aires －189－

negotiated（2009）. Furthermore, Amy Horowitz discusses the mutability of musical formations and identities, shifting between insider and outsider, describing how music can cross multiple borders in multiple realms including music, geopolitics, ethnicity, and aesthetics（2010）. Applying the concept of mutability of identity to queer and Jewish identities in Argentina, I argue that JAG, as an organization explicitly dedicated to the gay Jewish community, provides a compelling opportunity to explore the politics of border crossing between two “minority” communities. Furthermore, I consider the dissolution of JAG in 2010－12 and its revitalization after 2013 in association with the social and political meanings of being Jewish and/or queer in Buenos Aires. By combining online archival research of multiple Argentine newspapers, including Clarín, Critica,and Nueva Sión, a brief institutional analysis, and personal interviews, I consider questions of congruence and friction along the multiple borders of ethnicity, religion, and sexuality that JAG embodies.

2. Parallel History of Jewishness and Queerness in Argentina

・The Study of Jewishness and Queerness The rhetorical and theoretical discussion of the relationship between Jewishness and queerness is associated with the ideological constructions of “Otherness” and “Ourness.” Under this dichotomy, scholars have discussed the two identities as either ethnic/racial or sexual Others, positioned against “normative” society. However, the relationship between Jewishness and queerness varies depending on the meaning of queer. One of the attempts to theorize Jewishness and queerness is Queer Theory and the Jewish Question（2003）by Daniel Boyarin et al .The essays in this volume mostly consist of literature studies and analyses of performances of Jewishness and queerness in specific texts. The approaches employed tend toward psychoanalysis or discussions of Jewishness and queerness as －190－ Kagawa University Economic Review 598

they relate to anti-Semitism and homophobia. Some studies explore the interplay between Jewish and sexually transgressive identities as a liminal space where “Jews （gay and straight）and gay men and women（Jewish and gentile）”（Freedman2004） encounter each other. Others, particularly the chapter “Queers Are Like Jews, Aren’t They ?” by Janet R. Jakobsen, argue that these two categories are intertwined but not “coextensive”（2003, 65）. By including Jakobsen’s criticism of the existing analogy between Jewish and queer, Boyarin et al attempt to take a holistic approach to the notion of queerness and help to establish this relatively new area of study ⑴ in both disciplines. In contrast to Boyarin et al , Matti Bunzl considers “the emergence of Jews and homosexuals as a quintessentially modern phenomenon”（2004, 16） in post- Holocaust Vienna. By tracing the trajectory of each sector from the post-war period through the 1990s, Bunzl discusses the transformation of Jews and queers from the subordinated “Others” in the process of national homogenization to a celebrative and “affirmative alterity”（Ibid, 218）in the constructive pluralization of the post-national era. Like Jakobsen, who claims that viewing the relationship between Jews and queers as complicitous reveals networks of power（2003, 80）, Bunzl reconsiders the structural similarities of both sectors as co-actors in the nation building process and thus reveals the transformative relationship between national and post-national powers and groups imagined as “Others.” Another trend in the study of Jews and queers is its incorporation into the discourse of newness. Caryn Aviv and David Shneer（2002; 2005）explore the intersection between Jewishness and queerness. While Aviv and Shneer view queerness as “ambiguous and postmodern”（2002, 8）, they emphasize its “newness” by describing the relationship between Jewishness and queerness as “dialectical” （Ibid）. The authors clearly state that “Queer Jews are new Jews”（Aviv and Shneer 2005, 136）, since individuals as well as organizations straddle multiple communities across countries according to an individual’s allegiances to sexual, religious, and 599 The Topology of Queerness and Jewishness in Buenos Aires －191－

ethnic identities. Aviv and Shneer apply the concept of “home” to queer Jews, and compare queer politics between the United States and Israel, including the institutionalization of the LGBT movement, legal systems, and organizational activities. For example, the authors explain that Israel, “home” for many Jews, offers legal rights for queer Jews, but the society is still “more overtly intolerant of queer sexualities”（Ibid, 118）. In contrast, the United States, regarded as the “diaspora,” can offer a safer place for queer Jews because of the discourse of pluralism in American Jewish life and thus becomes a “home” for them, despite the lack of legal protection at that time. Given such disparate types of “home” for queer Jews, the authors incorporate queer Jews into a broader category of new Jews, ⑵ rather than problematizing the hybridized identity. Other studies, particularly in sociology, consider the topology of Jewishness and queerness by focusing on the negotiation of two identities at an individual level. Randal Schnoor explores the “double-minority” feeling among Jewish gay men in Toronto, Canada（Schnoor 2006）. Schnoor describes how these two identities intersect and are constantly negotiated, categorizing them into the four Jewish-gay types（Jewish lifestylers, gay lifestylers, gay-Jewish commuters, and gay-Jewish ⑶ integrators）based on the “ideal gay types” discussed by Wayne Brekhus（2003）. Similarly, Katie M. Barrow and Katherine A. Kuvalanka also discuss the double- minority feeling among Jewish lesbians in the United States by focusing on how they negotiate their identity in its association with religious life（2011）. While these studies focus on the negotiation between Jewishness and sexuality, they also emphasize the point that religious identity, rather than ethnic identity, is a key factor in accepting and even constructing their sexual identity. In other words, being a Jew, or part of “a religious minority”（Barrow and Kuvalanka 2011, 484）helps individuals to accept their sexual minority status. Although some studies acknowledge the fluidity of sexuality in the meaning of queer（Schnoor 2006, 46; Barrow and Kuvalanka2011）, these studies explain the mutual relationship between －192－ Kagawa University Economic Review 600 both identities only in terms of the dichotomy of Jewishness and queerness, rather than focusing on how each sector co-acts in its relation to the surrounding culture. While these studies offer theoretical perspectives on the relationship between Jewishness and queerness, none of the existing literature has explored the same issue in an Argentine context. In order to address this scholarly lack, I utilize some of the theories outlined by these scholars, particularly those applied by Bunzl to JAG and its involvement with queer Jews in Buenos Aires. Comparing the trajectories of the two groups reveals multiple political, social, and cultural networks behind the processes of social mobility. However, this approach cannot fully explain the nature of JAG, where Jews, non-Jews, queers, non-queers, and combinations of these identities intersect and interact. Thus, the discussion of the topology of Jewishness and queerness in Argentina requires first a discussion of Argentine queerness.

・The study of queerness in an Argentine context In contrast to works on Jewishness and queerness which consider the topology of each identity, many studies dealing with the relationship between queerness and Argentineness are either from political science, focusing on the institutional history of the GLBT rights movement, or from cultural studies, examining current cultural practices related to the issue, particularly queer tango. Stephen Brown traces the development of the LG（Lesbian and Gay） movement in Argentina from the 1960s to the present. Brown discusses the rhetoric between the gay rights movement and the human rights movement used by multiple LG organizations under military regimes from the 1960stothe1980s. Brown implies that these movements contributed to a larger anti-military movement. In fact, the most influential LGBT organization, Comunidad Homosexual Argentina（CHA, Argentine Homosexual Community）, participated in the protest of the Madres de la ⑷ Plaza de Mayo（Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo）in 1986（CHA Website）,which 601 The Topology of Queerness and Jewishness in Buenos Aires －193－

symbolized the location of queers under the military-based government（Brown 2002, 135）. After indicating that transgender and transvestite issues were ⑸ incorporated into the existing LG movement in the 1990s, Brown also classifies the current LGBT organizations into the following types : 1）assimilationist organizations, attempting to “ normalize ” homosexuality, 2）civil-rights-based associations favoring legal reform, which, they believe, will eventually lead to cultural acceptance, and 3）radical groups, which challenge the nature of sexual identity（2002, 128－131）. Brown supports the second type of group, which he calls “a middle ground…, in which diversity is harnessed as a strength”（Ibid, 132）. Brown suggests that the extreme left and right both prohibit further discussion, thus preventing genuine social transformation. Interestingly, Brown intentionally avoids the word “queer,” since “it is not an integral part of the movement’s discourse ; in fact, it is disliked by many activists because it brackets important differences within a very diverse community of nonheterosexuals”（Ibid, 135）. Omar G. Encarnación also traces the trajectory of the gay rights movements in Argentina. In contrast to Brown, who generally focuses on the achievements of the LGBT movement, Encarnación examines the paradox between the legalization process and the lack of popular acceptance of homosexuality in Latin America, which is similar to the case in Israel discussed by Aviv and Shneer（2005, 110－ 112）. After examining the rhetoric of the gay rights movement as a human rights movement modeled from other LGBT organizations in Europe and the United States, Encarnación argues that Argentina’s legalization of same-sex marriage was simply a strategy by the president Cristina Fernández de Kirchner to gain urban voters after “her governing coalition lost its majorities in Congress”（2011, 113）. Encarnación also focuses on the economic aspects of LGBT movements. For example, he points out that the struggle for marriage equality in Argentina began during Argentina’s economic crisis around2002, “with the creation of same-sex civil unions in Buenos Aires”（Ibid, 105）. Interestingly enough, this move happened at almost the same －194－ Kagawa University Economic Review 602 time at which the City of Buenos Aires issued a ten-year cultural plan aiming at the “democratization of culture ; the mobilization of urban culture and identity as economic resources”（Kanai and Ortega-Arcázar 2009, 492; Luker 2010, 89－90）. Although Encarnación does not explicitly discuss the meaning of queerness, his discussion of the relationship between the LGBT movement and the Argentine economic and political situation allows a deeper consideration of how queerness can fit into the city’s creation of a diverse cultural landscape, which I discuss later. Elisabeth Friedman focuses on the economic aspects of the LGBT human rights movement in Argentina（2012）and the use of cyber space as a “safe place” or “shelter” and a community for lesbians（2007）. Friedman’s discussion of online communities for lesbians not only points out the intra-national and international nature of cyber space but also the power differentials among LGBT communities. According to Friedman, the location of lesbians has been different from other sexual minorities, due to the hatred of gay men and homophobia from straight feminists. The danger in creating a physical space for lesbian communities has led them to create online communities. Friedman’s view of LGBT communities as heterogeneous group corresponds with Brown’s avoidance of the concept of queerness. However, Friedman takes a more neutral position toward the meaning of queerness, stating that “Some movements and organizations opt for variations, including the addition of ‘Transsexual,’ ‘Transvestite,’ ‘Intersex,’ and/or ‘Queer’ into their respective initials”（Friedman2012, 331）. While organizational studies of the LGBT movement in political science offer information as well as a discussion of the hegemony related to the concept of queer, they do not provide any example of what kind of activities each organization promotes and how the government supports those activities. The cultural aspects of the LGBT movement in Argentina have not been well explored, although those organizations have actively promoted their goal of democratization of sexuality in multiple cultural forms, including film, dance, and theatre. For example, one of 603 The Topology of Queerness and Jewishness in Buenos Aires －195－

the most influential LGBT organizations, CHA, presented a series of films about sexual diversity at Museo de Arte Latinoamericano de Buenos Aires（MALBA, Latin American Art Museum in Buenos Aires）in June, 2010. CHA also supported the “Queer Tango Marathon” created by Instituto Universitario Nacional del Arte （IUNA, National University Art Institute） and Instituto Nacional contra la Discriminación, la Xenofobia y el Racismo（INADI, National Institute against Discrimination, Xenophobia, and Racism）in 2010. Another sponsor of the Tango Marathon, Sociedad Integración Gay Lésbica Argentina（SIGLA, Argentine Society for Gay and Lesbian Integration）, has created a series of events called Café Cultural, where musical concerts, theatres, and art exhibitions based on the LGBT theme are offered（SIGLA website）. Marta Savigliano briefly discusses the current situation from the perspectives of tango’s original heterosexual nature and the capitalization on this cultural form. She suggests that it is a vehicle for dancers of same-sex tango to express their queer identities and thus challenge existing sexual norms（Savigliano 2010, 143）. Additionally, Savigliano considers the emergence of queer tango as a re- exoticization of tango, which attracts lesbian and gay tourists from other countries. ⑹ In fact, the tango teacher Javier Guiraldi at the Queer tango venue “The Marshall” explains that forty percent of visitors are from other countries（Santangelo 2012）. However, Savigliano’s discussion does not consider how queer tango serves as an intersection between creative expressions, dancers’ searches for financial support, technical practices, tourist strategies of the city government, and LGBT organizations’ efforts to create their own community. Interestingly, the Festival Tango Queer that Savigliano attended is sponsored by both the city of Buenos Aires and the cultural department of Argentina’s national government, the airline company KLM, and INADI. Meanwhile, none of the existing queer organizations in Argentina are officially listed. Without examining the socio-political background of the LGBT movement and the city’s cultural policy, Savigliano’s perspective －196－ Kagawa University Economic Review 604

results in the further Othering of the queer tango by simply comparing it to the “regular” tango. As we have seen, studies in political science have examined the politics of queer identity from organizational perspectives. While Brown intentionally avoids the term “queer” due to the differences among LGBT organizations, other scholars consider “queer” as one of many choices to address an organizational identity. On the other hand, cultural practices or expressions related to queer identities in Argentina have not been well explored, although numerous events have been created in multiple spheres, including LGBT organizations, the Buenos Aires city government, and national academic and artistic institutes. However, none of the studies have explored how Jewish identity can fit into the context of Argentine queerness.

3. JAG : From “Silent Exile” to “Home”

・The location of Jewish and queer organizations from the military regime through the1990s Table1 provides a chronology of major events in the histories of both LGBT and Jewish organizations in Argentina from1969to1994.

⑺ Table1: Chronology of Jewish/Queer Organizations in Buenos Aires from1969to1994 Year LGBT Organization Jewish Organization 1969 Nuestro Mundo（Our World） 1971 Frent de Liberación Homosexual（FLH, Homosexual Liberation Front） 1980 El Movimiento Judío por los Derechos Humanos（MJDH, Jewish Movement for Human Rights） 1982 Coordinadora de Grupo Gays（Coordinating Committee of Gay Group） 605 The Topology of Queerness and Jewishness in Buenos Aires －197－

1984 Comunidad Homosexual Argentina（CHA, Argentine Homosexual Community） 1989 Asociación Travestis Argentinas （ATA, Association of Argentine Transvestites）, which is later incorporated into Asociación de Travestis Transexuales y Transgeneros （ATTA, Association of Argentine Trans- vestites, Transsexuals and Transgender） in 1996

1991 Gays y Lesbianas por Los Derechos Civiles （Gays DC, Gays and Lesbians for Civil Rights） 1992 Sociedad Integración Gay Lésbica ［The bombing of Israeli Embassy in Argentina（SIGLA, Argentine Society for Buenos Aires］ Gay and Lesbian Integration） Grupo de Investigación en Sexualidad e Interacción Social（ISIS, Research Group on Sexuality and Social Interaction）

The first Gay Pride Parade 1994 Asociación Lucha por la Identidad Travesti ［The bombing of Asociación Mutual y Transexual（ALITT, Association Fighting Israelita Argentina （AMIA, Argentine for Transvestite and Transsexual Identity） Israelite Mutual Association）］

After a period of continual alteration between populism, led by the Peronistas, and military authoritarianism, the political situation of Argentina shifted to a military regime after the 1976 military coup led by Jorge Rafael Videla（1925－2013）, Roberto Eduardo Viola（1924－94）, Leopoldo Galtieri（1926－2003）, and Reynaldo Bignone（b.1928）. The new government led by president Videla named the movement the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional（The National Reorganization Process）. This political action was also called the Dirty War, which involved systematic “human rights violations, including torture, rape, and extrajudicial killings”（O’Donnell 2009, 345）. The number of victims differs depending on the source, from the official estimates of 9，000, through as many as 30，000; victims －198－ Kagawa University Economic Review 606

included people with different political, social, religious, economic, and sexual backgrounds（Ibid ; Encarnación2011, 106;Kaz2011）. Argentine Jewish communities’ reactions toward the military regime were ambivalent and changed over time. A JTA article published right after the military coup reported, “There are no indications that the junta［military］will adopt any special policies toward the Jews”（JTA 1976）. Although Nehemias Resnizky, the president of the Delegación de Asociaciones Israelitas Argentinas（DAIA, The Delegation of Argentine Jewish Associations）, emphasized the necessity of speaking out against “the growing anti-Semitism in Argentina”（JTA 1977）, he did not connect this anti-Semitism with the military regime. In fact, Resnizky later stated that the situation was better than before the military regime, referring to the DAIA’s efforts to warn the government about the anti-Semitic situation（JTA 1979）.In reality, however, the contemporary situation of Jews in Argentina was more complex. As Paul Katz points out, the DAIA intentionally took a pro-military approach due to their desire for security and normalcy（Katz 2011）. In fact, the DAIA’s 1999 report explains that the genocide conducted by the military regime affected various populations and such an action also had systematic planning and anti-Semitic connotations（Braylan et al. 2000, 21）. In contrast to the DAIA’s compromising approach, the awareness of human rights among Jewish people led to the creation of El Movimiento Judío por los Derechos Humanos（MJDH, Jewish Movement for Human Rights）in 1980, led by the Brooklyn-born Marshall Meyer. On October 24 of that year, the MJDH conducted a protest in Buenos Aires（JTA 1983）. Although many people recognized the end of the military regime after its defeat in the Falkland’s War（known as the Guerra de las Malvinas in Argentina）, DAIA prevented the MJDH from taking action（Katz 2011, 379）. As a result, both sides emphasized that the MJDH was an independent organization from the DAIA. The development of the LGBT movement in Argentina is also closely 607 The Topology of Queerness and Jewishness in Buenos Aires －199－

associated with the military regime. The first LGBT organization created in ⑻ Argentina was the left-leaning group Nuestro Mundo（Our World）,manyof whose members also belonged to the banned Communist party（Díez 2011, 14）. The repression of homosexuals during the military regime between the 1960sand 1970s stimulated the creation of another group, Frente de Liberación Homosexual （FLH, Homosexual Liberation Front）. These organizations were dissolved in the 1970s by the military government. In1982, the new group Coordinadora de Grupo Gays（Coordinating Committee of Gay Group）appeared. However, due to the declaration of Comando Cóndor against homosexuals（Brown 2002, 121）,the further development of the LGBT movement was delayed until the return to democracy in1983. After returning to democracy, Jewish organizations began focusing on exploring the multicultural discourse by collaborating with the government of Buenos Aires. For example, Asociación Mutual Israelita Argentina（AMIA, Argentine Israelite Mutual Association）organized the conference “Pluralismo e Identidad : lo judío en la literatura latinoamericana”（Pluralism and Identity : Jewishness in Latin American Literature）between August 9 and 11, 1986, in Buenos Aires. However, because of the1992destruction of the Israeli Embassy and the1994bombing of AMIA, the 1990s were both traumatic and a watershed moment for Jewish communities in Argentina. The DAIA supported AMIA and commissioned Gabriel Levinas to investigate this disastrous event. Since then, AMIA has promoted multiple commemorative events and publications, reinforcing the significance of Jewish communal ties. The official website of the AMIA proclaims : “The bombing forced ［us］to conceive a new era. On the rubble, the creative strength of a community is settled to preserve the legacy of rich cultural tradition that honors life and prioritizes ⑼ justice.” While other popular movements gradually declined after returning to ⑽ democracy, the LGBT movement was further energized and diversified in the1990s. －200－ Kagawa University Economic Review 608

Particularly after CHA was created in 1984, many LGBT organizations were born : Gays y Lesbianas por Los Derechos Civiles（Gays DC, Gays and Lesbians for Civil Rights）in 1991; SIGLA, the Grupo de Investigación en Sexualidad e Interacción Social（ISIS, Research Group on Sexuality and Social Interaction）in1992;andthe Asociación Lucha por la Identidad Travesti y Transexual（ALITT, Association Fighting for Transvestite and Transsexual Identity）in 1994. Importantly, the first Lesbian and Gay Pride Parade in Argentina was conducted in Buenos Aires in1992, involving multiple LGBTQ organizations, including CHA and SIGLA. Interestingly, the Jewish and LGTBT human rights movements were both initially opposed to the military regime. But, after the 1990s, their interests diverged, with the exception that both groups still actively fought against discrimination based on sexuality and anti-Semitism. However, the foundation of INADI in 1995（which formally began acting in 1997） provides a connection between the two movements. Under their “promotion and development of practices against discrimination,” the issues of sexuality and Judaism are listed along with other communities, such as Muslims, indigenous groups, and immigrants（INADI website）.

・The economic crisis and the emergence of Jewish queer organizations : Keshet Argentina and JAG The2001economic and political crisis in Argentina caused a significant cultural shift in Buenos Aires. Moving away from the previous elite-oriented high culture represented by Theatre Colón, the policy-makers within the city government considered local popular cultures as a “newly productive resource for economic and social development”（Luker2010, 90）. For this purpose, the city of Buenos Aires organized “extended financial support for young artists and creators”（Kanai and Ortega-Alcázar 2009, 492）and thus a variety of cultural activities exploded in the ⑾ city. The interests of both INADI and the city of Buenos Aires are clearly reflected 609 The Topology of Queerness and Jewishness in Buenos Aires －201－

in multiple processes of re-incorporating minorities into the national body. Examples include the Festival Queer Tango, the Queer Tango Marathon, and a music concert for el Día de los Pueblo Indígenas（Indigenous Group Day）. With this social, political, and cultural background, in 2004, the first Jewish queer organization Keshet Argentina was created by Germán Vaisman, who owned his own architectural firm in Argentina（Aviv and Shneer 2005, 122）. Vaisman ⑿ traveled to Boston, where the original Keshet was located, and created his own organization with the same name. In a personal interview, Vaisman explained the motivation to create Keshet Argentina by describing the contemporary situation of gays and lesbians in the Jewish community as a “silent exile”（Vaisman2012）.

“There was no aggressiveness or there was nothing that prevented people to be gay or lesbian. But there was no talk. So, gays and lesbians didn’t talk at all. It was very, very quiet…”（Ibid）.

Vaisman was born in Buenos Aires at the end of the military regime and lived there through the post-military era. As a “cultural Jew” who went to a Zionist Jewish school, Vaisman explains that his “first struggle”（Ibid）happened while he was in Israel. While he had already realized his sexual identity, being in the “closet,” Vaisman could not openly talk about this issue with anybody. Vaisman explains that the feeling of guilt made him leave his Jewish community. The dilemma that Vaisman faced, being both Jewish and gay, was a major factor in his decision to create Keshet Argentina. Luxner and Setton argue that the main goal of Keshet Argentina was to create social change within the Jewish community（Luxner 2005; Setton 2012, 2）, rather than creating an intersection between Jews and non-Jews with other sexualities. According to their 2006 website, Keshet Argentina had the following goals : －202－ Kagawa University Economic Review 610

1）To contribute to the development of institutional studies and initiatives oriented to the inclusion of sexual diversity in the Jewish experience. 2）To encourage the inclusion of questions of sexual diversity in the social, cultural, political and educational agenda of different Spanish-speaking Jewish institutions. 3）To promote the awareness of critical thinking forms and equality of ⒀ opportunity in education through access to information.

Vaisman explained that Keshet Argentina had three major activities. The first was to release information through the mass media ; the second, to give presentations about Jewish gay life at Jewish and non-Jewish organizations ; and the third, to offer cultural activities, particularly movie screenings related to Jewish ⒁ queer themes, including “Yossi and Jagger”（2002）（Vaisman2012）. While Keshet Argentina presented at multiple Jewish organizations to create awareness of sexual minorities within the Jewish community, my conversation with Vaisman revealed that his personal goal was to create an open-minded Jewish community through education, rather than being a political activist.

“It was important for me to have the community, at least the Jewish community, the community that I used to belong, to give the kids that are coming to the community and opportunity to be able to stay in the Jewish community and still being gay, lesbian, or bisexual or transgender. For me, it was a very passionate thing”（Ibid）.

In 2007, Keshet Argentina was incorporated into JAG. As Luxner, Setton, and Vaisman explain, JAG’s objective was socialization, rather than joining political movements for LGBT rights（Luxner 2005; Setton 2012, 2; Vaisman 2012）. Their goals included the following : 611 The Topology of Queerness and Jewishness in Buenos Aires －203－

1）To promote the acceptance and inclusion of sexual diversity from a Jewish framework through educational and cultural activities. 2）To denounce and fight against discrimination. 3）To produce and transfer knowledge related to the axis of sexual diversity and Judaism toward the construction of a truly inclusive community. To ⒂ promote Jewish values.

Interestingly, while Keshet Argentina situates sexual orientation in the Jewish experience, JAG hopes that Jewish values can help to liberalize conservative attitudes toward sexual minorities. As the current leader of JAG, Gustavo Michanie, explained in a personal interview, what JAG was aiming at was not Argentine society in general, but Jewish communities, which were closed to the idea of sexual minorities（Michanie2013）. Additionally, the third objective emphasizes the group’s relationship to Judaism. In fact, in 2006, JAG became part of Fundación Judaica（Judaic Foundation）led by Rabbi Sergio Bergman to secure their ⒃ “institutional and financial support”（Setton2012, 3; Vaisman2012）. In order to understand the nature of JAG as “a holistic and unfolding enterprise”（Kelner 2011, 265）, institutional analysis can offer insights into the organization’s place at the intersection between Jewishness and queerness in Buenos Aires（Ibid, 261）. Figure1is a diagram of the relationship between JAG and other institutions represented by their logos, which also reveal each organization’s agenda. The logo of JAG consists of the symbolic rainbow color ; both the color and shape resembles that of DAIA. The relationship between JAG and DAIA started around 2008 and DAIA changed the design of the logo around 2009 to represent their engagement with diversity in Judaism（Michanie2013）. Besides Fundación Judaica and DAIA, JAG received support from the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee（JDC）, whose office has been in Buenos Aires since 1943（JTA 1944）. Additionally, JAG has been listed as a －204－ Kagawa University Economic Review 612

Figure1: The relationship between JAG and other institutions

member of INADI and the Federación Argentina LGBT（FALGBT）since2008. The diagram illustrates JAG’s transinstitutional nature in the multi-layered contexts of religion, ethnicity, and sexuality. While its connection with Fundación Judaica, DAIA, and JDC reflects JAG’s concern with Jewish identity, its affiliation with FALGBT and INADI suggests that the organization’s Jewishness and issues of sexuality still locate it as a minority in Buenos Aires. My personal interviews with Vaisman and Michanie can contribute to a deeper understanding of JAG’s role in the community and the meanings of its dissolution and revitalization. Vaisman explained that JAG had faced continual financial struggles. The group relied on volunteer work and an endowment from Fundación Judaica, which provided office space for JAG in their own building and created the paid position of director for JAG for about three years（Vaisman2012）. Regarding this support from Fundación Judaica, both Vaisman and Michanie emphasized that the most important part of the incorporation was that their inclusion facilitated JAG’s social recognition. To some extent, the role of DAIA was very similar and helped JAG to facilitate the incorporation of Jewish sexual minorities into the Jewish 613 The Topology of Queerness and Jewishness in Buenos Aires －205－

community. Between 2010 and 2012, after financial support from Fundación Judaica ended, JAG had to cease its social activities, but in the meantime some of the members focused on educational programs by presenting at schools to create ⒄ awareness of sexual minorities in Judaism（Michanie2013）. In contrast, JDC offered little financial support, while INADI and other LGBT foundations did not provide any. Michanie recalled the role of JDC as they “offered space to talk about diversity”（Michanie2013）. JAG and INADI formed a “political alliance”（Vaisman 2012）, which meant that the latter promoted JAG’s events. Except for the financial support from Fundación Judaica, all the cultural activities were maintained by volunteers and entrance fees for events. For example, some members provided a space to screen movies, while others hosted occasional meetings（Vaisman2012）. While Vaisman expressed positive impressions of both INADI and other Jewish organizations, including Fundación Judaica, his response to my question about the relationship between JAG and the LGBT Federation seemed to be less enthusiastic : “We were not active members. We didn’t want to”（Ibid）. Vaisman explained that JAG was not actively communicating with other LGBT organizations due to the difficulty of maintaining JAG itself. However, he said, “No one wanted to spend time going to other political stuff”（Ibid）. On the other hand, Michanie did not express any sense of distance from the LGBT movement, simply saying, “They do not do things together so much”（Michanie 2013）. Although the community attempted to closely align itself with Judaism, Vaisman explained that there were more exchanges and dialogues crossing different organizations at the individual level. Darío Sztajnszrajber’s interview with two members of JAG, Vaisman and Pelosi, on Nueva Sión（2010）, and my interview with Vaisman display the role of JAG as a catalyst for members of JAG as well as of the broader Jewish and LGBT communities. According to Vaisman, about10－15％ of JAG members were －206－ Kagawa University Economic Review 614 non-Jewish people who, however, had Jewish partners. Both Jewish and mixed couples obtained information about JAG from other LGBT organizations before becoming JAG members（Vaisman 2012）. Interactions between JAG and LGBT organizations thus took place primarily on the individual level, while the association of JAG with other Jewish organizations and governmental groups, such as INADI, brought the official conversation to the community level. The active interactions among LGBT individuals and the looser relationship between JAG and the LGBT Federation suggest that the location of JAG was both mutable and paradoxical in the negotiation of Jewishness, queerness, and Buenos- Airessness. For example, another interviewee on Nueva Sión, Maximiliano Pelosi, who does not identify himself as Jewish, has a different idea about Jewish and queer identities. For Pelosi, “being Jewish is another thing. For me, Jew is always the ⒅ Other”（Sztajnszrajber 2010, 5）. Pelosi’s involvement in JAG was originally very personal, since his partner happened to be both a Jew and gay. Pelosi connects himself with JAG because of his liberal views toward the idea of inter-marriage. Pelosi says, “If a mixed marriage, then it will be part of their Jewish and the Christian rites, or take a joint ceremony, joining a rabbi and a priest. And they shall protect each one in turn”（Ibid）. Pelosi’s comments imply the dialectic approach that Aviv and Shneer discussed among JAG members. Particularly, given that Pelosi was a board member of JAG as well as the director of the first Argentine film dealing with Jewish and queer identities, “Otro entre Otros,” one can consider that JAG was not only one of the organizations that individuals could select, but also offered multiple interpretations about the juxtaposition and coexistence of Jewishness and queerness in Buenos Aires through a Jewish lens. On the one hand, JAG was not similar to any of the three types of LGBT organization （assimilationist, civil-rights-based, and radical groups） that Brown discussed（2002, 128－131）. On the other hand, the centrality of Jewishness in JAG provided a framework in which to express their queer identity in a way that 615 The Topology of Queerness and Jewishness in Buenos Aires －207－

paralleled similar expressions by other non-Jewish LGBT organizations. From the perspectives of Jewish organizations, other human rights organizations, and LGBT organizations, the centrality of Jewishness within JAG oftentimes became an ideal path for them to promote their different agendas of “diversity” : Fundación Judaica could emphasize the significance of diversity in Judaism, which they considered an “alternative spirituality”（Fundación Judaica）, by incorporating JAG into their main body ; INADI could reinforce their assimilationist perspectives, as seen in their discourse of diversity and inclusiveness in the national identity expressed through Buenos Aires’s multiculturalism and cosmopolitanism ; and the LGBT Federation could have alternative voices to emphasize the diversity of queerness in multiple ⒆ religious contexts, particularly Christianity, in Buenos Aires. Thus, JAG was located amidst multiple emergent discourses of “newness” and “diversity” between religious, sexual, and ethnic identities, although JAG’s main goal was to create a “home” in Buenos Aires’s Jewish community. However, tension and negotiation among organizations do not necessarily reflect individuals’ identities, since members of JAG moved freely beyond such borders and straddled multiple communities （Aviv and Shneer2005）.

4.Conclusion

In this paper, I have offered a literature review on both the studies of Jewishness/queerness, on one hand, and of Argentineness/queerness on the other. Previous studies display a clear separation between these fields. Notably, the trajectory of both Jewish organizations and LGBT movements in Argentina did not actually intersect with each other, and ideologically and institutionally the two groups have traced similar but divergent paths. Discourses of Buenos Airesness differed before and after the military regime and economic crisis ; as a result, the relationship of these groups to a national body have continually changed, as each －208－ Kagawa University Economic Review 616

moved from being the object of repression through new images of the nation or new subjects to be capitalized upon. Drawing on Bunzl’s approach in tracing the trajectory of both Jewish and LGBT organizations, I have pointed out how each field has developed along separate lines as well as how JAG can offer a discursive space where multiple discourses of Jewishness and queerness intersect and co-act in Buenos Aires. The combination of a brief organizational analysis and interviews with a former member and the current leader of JAG illustrated its development process and highlighted its transinstitutional nature, as well as the hegemonic relationship among multiple organizations, suggesting potential for future research to combine Jewish studies and queer studies in a Latin American context. In closing I consider the dissolution and revitalization of JAG in the social context of Buenos Aires after the legalization of same-sex marriage. In my interview, Vaisman explained : “People was ［sic］ not asking much about JAG anymore…It feels, kind of, people really need not much more JAG anymore” （Vaisman 2012）. Vaisman further explained the difficulty of sustaining a community during the economic depression and in the midst of significant changes in attitudes toward Jewish queerness in Buenos Aires. While the suspension of financial support from Fundación Judaica due to decline in membership negatively affected JAG’s activity, Vaisman also pointed out the positive side of this dissolution : “One of the nicest things is that now, you know, they stay friends because of JAG…Some people started participating openly in synagogues…In Fundación Judaica, you have people that is ［sic］ openly gay now”（Ibid）. Fundación Judaica facilitated the social acceptance of JAG among Jewish ⒇ communities and offered a space, including the Templo NCL-EMANU El,where Jewish queers could go for religious service. While Jewish queers in Argentina, at least, did not have to suffer from “silent exile” anymore, JAG might have lost its meaning as a “home” for Jewish queers who were not accepted in the Jewish community. However, as Michanie emphasized in our interview, the Jewish 617 The Topology of Queerness and Jewishness in Buenos Aires －209－

community in general was still closed to the idea of sexual minorities, making it far from the “home” that Argentine Jewish queers were longing for. While many cultural activities and sponsorships promoting cultural, religious, ethnic, and sexual diversities were discontinued in 2012, JAG’s activities were revitalized in late2013. Fundación Judaica provided support, including the space at Templo Libertad, as before. In November of the same year, Michanie appeared on the Jewish radio program Radio JAI in an episode titled, “JAG should not exist if institutions do what is necessary”（Radio JAI）. With greater support from Fundación Judaica and DAIA, JAG has continued its activities both on and offline. A major change occurred in 2016, when JAG’s social, cultural, and religious activities shifted from the outside to the inside of the Jewish community. On April 10, 2016, the first Jewish same-sex marriage in a synagogue was officially conducted at Templo NCL-EMANU El with the support of JAG（JTA 2016）. After this event, not only Templo Libertad, but other Jewish communities associated with Fundación Judaica, including Centro Comunitario Judaica Belgrano, collaboratively held a number of events. These included educational events for parents to prepare for the possible “coming out” of their children, as well as 21 traditional rituals, such as Passover. In a conversation with Michanie, he expressed his feeling that the Jewish community had finally opened their mind to the idea of diversity. JAG’s goal to make a shift from “silent exile” to a “home” within the Jewish community seems to have been accomplished within the network of Fundación Judaica, which raises further questions : Will JAG create multiple “homes” in other Jewish sectors outside of Fundación Judaica ? ; will accomplishing this goal cause a further decline in JAG’s membership ? ; and how does the issue of Jewish queer identity connect with similar issues in a non-Jewish context ? Even though the long-term problems of Jewish people who identify as sexual minorities were solved, this does not necessarily mean that all queer Jewish people can find a “home” around them. As Bunzl points out, “If that effort fails, a new set of Others －210－ Kagawa University Economic Review 618 will emerge”（Bunzl 2004, 223）. It is critically important to watch for the emergence of different Others who may not find a “home” in the Jewish community or in Buenos Aires.

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Periodical Article : Sztajnszrajber, Darío. 2010. “¿¡ Cómo que Judíos gays !?” Nueva Sión 995, 5.

Personal Interviews : Vaisman, Germán. Online interview by Mitsuko Kawabata, 6December2012, Bloomington, IN. －212－ Kagawa University Economic Review 620

Michanie, Gustavo. Interview by Mitsuko Kawabata, 18February2013, Buenos Aires.

Online Resources : ［Online articles］ JTA［author unknown］. 2016. “First Jewish Gay Marriage in Latin America Held at Argentine Synagogue.” JTA,April 11. Available at 〈http://www.jta.org/2016/04/11/news-opinion/ world/first-jewish-gay-marriage-in-latin-america-held-at-argentine-synagogue〉. Last accessed August19, 2016. ＿＿＿＿. 1983. “Report6，000Jews, Non-Jews Marched in Buenos Aires to Urge Government Action on Anti-Semitic Incide.” JTA, October26. Available at〈http://www.jta.org/1983/10/ 26/archive/report-6000-jews-non-jews-marched-in-buenos-aires-to-urge-government-action-on- anti-semitic-incide〉. Last accessed August23, 2016. ＿＿＿＿. 1979. “Anti-Semitic Agitation Reported on Decline in Argentina.” JTA, December 7. Available at 〈http://www.jta.org/1979/12/07/archive/anti-semitic-agitation-reported-on- decline-in-argentina〉. Last accessed August23, 2016. ＿＿＿＿. 1977. “Argentine Jewish Leader Urges Action Against Anti-Semitism” JTA,May9. Available at〈http://www.jta.org/1977/05/09/archive/argentine-jewish-leader-urges-action-against -anti-semitism〉Last accessed August23, 2012. ＿＿＿＿. 1976. “Special to the JTA Argentinean Jew Says Military Junta Poses No Threats to Jews.” JTA,April9. Available at〈http://archive.jta.org/article/1976/04/09/2975149/special- to-the-jta-argentinean-jew-says-military-junta-poses-no-threats-to-jews〉. Last accessed August 23, 2016. ＿＿＿＿. 1944. “JDC Office in Buenos Aires Marks First Anniversary.” JTA, July 25. Available at 〈http://www.jta.org/1944/07/25/archive/jdc-office-in-buenos-aires-marks-first- anniversary〉. Last accessed August23, 2016. Luxner, Larry. 2005. “Gay Jews Strive for Acceptance in Argentina.” JTA,April 3. Available at〈http://www.luxner.com/cgi-bin/view_article.cgi?articleID＝1334〉. Last accessed August23, 2016. Santangelo, Frédéric. 2012. “Crece el tango gay en las milongas de Buenos Aires.” Clarín, August9. Available at〈http://www.clarin.com/tendencias/Noche-portena_0_752324835.html〉. Last accessed August23, 2016.

［Websites］ AMIA（Asociación Mutual Israelita Argentina）. Available at〈http://www.amia.org.ar/index.php/ site/index〉. Last accessed August23, 2016. Associación Madres de Plaza de Mayo. Available at〈http://www.madres.org/navegar/nav.php〉. Last accessed August23, 2016. 621 The Topology of Queerness and Jewishness in Buenos Aires －213－

BAFIM（Buenos Aires Feria Internacional de Música）. Now users need to create a personal account. Available at 〈http://bafim.mdebuenosaires.gob.ar/system/login.php?accion=login〉. Last accessed August23, 2016. CHA（Comunidad Homosexual Argentina. Available at〈http://www.cha.org.ar/〉. Last accessed August23, 2016. Convención Internacional de Familias Por la Diversidad. Available at 〈http://www. familiasporladiversidad.org/encuentros.html〉. Last accessed August23, 2016. Federación Argentina LGBT（FALGBT）. Available at〈http://www.falgbt.org/〉. Last accessed August23, 2016. Fundación Judaica. Available at〈http://www.judaica.org.ar/〉. Last accessed August23, 2016. INADI（Instituto Nacional contra la Discriminación, la Xenofobia y el Racismo）. Available at 〈http://inadi.gob.ar/〉. Last accessed November29, 2012. JAG（Judíos Argentinos Gays）. No longer available. 〈http://www.jagargentina.org/〉［Obtained the information through Internet archives. The current website is〈http://jagargentina.blog spot.com/〉］. Last accessed August23, 2016. Keshet. 〈http://www.keshetonline.org/〉. Last accessed August23, 2016. Keshet Argentina. No longer available. 〈http://www.keshet.com.ar/〉. ［Obtained the information through Internet archives at 〈http://web.archive.org/web/20060107001135/http://www.keshet. com.ar/que_somos.htm〉. Last accessed August23, 2012. “Marcha del Orgullo LGBTIQ de Buenos Aires, Argentina” Available at 〈http://www. marchadelorgullo.org.ar/〉. Last accessed August23, 2016. Queer Tango Marathon. No longer available. 〈 http:/ / www. queertangomarathon. com / 〉. ［Obtained the information through Internet Archives at 〈https://web.archive.org/web/ 20101122065457/http://www.queertangomarathon.com/eng/home.html〉. Last accessed August 23, 2016. Radio JAI. 2013. 〈http://www.radiojai.com.ar/online/ notiDetalle. asp ? id _ Noticia ＝68293〉. November11. Last accessed August19, 2016. SIGLA（Sociedad Integración Gay Lésbica Argentina）. Available at〈http://www.sigla.org.ar/〉. Last accessed August23, 2016. Tango Buenos Aires : Festival y Mundial. Available at 〈https://turismo.buenosaires.gob.ar/es/ article/tango-ba-festival-y-mundial〉. Last accessed August23, 2016.

Endnotes : （1） Boyarin et al point out that the challenge of their studies is to forge “connections between Jewish cultural studies and queer theory….without closing down differences between, among, and within each point of comparison”（Boyarin et al 2002, 9）. （2） Jeffery Shandler also explores this new engagement with Jewishness through queerness in his －214－ Kagawa University Economic Review 622

discussion of post-vernacular Yiddishkeit（Shandler 2006）. His discussion focuses on the issue of reengagement with Yiddish through the lens of queerness, rather than problematizing the topology of Jewishness and queerness. （3） Sociologist Wayne Brekhus categorizes gay ideal types into the following three categories : “lifestylers,” “integrators,” and “commuters”（Brekhus 2003, 97）. Schnoor’s main focus is the last of his own four categories（Jewish lifestylers, Gay lifestylers, Gay-Jewish commuters, Gay-Jewish integrators）, in which group “no one social identity assumes a role of ‘master status’ around which his or her life is organized”（Schnoor2006, 52）. （4） The group Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, created in 1977, consists of women who have protested against the “disappearances” of their children during the military dictatorship’s “Guerra Sucia（Dirty War）”inthe1970s and the early1980s（Associación Madres de Plaza de Mayo ; Encarnación2011, 108）. （5） Brown explains that he does not include transgender organizations in his study because of the lack of information about them（Brown2002, 136）. （6） This place was founded by the tango dancer and instructor Augusto Balizano in 2003 to open up the possibility for gay publicity in Buenos Aires（Lar Marshall）. （7） Based on “ ‘Con discriminación y represión no hay democracia’ : The Lesbian and Gay Movement in Argentina”（2002）by Stephen Brown, “Argentina : A Queer Tango between the Lesbian and Gay Movement and the State”（2011） by Jordi Díez, and “Latin America’s Gay Rights Revolution”（2011）by Omar G. Encarnación. （8） The LGBT movement began among left-leaning individuals in the1970s（Díez2011, 15）. （9） Translated by author. The original reads : “La bomba obligó a concebir un nuevo tiempo. Sobre los escombros se instaló la fuerza creadora de una comunidad dispuesta a preservar el legado de una tradición cultural que honra la vida y prioriza la justicia.” 〈http://www.amia. org.ar/index.php/content/default/show/content/13〉Last accessed August23, 2016. （10） Until the 1990s, homosexual people were “barred from voting in the province of Buenos Aires”（Brown2002, 123－4）. （11） These cultural events included a tango festival and BAFIM（Buenos Aires Feria Internacional de Música）. （12） Keshet was founded in Boston in1996for “the full inclusion and equality of LGBT Jews in Jewish life”（Keshet）. （13） Translated by author. In the original Spanish : 1）“Contribuir al desarrollo de estudios e iniciativas institucionales orientadas a la inclusión de diversidad sexual en la experiencia judía,” 2）“Incentivar la inclusión de cuestiones de diversidad sexual en la agenda social, cultural, política y educativa de las diferentes instituciones judías de habla hispana,” and 3）“Promover la difusión de formas de pensamiento crítico y la igualdad de oportunidades en la educación a través del acceso a la información.” The website of Keshet Argentina is no longer available. 623 The Topology of Queerness and Jewishness in Buenos Aires －215－

The author obtained the information through the Internet Archive :〈http://web.archive.org/web/ 20060107001135/http://www.keshet.com.ar/que_somos.htm〉. Last accessed November29. （14） “Yossi and Jagger”（2002）is an award-winning Israeli gay film directed by Eytan Fox.（Raz 2005）. （15） Translated by author. The original reads : 1）“Brindar un marco judío de contención, integración y crecimiento para personas GLBT,”2）“Fomentar la aceptación y la inclusión de la diversidad sexual desde un marco judío mediante actividades educativas y culturales,” 3） “Denunciar y luchar contra la discriminación,” and 4）“Producir y transferir conocimiento vinculado con el eje diversidad sexual y judaísmo en pos de la construcción de una comunidad verdaderamente inclusiva. Promover los valores judaicos.” The website of JAG is no longer available. The author obtained the information through INADI’s website, available at〈http:// inadi.gob.ar/osc/ficha/judios-argentinos-gays-glbt/〉. Last accessed November29, 2012. （16） In our interview, Vaisman told me that the action of this incorporation was initiated by Fundación Judaica（Vaisman2012）. （17） Even after leaving cyberspace in2009, JAG continued to promote and participate in multiple cultural activities off-line for a time, including the publication of the film “Otro entre Otros” （2010）, participation in the Convención Internacional de Familias Por la Diversidad （International Convention of Families for Diversity） in Chile, 2010, and participation in Buenos Aires’s Gay Pride Parade called Marcha del Orgullo. （18） Translated by author. The original read : “Para mí ser judío es otra cosa, para mí judío siempre es el otro.”（Sztajnszrajber2010, 5）. （19） FALGBT has a section devoted to religious diversity. The department collects and uploads documents arguing for equal rights for LGBT people from multiple religious groups, mostly Catholic. Available at 〈http:/ / www. lgbt. org. ar /04-div-religiosa. php 〉. Last accessed November29, 2012. （20） Templo NCL-EMANU El belongs to both Reform and Conservative Judaism. （21） For example, JAG and Fundación Judaica collaboratively held the events “Purim en Libertad” and “Pesaj en Libertad” en Templo Libertad.