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French Involvement and Solidarity in South West France with the Spanish Republic in the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939)
French Involvement and Solidarity in South West France with the Spanish Republic in the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) Oliver Astington, BA (Hons) Thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham for the degree of Master of the Arts in Modern Language Studies December 2010 1 Acknowledgements Although the research for this thesis has been based on individual research, I would like to thank all those who have in many ways funded, facilitated and enabled this research project to be successful. I am grateful for the kind support of the University of Nottingham School of Modern Languages and Cultures for part funding my research and providing me with excellent support from the staff at the Postgraduate office to the academics of the Departments of French and Francophone studies and Spanish, Portuguese and Latin American Studies. It has been a pleasure to have discussed and presented my research, as well as learnt from the experience of academics and peers alike within these departments. Special thanks must go to Dr Gareth Stockey who encouraged me throughout the project and allowed it to develop so successfully, having benefitted from two of his courses on the Spanish Civil War as an undergraduate from 2008-2009. I would also like to thank Professor Nick Hewitt for his advice on the Front Populaire in France and whose course on the Front Populaire and Culture from 2008-09 provided me with the foundations for many aspects of the French side of this study. I must also thank the staff at numerous departmental archives across the South West of France, whose time and advice was greatly valued in finding so many intriguing documents for my viewing. -
Review Volume 6 (2006) Page 183
H-France Review Volume 6 (2006) Page 183 H-France Review Vol. 6 (April 2006), No. 42 Benjamin Martin, France in 1938. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2005. x + 252 pp. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, index. $39.95 (cl). ISBN 0-8071-3050-8. Review by Sean Kennedy, University of New Brunswick. For W. H. Auden the 1930s were “a low, dishonest decade”; for Eugen Weber they were France’s “hollow years.”[1] 1938 has often been portrayed as the year in which the moral fiber of the Western democracies reached its nadir, culminating in the Franco-British capitulation to Nazi demands at Munich. It is the choices of France’s political class and the uneasy mood of its people over those fateful twelve months which Benjamin Martin seeks to evoke and assess. His conclusion is that, like the character Mathieu in Jean-Paul Sartre’s The Age of Reason, they faced unpalatable choices but also sought to evade their responsibilities. Such an interpretation is, in many ways, a familiar one. The argument that the era was one of decadence, characterized by societal stagnation, divisive politicking, and uncertain leadership, is venerable. Elements of it appear in Marc Bloch’s classic Strange Defeat, written in the wake of the collapse of 1940.[2] Martin’s contribution--using an approach reminiscent of his previous book, France and the Après Guerre[3]--is to provide a fresh and focused synthesis, drawing extensively upon printed primary sources, the press, contemporary films and novels, and selectively upon relevant scholarship. The result is a work which makes the central figures of the era come alive and lucidly conveys the anxieties which beset the late Third Republic, contentious though its thesis might be. -
Andre Marty Tells- Socialist· Labor
000'786 ANDRE" MARTY TELLS- WHO in France helped Hitler gain positions, munitions, gold? WHERE did Hitler get the aluminum, stee! and copper for his war machine? WHO sabotaged airplane production in France? WHO led the first attack onlhe people of France? HOW can the people of france save their country? SOCIALIST· LABOR 3c. COLLECTlO~ CO TEl TS ''\THO BETRAYED FRANCE? by Al1d"e MaTty 3 VVE ACCUSE! Manifesto of the Communist Party of Fmnce 19 PUBLlSHED BY WORKERS LlBRARY PUBLlSHERS, INC, P. O. BOX 148, STATIO! D, EW YORK, N. Y. JUNE, 1940 PRINTED IN THE U.S.A. ~209 WHO BETRAYED FRANCE? , BY ANDRE MARTY Parliamentary Deputy of Paris THE awful and terrible war is extending in depth and in- tensity. Its hideous onslaught has already destroyed thou sands of human lives. Immense terror-stricken throngs are sweeping along in flight as during the hours of ancient bar barism. "Total" war is bringing the "crosses of war" even to the cradles. The French people did not and do not want this war. They were driven into it against their will. And the very people who drove them to slaughter compel the French soldiers to fight with odds of two to one against them. Why? Because army divisions and air squadrons are mount ing guard over the Pyrenees, the third frontier. For the menace of war from Italy implies the possible entry into action of airplanes and the 150,000 Italian troops at present stationed in Spain with their enormous supplies of war mate rials. With Franco's army added! And to think that it would have been possible to have had in Madrid a People's Govern ment based on, and directly controlled by, the Spanish people, the natural friends of the French people! Even if that had 3 not saved peace, the French people would today have pos sessed absolute security on their Pyrenean frontiers. -
Historical Dictionary of World War II France Historical Dictionaries of French History
Historical Dictionary of World War II France Historical Dictionaries of French History Historical Dictionary of the French Revolution, 1789–1799 Samuel F. Scott and Barry Rothaus, editors Historical Dictionary of Napoleonic France, 1799–1815 Owen Connelly, editor Historical Dictionary of France from the 1815 Restoration to the Second Empire Edgar Leon Newman, editor Historical Dictionary of the French Second Empire, 1852–1870 William E. Echard, editor Historical Dictionary of the Third French Republic, 1870–1940 Patrick H. Hutton, editor-in-chief Historical Dictionary of the French Fourth and Fifth Republics, 1946–1991 Wayne Northcutt, editor-in-chief Historical Dictionary of World War II France The Occupation, Vichy, and the Resistance, 1938–1946 Edited by BERTRAM M. GORDON Greenwood Press Westport, Connecticut Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Historical dictionary of World War II France : the Occupation, Vichy, and the Resistance, 1938–1946 / edited by Bertram M. Gordon. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0–313–29421–6 (alk. paper) 1. France—History—German occupation, 1940–1945—Dictionaries. 2. World War, 1939–1945—Underground movements—France— Dictionaries. 3. World War, 1939–1945—France—Colonies— Dictionaries. I. Gordon, Bertram M., 1943– . DC397.H58 1998 940.53'44—dc21 97–18190 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available. Copyright ᭧ 1998 by Bertram M. Gordon All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 97–18190 ISBN: 0–313–29421–6 First published in 1998 Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881 An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc. -
Who Betrayed France ?
University of Central Florida STARS PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements 1-1-1940 Who betrayed France ? André Pierre Marty Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/prism University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Book is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Recommended Citation Marty, André Pierre, "Who betrayed France ?" (1940). PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements. 3. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/prism/3 ~ ANDRE MARTY TELLS- WHO in France helped Hitler WHERE did Hitler get the .... :. ···um, steel and copper for his war machine? WHO sabotaged airplan··D,: ..... ..,,,I WHO led the first attack ~~tt!~~ people of France? . ,/< ., ;;\:t~:,;}I~ HOW can the people of ~~r_· $lve their country? \'~··A\ ~:.:'-'" . 3e. CONTENTS '!\THO BETRAYED FRANCE? by Andre Marty 3 WE ACCUSE! Manifesto of the Communist Party of France 19 PUBLISHED BY WORKERS LIBRARY PUBLISHERS, INC. P. O. BOX 148, STATION D, NEW YORK, N. Y. JUNE, 1940 PRINTED IN THE U.S.A. ~20 9 WHO BETRAYED FRANCE? r BY ANDRE MARTY Parliamentary Deputy of Paris · THE awful and terrible war is extending in depth and in- tensity. Its hideous onslaught has already destroyed thou sands of human lives. Immense terror-stricken throngs are sweeping along in flight as during the hours of ancient bar barism. ~~Total" war is bringing the ~~crosses of war" even to the cradles. The French people did not and do not want this war. -
The Socialists and the Workers of Paris: the Amicales Socialistes, 1936-40*
DONALD N. BAKER THE SOCIALISTS AND THE WORKERS OF PARIS: THE AMICALES SOCIALISTES, 1936-40* The Popular Front's victory in the legislative elections of April-May 1936 caused a great sense of relief and then a joyful upsurge of hope and idealism in its supporters. Spontaneously, thousands of workers began to occupy shops and factories. On June 4, when the Blum government came to office, the strikes had begun to paralyze the economy. In the next two weeks, perhaps because it was clear that the Blum government was not going to suppress the strikes but rather to negotiate an end to them, perhaps because by that time it was also clear that neither the Confedera- tion Generate du Travail nor the Communist and Socialist parties would try to take advantage of the situation for an insurrectionary purpose, the strikes spread like wildfire throughout the country. Hundreds of thousands of workers apparently wanted to guarantee, through "direct action", that the benefits of the Matignon accords and of the promised legislation would apply in their industry or region.1 It was in these conditions that the Blum government managed to get the conservative Senate's approval for the most progressive social reforms of the Third Republic. During the summer and fall of 1936, while the Blum government wres- tled with intractable economic problems, hostile financial circles, conser- vative Senators, and the difficulties arising out of the Spanish Civil War, * The author is grateful to the Canada Council for a grant which facilitated the prepa- ration of this article. 1 The strikes have inspired an interesting historiography. -
The French Working Class and the Blum Government (1936–37)
ARTHUR MITZMAN THE FRENCH WORKING CLASS AND THE BLUM GOVERNMENT (1936-37) To the French Left in May 1936, the electoral triumph of the Front Populaire - a coalition of the Communist, Socialist, and Radical Parties - signified nothing if not the victory of legal republicanism over the criminal machinations of domestic fascism. Consequently, embarrass- ment - not to mention confusion - was widespread, when the prole- tariat chose to greet this victory with a wave of sit-down strikes that was at once massive, spontaneous, joyful, and utterly illegal. It is true that the roots of the strikers' grievances went much further back than the political campaign of recent months. Five years of lowered wages, poorer working conditions, and the indifference of many employers to the lot of their men1 were behind the workers' monumental audacity. Nevertheless, the coincidence of the strikes with Leon Blum's accession to office was far from accidental. In part, the Left's sweeping victory at the polls meant to the workers that striking was no longer to involve the chance of police repression and mass dismissals.2 This feeling of assurance was certainly an important reason for the walkouts. But possibly more important was that, for the proletariat, this new government, soon to take office, had become a beacon of hope. Since the First World War, the French 1 Speaking of employer attitudes in the years preceding the Blum regime, Henry Ehrmann, Organized Business in France (Princeton, 1957), p. 12 says: "Absorbed by a constant fight for a share in an always limited and now still-narrowing market, beset by credit difficulties, cynical about domestic policies, many employers knew nothing about the living conditions and the mentality of their own workers." In the same work, on p. -
The Blum Government and the French Administration, 1936–37
IRWIN M. WALL SOCIALISTS AND BUREAUCRATS: THE BLUM GOVERNMENT AND THE FRENCH ADMINISTRATION, 1936-37 The failure of the Popular Front government of 1936-1937 was at least two-fold: from the national standpoint it was able neither to formulate a foreign policy of anti-fascism nor to bring France out of the economic crisis; from the narrower political perspective it was unable to prevent a growing sense of disillusionment and recrimination among its constituents. Both aspects have received increasing attention from historians in recent years, although not always with sufficient regard for the extent to which the two problems might be separable. Greater intervention on behalf of the Spanish Republicans, for example, might not have saved the Spanish Republic, but even so would have gone far toward satisfying Blum's constituents and blunting communist criticism of his government. Abandonment of the forty-hour week, on the other hand, while adding to the deceptions of the left, might have permitted the achievement of the economic upturn upon which the hopes of the Popular Front ultimately rested.1 Spain and finances - war and economics, the twin chief concerns of western civilization in our century as A. J. P. Taylor has facetiously suggested - are the issues in terms of which most analysts of Blum's double failure have proceeded. But there is another which may have been equally im- portant, and which appears to have been of greater significance in the eyes of contemporaries. This was the question of the relationship of the Blum government -
The Devil in France. the Tragedy of Spanish Republicans and French Policy After the Civil War (1936-1945) Jean-François Berdah
The Devil in France. The Tragedy of Spanish Republicans and French Policy after the Civil War (1936-1945) Jean-François Berdah To cite this version: Jean-François Berdah. The Devil in France. The Tragedy of Spanish Republicans and French Policy after the Civil War (1936-1945). CLIOHRES. Discrimination and Tolerance in Historical Perspective, Edizioni Plus, pp.340, 2008, Transversal Volume n°3. hal-00374318 HAL Id: hal-00374318 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00374318 Submitted on 8 Apr 2009 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. The Devil in France1. The Tragedy of Spanish Republicans and French Policy after the Civil War (1936-1945) J!"#-F$"#%&'( B!$)"* University of Toulouse II-Le Mirail, France ABSTRACT Among the many human tragedies Europe endured during the 20th century, the Spanish Civil War ranks high among the events that most strongly a+ected our collective future. France was deeply a+ected by this historical tragedy, since it received four successive waves of immigrants between 1936 and 1939. ,e episode known as the retirada [retreat] led to the exile and arrival in France of around a half a million individuals of all ages and all social conditions in the space of a few weeks. -
Interwar Politics in a French Border Region: the Moselle in the Period of the Popular Front, 1934-1938
Interwar Politics in a French Border Region: the Moselle in the period of the Popular Front, 1934-1938 Louisa Zanoun London School of Economics and Political Science September 2009 A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2009. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. 2 Abstract Between 1934 and 1936 various organisations of the French left joined forces to create the Popular Front, an alliance borne of an antifascist imperative. After winning the May 1936 legislative elections, and in a climate of growing opposition from conservative and far right forces, the left-wing coalition came to power. By the end of 1938, the Popular Front had collapsed and the right was back in power. During this period (1934-1938), the right and far right repeatedly challenged the left-wing alliance‟s legitimacy and attacked its constituent political parties. -
The Legalization of Racism in a Constitutional State: Democracy's Suicide in Vichy France Vivian Grosswald Curran
Hastings Law Journal Volume 50 | Issue 1 Article 1 1-1998 The Legalization of Racism in a Constitutional State: Democracy's Suicide in Vichy France Vivian Grosswald Curran Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Vivian Grosswald Curran, The Legalization of Racism in a Constitutional State: Democracy's Suicide in Vichy France, 50 Hastings L.J. 1 (1998). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal/vol50/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Law Journal by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Articles The Legalization Of Racism in a Constitutional State: Democracy's Suicide in Vichy France by VIVIAN GROSSWALD CURRAN* [P]eople have an easier time experiencing changes in domination than changes in laws. - Portalis** Table of Contents Introduction ...........................................................................................2 I. Historical, Biographical and Theoretical Overview ................ 3 II. Prologue to Suicide: the July, 1940 National Assembly D ebates .....................................................................................15 III. Legality and Legitimacy ..........................................................24 IV. Antisemitic Legislation and the Role of Positivism .............. 30 * B.A. Pennsylvania; M.A., M.Phil., Ph.D., J.D. Columbia; Assistant Professor, University of Pittsburgh School of Law. Unless otherwise indicated, translations are mine. I am grateful to those who read prior drafts of this manuscript, and who provided invariably helpful comments: Ann Begley, Denis Brion, Richard Buxbaum, Martha Chamallas, Pat Chew, Roger Curran, Howard Engelskirchen, Susan Fox, Bernard Hibbitts, Richard Kay, Jules Lobel, Robin Malloy, Robert Ronald, Rhonda Wasserman and Richard Weisberg. -
Cagoule and French Politics in the 1930S
The Art of Secrecy and Subversion: The Cagoule and French Politics in the 1930s Valerie Deacon B.A., University of Winnipeg, 2003 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History O Valerie Deacon, 2005 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. ABSTRACT Supervisors: Dr. Robert Alexander & Dr. Perry Biddiscombe This thesis examines the role that the Comitd secret d'action rdvolutionnaire (CSAR) played in French politics in the 1930s. This secret organisation, often referred to as the Cagoule, was a subversive element intent on overthrowing the Third Republic by means of societal destabilization and an eventual coup de force. While this particular goal of the group was always clear, contemporaries and historians since have had little success in determining the exact nature of the Cagoule. Often discussed within the context of European fascism, the organisation certainly did display some characteristics that made such a discussion valuable. Upon closer examination, however, the Cagoule also displays a distinctiveness that makes it impossible to neatly apply such a label. This fascinating organisation provides us with a unique intersection of various, and sometimes contradictory, political traditions. iii CONTENTS Abstract page ..ii . Table of contents 111 Acknowledgements iv Introduction Chapter One Context and Conspiracy Chapter Two Revelations and Reaction Chapter Three Cagoulard Characteristics Chapter Four Influences and Intersections Conclusion Bibliography ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank Dr. Robert Alexander and Dr.