Critical Transitions Artical Name : Contest for Succession In

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Critical Transitions Artical Name : Contest for Succession In Artical Name : Critical Transitions Artical Subject : Contest for succession in Uzbekistan Publish Date: 03/09/2016 Auther Name: Sami Al-Salame Subject : The government of Uzbekistan announced on September 2 the death of Islam Karimov, the 78-year-old president who had ruled the country for the past 26 years. The passing of the president of Uzbekistan, a strategically vital state in Central Asia and the region¶s most populated country, will have major implications both domestically and regionally.The event comes amid intense and growing political struggle between different political factions backed by regional and international powers, an unraveling social fabric, rising separatist rhetoric and the growing influence of armed extremist groups.Complex social fabricUzbekistan¶s population of 32 million is divided between several ethnicities including Uzbeks, Kazakhs, Tajiks, Tatars, Karakalpaks and Russians. The country¶s social fabric is far more complicated than that of its neighbors and is the result of conflict across centuries between different tribes in the region.Three major social groups can be identified in Uzbekistan:Tajiks: Around 6 million Tajiks live in the country, located around Samarkand and the hills of Transoxiana, the area between the Amudarya and Syrdarya rivers. Despite speaking the Persian language, they were able to integrate into the country along with the Uzbek majority¶s Sunni Muslim faith. They are descended from the inhabitants of the Emirate of Bukhari.Ferghana: The Ferghana Valley and nearby Tashkent are the most densely-populated area of Uzbekistan, together are the home to some 10 million people speaking Kazakh, Uzbek, Farsi, Tajik, and Kyrgyz. These groups¶behaviour, with roots in the city of Kokand, have been prey to significant Islamist radicalization in recent years.Khwarezm: The city of Khwarezm is home to 5 million inhabitants - Khwarezmians ±who have different customs and traditions from the Uzbeks and Tajiks.Karimov was able to keep Uzbekistan under control and suppress these tribal divisions for the past 26 years amid difficult circumstances. Karimov¶s ability to sustain his power was owed to the lack of a political alternative that could be agreed upon by all sides. His death adds to a list of factors, with deep historical roots, that are contributing to a growing crisis in Uzbekistan¶s loose social fabric, as follows:Uzbekistan¶s different ethnic groups hold deep collective memories of historical struggles between the country¶s various cities and their surrounding states, which facilitated/ allowed the Russian Empire¶s expansion into Central Asia.The Russian Empire and the Soviet Union exacerbated these divisions by changing the demographic makeup of these states through enforced movements of population from other areas, according to the rulers¶interests.The policies of persecution, marginalization, and isolation practiced by Karimov to keep Uzbekistan under control have created an incubating environment to extremist thought and the growth of separatist sentiment.Manifold political strugglesKarimov¶s death sparked intense speculation about who would replace him in power, particularly since the president apparently gave little thought to the question. He was dazzled by power and clung onto his office with an iron grip. He even pushed his daughter, Gulnara Karimova, out of the political scene and placed her under house arrest in 2012. Western officials had described her as her father¶s potential successor.The political struggle in Uzbekistan, an extension of a complex social fabric characterized by the tribal and communal behavior, can be defined as a struggle between three political camps competing for the presidency:The Samarkand-Transoxiana camp: As an extension to the Tajik ethnic group, this camp has dominated Uzbekistan¶s political life since its independence, enjoying control of the army, security and intelligence services. It included Karimov until his death, as well as the head of the intelligence services Rustam Inoyatov and Prime Minister Shavkat Mirziyoyev.The Tashkent camp: Based on support from residents of the Ferghana Valley, this camp includes Chairman of the Senate Nigmatilla Yuldashev and Finance Minister Rustam Azimov. It differs from the previous camp in that under the constitution it is able to temporarily take power by appointing the Senate chairperson to the position of being an interim president following the death of a sitting president.The Khwarezm camp: This is the least empowered political group to compete for the presidency of Uzbekistan, in light of the restraints placed on its dissident leader, head of the Popular Movement of Uzbekistan, Mohammad Salih, and his son Taymur.The political struggle in the country after Karimov is limited to the first camp (supported by Moscow) and the second (close to Washington) with the former most likely to emerge victoriously. Rustam Inoyatov, who accompanied Karimov throughout his political career, holds considerable influence due to his position as the head of the intelligence services. He may be powerful enough to take office and clamp down on the country, yet at the age of 72, he may be more likely to select another person for the role.In this regard, the acting President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, 59, is one prominent contender. The third most powerful man in Uzbekistan during Karimov¶s rule, he enjoys strong support from Moscow, which sees him as open to integrating Uzbekistan into Russian President Vladimir Putin¶s Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU or EEU), in contrast with Karimov, who rejected the idea. Moscow also sees him as willing to revive the country¶s membership in the Collective Security Treaty Organization, from which it withdrew for two periods, from 1994-1999 and 2006 to the present. Moscow can apply pressure through exploiting the leverage of having two million Uzbek migrants in Russia, who sent home around $6 billion in remittances in 2014.China is supportive of the Russian position, especially as Beijing tends to avoid direct interference in countries perceived as under Russian influence.Potential jihadist expansionThroughout his long rule, Karimov cracked down on Islamist extremist movements with an iron fist, particularly the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan taking security measures to exterminate radical Islamists of various branches in the southern region of Ferghana.He adopted similar approach towards his other opponents, using excessive force to smash up popular demonstrations in Namangan in 1993 and Andijan in 2005. However, this turned out to be counter-productive, creating an environment of oppression that incubated extremism. This was exacerbated by economic 9/24/2021 2:14:16 PM 1 / 2 persecution against vulnerable groups, which led to poverty, marginalisation and an unequal distribution of the benefits of development.The Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan can be expected to escalate its actions following Karimov¶s death, for the following reasons:The movement aims to overthrow the government in Uzbekistan and establish an Islamic state throughout Turkestan, stretching from the Caspian Sea to Xinjiang province in northwest China. Karimov¶s death is perceived as an opportunity for the movement to launch new strikes and extend its operations.Islamists in Uzbekistan, as well as in Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, have shown their ability to exploit political disruption to sow chaos and violence.The power struggle in Uzbekistan could provide an incentive for the movement, giving it a space for manoeuvring action and a chance to broaden its influence across Ferghana and in other regions. That also strengthens the possibility that some of its 5,000 or so fighters will return from Syria and Iraq.That could be just the beginning. It is possible to foresee a jihadist expansion across Central Asia through the Ferghana region, especially since the movement announced its allegiance to ISIS in October 2014. The two share similar ideologies, supporting the creation of an Islamic caliphate, which would turn the region into a potential rear base for ISIS in light of its setbacks in Syria, Iraq and Libya¶s Sirte.In addition to declaring the allegiance of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, ISIS announced the establishment of an Emirate of the Caucasus in August 2015 setting off alarm bells in states across the region - especially in light of possible jihadist reactions to Karimov¶s death, which can be summarized according to the following:With that in mind, the regional states need to overcome the problems plaguing their own tense relations. In the case of Uzbekistan, this means solving disputes with Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan over territorial borders of the Ferghana valley and better management of water resources from the Amudarya and Syrdarya rivers. Uzbekistan fears that hydroelectric projects planned by its neighbours will restrict water flow into its own territory, threatening its irrigation of cotton, of which Uzbekistan is one of the prime global exporters.States in the region must also coordinate their efforts to prevent the spread of jihadism, particularly the return of battle-hardened fighters from Iraq and Syria. However, given regional governments¶lack of capacity to prevent that, they must make use of alternative protective structures such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the Collective Security Treaty Organization to promote stability.This will strengthen the roles of Beijing and Moscow in the region at the expense of Washington. The US has already faced crises in its relations with the states
Recommended publications
  • Les Droits De L'homme En Europe Janv.-Fev. 2017
    DROITS DE L’HOMME DANS LE MONDE LES DROITS DE L’HOMME ORIENTALE ET DANS EN EUROPE L’ESPACE POST-SOVIÉTIQUE N° 21 JANV.-FEV. 2017 Éditorial 2016 aura été une année électorale. Aux Etats- dans le Caucase, la Lettre change de nom ! Unis avec la campagne qui a vu Donald Trump Elle s’appelle désormais « Lettre des droits s’imposer au parti républicain ; mais également de l’Homme en Europe orientale et dans avec une série de scrutins législatifs et l’espace post-soviétique ». En effet, l’héritage présidentiels en Europe de l’Est et dans l’ex-bloc soviétique, selon des modalités diverses soviétique. Entre août et novembre, l’Estonie a et les spécificités propres à chaque pays, changé de chef d’État ; le 13 novembre dernier, continue de structurer encore aujourd’hui les Bulgares ont également élu leur président ; le le champ politique de ces territoires. 30 octobre, c’était le tour des Moldaves... Les Changement de nom n’implique pas élections législatives de septembre ont ouverts changement de choix éditoriaux ; nous pour la première fois les portes du Parlement continuerons évidemment à nous à l’opposition au Bélarus et ce même mois focaliser sur l’étude et la défense des les Russes ont confirmé leur adhésion au droits et libertés, plus que jamais au pouvoir en place. Les élections législatives ont coeur des constructions en cours... eu lieu en octobre en Géorgie ; l’Ouzbékistan vient de changer de président en décembre E.T. dernier suite au décès d’Islam Karimov au pouvoir depuis 1991. Quelles leçons retirer de ces consultations ? Nous vous invitons à les découvrir ici en embarquant pour un « voyage » électoral d’Ouest en Est… Et pour acter l’élargissement de notre publication aux contenus portant sur les pays et les territoires faisant partie de l’ex- Union soviétique, situés en Asie centrale et 01 LES DROITS DE L’homme en europe orientALE ET DANS L’espACE POST-SOVIÉTIQUE N° 21 SOMMAIRE Éditorial .....................................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Uzbekistan: Recent Developments and U.S
    Order Code RS21238 Updated May 2, 2005 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Uzbekistan: Recent Developments and U.S. Interests Jim Nichol Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary Uzbekistan is an emerging Central Asian regional power by virtue of its relatively large population, energy and other resources, and location in the heart of the region. It has made limited progress in economic and political reforms, and many observers criticize its human rights record. This report discusses U.S. policy and assistance. Basic facts and biographical information are provided. This report may be updated. Related products include CRS Issue Brief IB93108, Central Asia, updated regularly. U.S. Policy1 According to the Administration, Uzbekistan is a “key strategic partner” in the Global War on Terrorism and “one of the most influential countries in Central Asia.” However, Uzbekistan’s poor record on human rights, democracy, and religious freedom complicates its relations with the United States. U.S. assistance to Uzbekistan seeks to enhance the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and security of Uzbekistan; diminish the appeal of extremism by strengthening civil society and urging respect for human rights; bolster the development of natural resources such as oil; and address humanitarian needs (State Department, Congressional Presentation for Foreign Operations for FY2006). Because of its location and power potential, some U.S. policymakers argue that Uzbekistan should receive the most U.S. attention in the region. 1 Sources for this report include the Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FBIS), Central Eurasia: Daily Report; Eurasia Insight; RFE/RL Central Asia Report; the State Department’s Washington File; and Reuters, Associated Press (AP), and other newswires.
    [Show full text]
  • Uzbek President Reins in Security Service
    Uzbek President Reins In Security Service Once-mighty intelligence agency weakened by a serious shake-up. Uzbek president Shavkat Mirziyoyev has launched a major reorganisation of the powerful National Security Service (SNB) in what appears to be the most ambitious series of reforms since he took power in December 2016. In mid-March, Mirziyoyev issued a decree slashing the powers of an intelligence agency long seen as a repressive secret police – a month after the resignation of formidable chairman Rustam Inoyatov, who had headed the Uzbek president Shavkat Mirziyoyev. (Photo: Press SNB since 1995. Service of the Uzbek President) Mirziyoyev’s decree transferred responsibility for a range of issues, including the security of state institutions, from SNB to the Interior Ministry (MVD) as of April 1. Other tasks, including building and maintaining security installations, will be transferred to the ministry of defence. The SNB was also renamed the State Security Service (GSB). The president made clear that what he described as the “unjustified expansion” of the agency’s authority would end. In the past, “any local issue could be seen as a national security threat. This reorganisation will draw the attention of the agency to the real state-level threats”. The decree also specifies that the intelligence agencies must “strictly uphold people’s rights, freedoms and legitimate interests” as well as protecting the state from external and Uzbek President Reins In Security Service internal threats. Although the SNB is a large agency with numerous departments throughout the country and an extensive agent network abroad, Mirziyoyev said that its centralised control had “contributed to unjustified intervention in all spheres of the activities of state authorities”.
    [Show full text]
  • Month in Review: Central Asia in November 2020
    Month in Review: Central Asia in November 2020 November 2020 in Central Asia is remembered for the run-up to the parliamentary elections in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan; high-level official meetings of the SCO and CIS; several protests; appreciating exchange rates and rising food prices; and the tenuous epidemiological situation in the region. The analytical platform CABAR.asia presents a brief overview of the major events in the region over the past month. Follow us on Telegram Kazakhstan General epidemiological situation Kazakhstan’s Health Ministry says that the number of coronavirus cases in November nearly quadrupled compared to last month. According to the President of Kazakhstan Kassym Zhomart-Tokayev, several regions of the country had been hiding the real extent of the coronavirus outbreak. The media also report a staggering death toll. On November 16, the country’s Health Minister stressed increase in maternal mortality over the last three months. Moreover, there has been coronavirus contagion among school-aged children. As of November 30, Kazakhstan reports a total number of 132,348 coronavirus cases and 1,990 deaths. Kazakh Health Ministry has detached pneumonia data from tallying COVID-19 numbers since August 1, 2020. As of November 30, the country reports a total of 42,147 cases of pneumonia and 443 deaths. Tightening quarantine measures The epidemiological situation in Kazakhstan has been rather tenuous over this month. Month in Review: Central Asia in November 2020 Apart from East Kazakhstan and North Kazakhstan, Pavlodar, Kostanay, and Akmola regions were assigned red labeling. The cities of Nursultan and Almaty, along with the West Kazakhstan region are in the yellow zone.
    [Show full text]
  • The Terrorist Threat and Security Sector Reform in Central Asia: the Uzbek Case
    Peter K. Forster THE TERRORIST THREAT AND SECURITY SECTOR REFORM IN CENTRAL ASIA: THE UZBEK CASE Introduction "At Istanbul, we will enhance our Partnerships to deliver more. We will concentrate more on defence reform to help some of our partners continue with their democratic transitions. We will also focus on increasing our co- operation with the Caucasus and Central Asia – areas that once seemed very far away, but that we now know are essential to our security right here." - NATO Secretary General, Jaap de Hoop Scheffer June 2004. NATO Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer comments speak not only to an increased awareness in NATO and the West of the importance of Central Asia but also illustrate the importance of security sector reform as a component of the democratization process. The responsiveness of the security sector to reforms that inculcate civil and ultimately democratic control procedures is a measure of a state’s progress toward democratization. Notwithstanding, it is widely admitted that there is no commonality among security sector reform. The security sector encompasses all state institutions that have a formal mandate to ensure the safety of a state and its citizens against violence and coercion. However, it may also include non-government armed political action 227 groups.98 This study will assess the level of security sector reform within those organizations that traditionally have held the state’s monopoly on the use of force, the military and the internal state security apparatus.99 The progress in security sector reform is dependent, to varying degrees, upon a state’s past experiences, both cultural and taught, the domestic relationship between society and the security sector including how of the state’s military and internal security forces developed, and the geo- political conditions under which reform currently is occurring including the influence of foreign countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Politically Motivated Imprisonment in Uzbekistan WATCH
    HUMAN RIGHTS “Until the Very End” Politically Motivated Imprisonment in Uzbekistan WATCH “Until the Very End” Politically Motivated Imprisonment in Uzbekistan Copyright © 2014 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-62313-1951 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org SEPTEMBER 2014 ISBN: 978-1-62313-1951 “Until the Very End” Politically Motivated Imprisonment in Uzbekistan Map of Prisons in Uzbekistan .............................................................................................. i Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Key Recommendations ....................................................................................................... 9 To the Government
    [Show full text]
  • Assessment of Intergovernmental Relations and Local Governance in the Republic of Uzbekistan
    ASSESSMENT OF INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS AND LOCAL GOVERNANCE IN THE REPUBLIC OF UZBEKISTAN Prepared for Prepared by Peter Epstein Matthew Winter With Munira Aminova Andrei Makarikhin Central Asian Republics Local Government Initiative Phase II Clare Romanik United States Agency for International Development Contract No. EEU-I-00-99-00015-00, Task Order No. 811 The Urban Institute February 2004 UI Project 06901-017 THE URBAN INSTITUTE 2100 M Street, NW Washington, DC 20037 (202) 833-7200 www.urban.org ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Preparation of this report has drawn on a variety of primary and secondary sources. It could not have been completed without the patient, often surprisingly frank assistance of many experienced Uzbekistanis working both inside and outside of government to whom we are most grateful for their time, information, and insights. Indeed, most information provided in this assessment has been gleaned from interviews with these local observers, though in most cases the authors endeavored to verify each fact at more than one interview. In the body of the assessment, the authors have indicated where specific information is based on interviews with a small number of people. In respect to secondary sources, the chapter on Uzbekistan written by Kuatbay Bektemirov and Eduard Rahimov as a contribution to the Open Society Institute’s Local Governments in Eastern Europe, in the Caucasus and Central Asia: Developing New Rules in the Old Environment served as a valuable point of departure for understanding the complexities of local government in Uzbekistan, which we have sought to elaborate further in this assessment. The present authors’ understanding of the structure of intergovernmental finance in the country benefits from Alex MacNevin’s July and October 2003 reports for Bearing Point on building oblast level revenue capacity and a draft works in progress by the Center for Economic Research in Tashkent.
    [Show full text]
  • Read S. Frederick Starr's Chapter, "Continuity and Change In
    Change and Continuity in Uzbekistan, 1991-2016 S. Frederick Starr zbekistan has entered a dynamic new phase of development. The Uobvious motivating factor is the transition in presidential leadership, following the death of Founding President Islam Karimov on September 2, 2016, and the election of Shavkat Mirziyoyev on December 4, 2016. It is easy, perhaps all too easy, to attribute the change simply to the differences between these two leaders. Some international observers who were critical of what preceded the present changes see today’s developments as a sharp break with the past, a radical transformation along fundamentally different lines than what preceded them, a welcome opening to a more market-based and participatory system. Others, who also have little good to say about what came earlier, are quick to conclude that less has changed than meets the eye, and that the many recent reforms are mainly for show. But beyond these are a third and more credible group, who applaud the new directions and wish them all success, but perceive them not as a revolutionary break with the past but as the logical next steps after what came before, and the culmination of Uzbekistan’s post-independence development. It cannot be denied that the differences between Uzbekistan’s two post-independence leaders are striking. Mr. Karimov, who was 53 when he was named Uzbekistan’s first president, had spent two decades working for the State Planning Committee of the USSR, known as “Gosplan,” the powerful agency that was responsible for developing detailed plans for every sector of the state-controlled economy.
    [Show full text]
  • Motivations Behind the Change of Stance of Uzbekistan Concerning the Construction of the Rogun Dam
    CAP Paper No. 233 The New President's Men: Motivations Behind the Change of Stance of Uzbekistan Concerning the Construction of the Rogun Dam Frédérick Maranda-Bouchard1 President of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev Attending a Meeting. Photo from en.kremlin.ru Abstract to go forward with the building of the dam. This can be seen with the simultaneous downfall of veteran Once a never-ending standoff between Uzbekistan and powerful officials and their replacement with ones more Tajikistan, the construction of the Rogun dam went likely to show loyalty to the new president. ahead with the approval of all involved actors despite the little amount of concessions made by Tajikistan. Started in 1976, the Rogun dam, which was necessary This change in position is closely linked with the rise to for energy security in Tajikistan,1 was abruptly stopped power of Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, but the when the Soviet regime collapsed in 1991.2 Since then, motivations behind such change are still unclear. This efforts to complete what is to become the largest dam paper argues that domestic politics, and more precisely in the world with its 335 meters3 have been trumped by changes in the ruling coalition, motivated Mirziyoyev to the opposition of Tajikistan’s more powerful neighbour: allow Tajikistan 1 Frédérick Maranda-Bouchard works at the Centre for European, Russian & Eurasian Studies at the University of Toronto, in Toronto, Ontario, Canada. CAP Paper No. 233 Uzbekistan.4 Nevertheless, things changed abruptly in Literature Review 2016 following the death of the isolationist Uzbek president Islom Karimov. The takeover by his prime The strategic importance of the Rogun dam relates to minister, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, allowed for swift changes the concept of hydro-hegemony.
    [Show full text]
  • Uluslararası Çalışmalar Dergisi Ulisa: Journal of International Studies Cilt 3, Sayı, 1 - Volume 3, Number 1
    Ulisa: Uluslararası Çalışmalar Dergisi Ulisa: Journal of International Studies Cilt 3, Sayı, 1 - Volume 3, Number 1 The Role and Features of Uzbek Local Authorities within a System of Strong Central Government Resul YALÇIN* ABSTRACT The Councils of People’s Deputies (Xalq deputatlari Kengashlari) are the representatives of Uzbek state authorities in regions, districts and towns. The hokims (governors) of regions, districts and towns are the highest officials of the state’s local authorities. They simultaneously serve as heads of representatives and executive authorities in their respective territories. In the small settlements, kishlaks and auls (villages) and in the residential neighbourhoods (mahallas) of cities and towns, the residents of the particular mahallas decide all local matters at general meetings. These local self-governing bodies elect their Chairmen (aksakal) and the members of his chamber for a term of two-and-a-half years. In Uzbekistan's system of strong central government, local government has little independence. The chief executive of each province and of Tashkent is the hakim, who is appointed by the president. Although these appointments must be confirmed by local legislative bodies that are elected by popular vote, the power of the president is dominant. Shavkat Mirziyoyev, has introduced wide-ranging economic, judicial, and social reforms to increase local officials’ accountability. This paper thus provides an account of the Uzbek local authorities’ roles, functions and the reform processes the government has introduced to better organize the state authority bodies at the regional, districts and mahalla levels. Keywords: Mirziyoyev, Uzbekistan, Politics, Reforms, Central Government, Local Authorities, Mahalla, Aksakal. * Assit.
    [Show full text]
  • Dr. Akmal Saidov, Director, National Human Rights Centre of Uzbekistan in the Eight Years
    Country Study: Uzbekistan Drafted by: Dr. Akmal Saidov, Director, National Human Rights Centre of Uzbekistan In the eight years since the independence of Uzbekistan, the foundations for the basic institutions of a parliamentary democracy have been laid. Now these institutions need to be strengthened and assisted to function effectively and efficiently. The legal framework inherited from the time before Uzbekistan’s independence is being gradually adjusted to the needs of the new situation. It is manifest, moreover, that a growing number of international observers are beginning to respond to Uzbekistan’s unique situation and needs with greater understanding. Being the country of the Soviet totalitarian past, Uzbekistan still experiences some human rights problems, e.g., the judiciary is not fully independent, is corrupt and lacks public confidence; there is a shortage of a culture of rights and constitutionalism, the government officials are sometimes intolerant towards the mass media and independent human rights NGOs. In order to overcome these problems, Uzbek Government, Parliament and civil society have come to an unwritten consensus concerning the steps to be made in this direction. They comprises the implementation of international human rights standards into the Uzbek Law, development of national human rights institutions and NGO framework, rising of human rights awareness, etc. The latter is highly important, as it has become apparent, that certain types of “human rights abuses” are not due to the Government's conscious intention to oppress its citizens and repress civil society, but rather to weak institutions of governance and justice, to the shortage of administrative and legal know-how and the lack of experience with democratic practices and institutions.
    [Show full text]
  • Moscow's Fifth Column Across Eurasia
    Security Services: Moscow’s Fifth Column Across Eurasia January 17, 2020 S. Frederick Starr, Svante E. Cornell The Diplomat Related Categories: Democracy and Governance; Human Rights and Humanitarian Issues; Intelligence and Counterintelligence; Russia; Central Asia; Caucasus Since Vladimir Putin came to power twenty years ago, much ink has been spent detailing the role of the security services in Russian politics, and it is generally accepted that the Putin regime essentially is a result of the Soviet-era KGB’s takeover of the Russian state. But few have connected this to Russian foreign policy in its neighborhood. Meanwhile, many observers have puzzled over the reluctance of former Soviet states to embrace political reform or liberalization. Many have connected this to Russia’s active opposition to greater openness and political participation in neighboring states. But few have ventured into specifics – how does Russia make its influence felt? Who is the “enforcer” with the power and resolve to translate Moscow’s words into action? The role of security services in foreign policy is a notoriously challenging subject of study. Acknowledging this, we contend that there is overwhelming circumstantial evidence to suggest that Moscow’s manipulation of security services is a key instrument in its efforts to maintain its “sphere of privileged interests” in its neighborhood, and equally, a leading impediment to political reform. This is illustrated by an examination of those moments in the life of the new post-Soviet states in which the hand of Moscow appears to be present. Footprints of Enforcers No post-Soviet state has so consistently been subjected to Russian pressure as Georgia, culminating in the 2008 invasion.
    [Show full text]