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What Is Hezbollah? Tony Badran
WHAT IS HEZBOLLAH? TONY BADRAN Imagine you live in a small country with more than a hundred thousand missiles pointed at it. And imagine the leaders who control those weapons had one stated purpose: to destroy you—to literally wipe your country off the map. What would do you? Strike first and try to destroy all the weapons? Set up an anti-missile defense system? Or would you ignore the problem and hope it goes away? You can now stop imagining, because these are real-life questions that one country in the world has to ask itself every day. That country is Israel. And the leaders who control these missiles (and the number I gave is a low-ball estimate) belong to an organization known as Hezbollah—Arabic for “Party of God.” Moreover, they’re not rogue terrorists. They actually run a country—Lebanon. You should know something about them. Hezbollah first burst onto the international scene in 1983, when they simultaneously bombed the United States Marine barracks and French paratrooper base in Beirut. 241 Americans— the largest loss of American military personnel in a single incident since World War II—and 58 Frenchmen were killed in the attacks. But this was only the beginning. More bombings followed, killing 24 people at the U.S. Embassy annex in Beirut in 1984; killing 85 at the Jewish Community Center in Buenos Aires in 1994; and killing 19 at a housing complex for American oil executives in Saudi Arabia in 1996. In 1985, Hezbollah terrorists highjacked TWA Flight 847, during which they beat passengers, separated those with Jewish-sounding names, and murdered U.S. -
“Shutting out Hezbollah in Its Entirety Will Destabilize the Lebanese
CLAIM “Shutting out Hezbollah in its entirety will destabilize the Lebanese government, in which Hezbollah and its allies gained a vast majority of the popular vote in parliamentary elections, making it one of the most effective fighting forces against the Islamic State group.” SHORT RESPONSE HEZBOLLAH IS THE DESTABILIZER IN THE LEBANESE GOVERNMENT AND HAS DONE LITTLE TO DEFEAT THE ISLAMIC STATE. INSTEAD, IT ASPIRES TO BECOME SOMETHING SIMILAR. THE FACTS The struggle to reduce the capabilities of a terrorist organization is ongoing, multi-dimensional, and requires a great deal of determination. A terrorist organization such as Hezbollah, which operates simultaneously as a terrorist organization and within the framework of the Lebanese political system as a “legitimate party,” relies on civilian infrastructure, living spaces, and sources of funding. It carries out profit and loss considerations on an ongoing basis. Reducing Hezbollah’s capabilities and influence must be achieved by exerting pressure on the organization — directly and indirectly. The key to this is international cooperation and the mobilization of political elements in the government to reduce Hezbollah’s power. SETTING THE RECORD STRAIGHT ON HEZBOLLAH A Joint Project by AJC and the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism KEY DETAILS WHAT DOES IT REALLY MEAN TO Î For years, an alliance between the Christian camp and the DESIGNATE HEZBOLLAH? Sunnis controlled the centers of power in the Lebanese The significance of designating Hezbollah as a terrorist political system. organization primarily derives from the entities that carry Î The assassination of Rafic Hariri, the Syrian withdrawal out the designation. The list of countries that have made the from Lebanon, Hezbollah’s entry into the government, designated Hezbollah a terrorist organization include: and especially the rivalry in the Christian camp led to the consolidation of new political dynamics, including an alliance Israel 1982 between President Michel Aoun from the Christian camp and Hezbollah. -
Middle East 1 Middle East
Middle East 1 Middle East Middle East Map of the Middle east. (Green color) Countries 18–38 (varying definitions) Languages Middle East: Arabic, Aramaic, Azerbaijani, French, Greek, Hebrew, Kurdish, Persian, Somali, Turkish Greater Middle East: Arabic, Armenian, Azerbaijani, Balochi, Berber, Dari, French, Greek, Georgian, Hebrew, Kurdish, Pashto, Persian, Somali, Tigrinya, Turkish, Urdu Time Zones UTC +3:30 (Iran) to UTC +2:00 (Egypt) (traditional definition) Largest Cities In rank order: Istanbul, Cairo, Tehran, Baghdad, Riyadh, Jeddah, Ankara The Middle East[1] is a region that roughly encompasses Western Asia. The term is considered to be Eurocentric and used as a synonym for Near East, in opposition to Far East. The corresponding adjective is Middle-Eastern and the derived noun is Middle-Easterner. The largest ethnic group in the middle east are Arabs,[2] with Turks, Turkomans, Persians, Kurds, Azeris, Copts, Jews, Maronites, Assyro-Chaldeans, Circassians, Armenians, Druze and numerous other ethnic groups forming other significant populations. The history of the Middle East dates back to ancient times, and throughout its history, the Middle East has been a major center of world affairs. When discussing ancient history, however, the term Near East is more commonly used. The Middle East is also the historical origin of major religions such as Judaism, Christianity, and Islam as well as the less common Baha'i faith, Mandaeism, Druze faith and others. The Middle East generally has an arid and hot climate, with several major rivers providing for irrigation to support agriculture in limited areas, especially in Mesopotamia and the rest of the Fertile Crescent. Many countries located around the Persian Gulf have large quantities of crude oil, which has resulted in much wealth particularly for nations in the Arabian peninsula. -
Patience and Comparative Development*
Patience and Comparative Development* Thomas Dohmen Benjamin Enke Armin Falk David Huffman Uwe Sunde May 29, 2018 Abstract This paper studies the role of heterogeneity in patience for comparative devel- opment. The empirical analysis is based on a simple OLG model in which patience drives the accumulation of physical capital, human capital, productivity improve- ments, and hence income. Based on a globally representative dataset on patience in 76 countries, we study the implications of the model through a combination of reduced-form estimations and simulations. In the data, patience is strongly corre- lated with income levels, income growth, and the accumulation of physical capital, human capital, and productivity. These relationships hold across countries, sub- national regions, and individuals. In the reduced-form analyses, the quantitative magnitude of the relationship between patience and income strongly increases in the level of aggregation. A simple parameterized version of the model generates comparable aggregation effects as a result of production complementarities and equilibrium effects, and illustrates that variation in preference endowments can account for a considerable part of the observed variation in per capita income. JEL classification: D03, D90, O10, O30, O40. Keywords: Patience; comparative development; factor accumulation. *Armin Falk acknowledges financial support from the European Research Council through ERC # 209214. Dohmen, Falk: University of Bonn, Department of Economics; [email protected], [email protected]. Enke: Harvard University, Department of Economics; [email protected]. Huffman: University of Pittsburgh, Department of Economics; huff[email protected]. Sunde: University of Munich, Department of Economics; [email protected]. 1 Introduction A long stream of research in development accounting has documented that both pro- duction factors and productivity play an important role in explaining cross-country income differences (Hall and Jones, 1999; Caselli, 2005; Hsieh and Klenow, 2010). -
Beirut's Sunset: Civil War, Right to the Truth and Public Remembrance 1
Beirut's Sunset: Civil War, Right to the Truth and Public Remembrance Gianluca Siega Battel' 1. The Years of Darkness: An International-Regional Civil War Several factors contributed to the 1975-1990 Lebanese civil war and different weight has been given to them in the literature on the topic. Some have a distinct Lebanese origin; others pertain to the domain of Middle Eastern and inter national politics. Inter-communal (and no less ferocious intra " Human rights expert; areas of expertise include minority rights, communal <<wars within the wan>) battles intertwined with post-conflict situations, the Balkans wars by proxy and episodes of full-scale inter-state conflict and the Middle East. against a background of regional rivalries (many states of the 1 On Lebanon's recent history and region played a role, even if only financial or diplomatic), the the civil war, I have consulted, among others: P. Hitti, History of unsolved Palestinian issue and the influence of superpowers. the Arabs, London, Palgrave The Lebanese civil war is probably better described as «cycles MacMillan, 2002 (1st ed. 1937), pp. 728-736; P. Mansfield, A History of of wars» with internal, regional and international dimensions'. the Middle East, London, Penguin In its modern history Lebanon experienced two civil wars prior Books, 2003 (1st ed. 1991), pp. 280- 322; F. Massoulie, Les conflicts du to 1975: in 1858-1860, between the Maronite and Druze Proche Orient, Paris, Casterman, communities, which triggered French intervention in defense 1994 (revised ed.); R. Fisk, Pity the Nation: Lebanon at War, london, of the former, and in 1958, between pro-Western and Oxford University Press, 20013 (1st nationalist/leftist forces, which ended with US intervention at ed. -
Flags of Asia
Flags of Asia Item Type Book Authors McGiverin, Rolland Publisher Indiana State University Download date 27/09/2021 04:44:49 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10484/12198 FLAGS OF ASIA A Bibliography MAY 2, 2017 ROLLAND MCGIVERIN Indiana State University 1 Territory ............................................................... 10 Contents Ethnic ................................................................... 11 Afghanistan ............................................................ 1 Brunei .................................................................. 11 Country .................................................................. 1 Country ................................................................ 11 Ethnic ..................................................................... 2 Cambodia ............................................................. 12 Political .................................................................. 3 Country ................................................................ 12 Armenia .................................................................. 3 Ethnic ................................................................... 13 Country .................................................................. 3 Government ......................................................... 13 Ethnic ..................................................................... 5 China .................................................................... 13 Region .................................................................. -
Working Paper 2006/29
EUI WORKING PAPERS RSCAS No. 2006/29 Lebanese Politics of Nationality and Emigration Thibaut Jaulin EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Mediterranean Programme Series jaulin cov.indd 1 19/09/2006 12:02:40 EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE, FLORENCE ROBERT SCHUMAN CENTRE FOR ADVANCED STUDIES Lebanese Politics of Nationality and Emigration THIBAUT JAULIN EUI Working Paper RSCAS No. 2006/29 BADIA FIESOLANA, SAN DOMENICO DI FIESOLE (FI) © 2006 Thibaut Jaulin This text may be downloaded only for personal research purposes. Any additional reproduction for such purposes, whether in hard copies or electronically, require the consent of the author. Requests should be addressed directly to the author. See contact details at end of text. If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author, the title, the working paper, or other series, the year and the publisher. Any reproductions for other purposes require the consent of the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies. The author should inform the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies at the EUI if the paper will be published elsewhere and also take responsibility for any consequential obligation(s). ISSN 1028-3625 Printed in Italy in September 2006 European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50016 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy http://www.iue.it/RSCAS/Publications/ http://cadmus.iue.it/dspace/index.jsp Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies The Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies carries out disciplinary and interdisciplinary research in the areas of European integration and public policy in Europe. It hosts the annual European Forum. -
Book Reviews / the Levantine Review Volume 2 Number 1 (Spring 2013) ISSN: 2
Book Reviews / The Levantine Review Volume 2 Number 1 (Spring 2013) BOOK REVIEWS Lebanon After the Cedar Revolution, Are Knudsen and Michael Kerr (eds); London: C. Hurst & Company, 2012. 323 pp. $29.95 Reviewed by Franck Salameh Since the end of World War I, the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, and the emergence of the current state system, the Middle East has been racked with military conflict and political turbulence, at times adrift on quests for political frameworks to absorb and manage the region’s cultural, ethnic, religious, and linguistic diversity. Lebanon, for all its perplexities and defects, seemed to have found a workable formula, some ninety years ago. Lebanon’s power-sharing system," says Michael Kerr, "has proved to be one of the most resilient and enduring forms of government the region has known" since the emergence of the current state system; something none of Lebanon’s neighbors have yet been able to attain. Today, as Arabs from the Maghreb to the Persian Gulf clamor for equality, freedom, and representative institutions, casting a searching gaze over Lebanon's successes (and failures) may be instructive, and indeed salutary, for a region in transition facing mounting transformational challenges, and scraping for reform, suffrage, and order. “Lebanon has the task of transmitting to the Western world the faintest pulsations of the Eastern and Arab worlds,” wrote Lebanese parliamentarian, Kamal Jumblat, some seventy years ago.1 Lebanon has also “the task of intercepting—before anyone else—the life ripples of the Mediterranean, of Europe, and of the universe, in order to cast them and retransmit them [… to the Middle East’s] realms of sand, mosques and sun.”2 This is an element of an “Eternal Truth” claimed Jumblat. -
Lebanon in the Syrian Quagmire
Lebanon in the Syrian Quagmire: Fault-Lines, Resilience and Possible Futures Ishac Diwan, Paris Sciences et Lettres Youssef Chaitani, UN ESCWA Working Paper for Discussion The purpose of this paper is to examine the weaknesses and strengths of Lebanon amidst the tensions created by the Syrian conflict that started in 2011. Lebanon’s sectarian governance system has been over 150 years in the making. But the Syrian fire next door, which has taken an increasing sectarian nature, is likely to burn for a long time. With such dire prospects, what is the fate of Lebanon’s governance system? Will it lead the country inexorably towards civil strife? The Lebanese governance system could be described as a horizontal deal among communal oligarchs, supported by vertical organizations within each community. While oligarchs have changed over time, the system itself survived devastating civil wars, endured extensive global and regional influences, and was also undeterred by the projection of power by many external forces, including the Palestinian Liberation Organization, Syria, Iran and Israel. What are the forces at work that make the Lebanese governance system both resilient and resistant to change? In the paper, we use as an analytical framework, which is introduced in section one, the model of limited orders developed by Douglas North and his associates. In section two, we argue that the Syrian civil war is likely to be long lasting. Section three examines the weaknesses and fault-lines of the Lebanese system in light of the Syrian war. Section four explores the factors that continue to contribute to the strength and resilience of Lebanon in spite of the rise in extremist Islamic militancy. -
A History of Modern Palestine
A HISTORY OF MODERN PALESTINE Ilan Pappe’s history of modern Palestine has been updated to include the dramatic events of the s and the early twenty-first century. These years, which began with a sense of optimism, as the Oslo peace accord was being negotiated, culminated in the second intifada and the increase of militancy on both sides. Pappe explains the reasons for the failure of Oslo and the two-state solution, and reflects upon life thereafter as the Palestinians and Israelis battle it out under the shadow of the wall of separation. I P is Senior Lecturer in Political Science at the University of Haifa in Israel. He has written extensively on the politics of the Middle East, and is well known for his revisionist interpretation of Israel’s history. His books include The Making of the Arab–Israeli Conflict, – (/) and The Modern Middle East (). A HISTORY OF MODERN PALESTINE One Land, Two Peoples ILAN PAPPE University of Haifa, Israel CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo, Delhi, Mexico City Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge, CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521683159 © Ilan Pappe 2004, 2006 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2004 Second edition 2006 7th printing 2013 Printed and bound in the United Kingdom by the MPG Books Group A catalog record for this publication is available from the British Library. -
Read the Qualitative Research Evaluation
Qualitative Research Evaluation of "Kilna Bil Hayy" TV Program Search for Common Ground Market - Lebanon Date - February 2010 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1.2. LEBANON BACKGROUND AND FACTS 1.3. OBJECTIVES & METHODOLOGY 2. MAIN FINDINGS – CHILDREN 2.1. OVERALL PERCEPTION OF LEBANESE SOCIETY 2.2. PERCEPTIONS AND ATTITUDES TOWARDS THE "OTHER" COMMUNITIES 2.3. EVALUATION AND IMPACT OF "KILNA BIL HAYY" TV SERIES ON CHILDREN’S KNOWLEDGE AND ATTITUDES 3. MAIN FINDINGS – PARENTS AND TEACHERS 3.1. OVERALL PERCEPTION OF LEBANESE SOCIETY 3.2. PERCEPTIONS AND ATTITUDES TOWARDS THE "OTHER" COMMUNITIES 3.3. EVALUATION AND IMPACT OF "KILNA BIL HAYY" TV SERIES ON PARENTS’ AND TEACHERS’ KNOWLEDGE AND ATTITUDES 4. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 5. APPENDICES 2 1. INTRODUCTION Search for Common Ground (SFCG) works with local partners in many countries to find culturally appropriate means of strengthening those societies' capacity to constructively deal with conflicts. SFCG is currently working on conflict prevention, resolution and transformation in Lebanon. Towards this end, SFCG has developed and aired a TV drama called “All of us in the Neighborhood” (Kilna Bil Hayy) that targets children (aged 7-15 years old) and their parents. The TV drama consisting of 13 episodes was aired in spring 2009 on the LBCI TV channel. Pan Arab Research Center (PARC) was commissioned to carry out a comprehensive research program comprising of both Qualitative and Quantitative modules to gain insights and measure the short-term impact of this program on the target audience. The study was carried out after 3-4 months of having aired the TV drama. -
A Guide to Understanding the Struggle for Palestinian Human Rights
A Guide to Understanding the Struggle for Palestinian Human Rights © Copyright 2010, The Veritas Handbook. 1st Edition: July 2010. Online PDF, Cost: $0.00 Cover Photo: Ahmad Mesleh This document may be reproduced and redistributed, in part, or in full, for educational and non- profit purposes only and cannot be used for fundraising or any monetary purposes. We encourage you to distribute the material and print it, while keeping the environment in mind. Photos by Ahmad Mesleh, Jon Elmer, and Zoriah are copyrighted by the authors and used with permission. Please see www.jonelmer.ca, www.ahmadmesleh.wordpress.com and www.zoriah.com for detailed copyright information and more information on these photographers. Excerpts from Rashid Khalidi’s Palestinian Identity, Ben White’s Israeli Apartheid: A Beginner’s Guide and Norman Finkelstein’s This Time We Went Too Far are also taken with permission of the author and/or publishers and can only be used for the purposes of this handbook. Articles from The Electronic Intifada and PULSE Media have been used with written permission. We claim no rights to the images included or content that has been cited from other online resources. Contact: [email protected] Web: www.veritashandbook.blogspot.com T h e V E R I T A S H a n d b o o k 2 A Guide to Understanding the Struggle for Palestinian Human Rights To make this handbook possible, we would like to thank 1. The Hasbara Handbook and the Hasbara Fellowships 2. The Israel Project’s Global Language Dictionary Both of which served as great inspirations, convincing us of the necessity of this handbook in our plight to establish truth and justice.