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Youth Perspectives on Peace and Security: Afghanistan • 3 Growing Emphasis on Education
Report April 2018 Youth perspectives on peace AfghanistanLogo using and security: multiply on layers Logo drawn as seperate elements with overlaps coloured seperately Contents 1. Youth, peace and security in Afghanistan 3 1.1 Political and security context 3 1.2 Youth and politics in Afghanistan 3 1.3 Youth and the peace process in Afghanistan today 4 2. The focus group discussions 4 2.1 Context and challenges 4 2.2 Regional differences between respondents 5 3. Findings from the focus group discussions 5 3.1 Views on the current political context 5 Insecurity and local Instability 5 3.2 A lack of rule of law 6 3.3 Corruption 6 3.4 The international community and other actors 6 3.5 Challenges for youth in Afghanistan 7 A lack of political voice 7 3.6 Manipulation by local leaders 8 3.7 Challenges for female youth 8 3.8 Reflections on the peace process 9 Challenges defining peace 9 3.9 Views on peace process 9 3.10 Role of religious leaders in the peace process 9 3.11 Potential role of youth in peace process 10 4. Conclusions 10 References cited 11 This report was authored by Noah Coburn, with research support from Mohammad Munir Salamzai. Cover image: Women seeking a brighter future. © Dan Love 2 • Conciliation Resources resources and international development 1. Youth, peace and funds and contracts from the US military to security in Afghanistan enrich themselves.3 In the meantime, with fewer international troops, Afghan troops have 1.1 Political and security context struggled to hold territory against the Taliban, leading to a state of low-level but continued The past forty years of Afghan history have been violence, with no prospect on the horizon for an marked by near constant upheaval and war. -
Afghanistan: Background and U.S. Policy
Afghanistan: Background and U.S. Policy July 18, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45818 SUMMARY R45818 Afghanistan: Background and U.S. Policy July 18, 2019 Afghanistan has been a significant U.S. foreign policy concern since 2001, when the United States, in response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, led a military Clayton Thomas campaign against Al Qaeda and the Taliban government that harbored and supported it. Analyst in Middle Eastern In the intervening 18 years, the United States has suffered approximately 2,400 military Affairs fatalities in Afghanistan, with the cost of military operations reaching nearly $750 billion. Congress has appropriated approximately $133 billion for reconstruction. In that time, an elected Afghan government has replaced the Taliban, and most measures of human development have improved, although Afghanistan’s future prospects remain mixed in light of the country’s ongoing violent conflict and political contention. Topics covered in this report include: Security dynamics. U.S. and Afghan forces, along with international partners, combat a Taliban insurgency that is, by many measures, in a stronger military position now than at any point since 2001. Many observers assess that a full-scale U.S. withdrawal would lead to the collapse of the Afghan government and perhaps even the reestablishment of Taliban control over most of the country. Taliban insurgents operate alongside, and in periodic competition with, an array of other armed groups, including regional affiliates of Al Qaeda (a longtime Taliban ally) and the Islamic State (a Taliban foe and increasing focus of U.S. policy). U.S. -
Hamid Karzai
AFGHANISTAN Head of state and government: Hamid Karzai Thousands of civilians continued to suffer from targeted and indiscriminate attacks by armed opposition groups, with international and national security forces also responsible for civilian deaths and injuries. The UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) reported more than 2,700 civilians killed and 4,805 injured, the vast majority – 81% – by armed groups. Torture and other ill-treatment were common in detention facilities across the country, despite some government efforts to reduce incidence. Violence and discrimination against women and girls remained rife both institutionally and within wider society. The government sought to introduce tougher controls on the media, prompting an outcry among media workers, who continued to be threatened and detained by the authorities and armed groups. Persistent armed conflict prompted more families to flee their homes, with 459,200 people still displaced within Afghanistan by the conflict. Many lived in informal settlements with inadequate shelter, access to water, health care, and education. Some 2.7 million refugees remained outside the country. Background In January the Taliban agreed to open a political office in Qatar allowing for direct peace negotiations; efforts faltered in March over requested exchanges of prisoners. In early November, negotiations between Pakistan and Afghanistan’s High Peace Council resulted in Pakistan releasing several detained Taliban leaders. On 17 November, the head of the High Peace Council, Salahuddin Rabbani, stated that Taliban officials who joined the peace process would receive immunity from prosecution despite the fact that some of the detained Taliban were suspected of war crimes. Women members of the High Peace Council remained sidelined from the main peace consultations. -
Ethnicity and the Political Reconstruction of Afghanistan
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Schetter, Conrad Working Paper Ethnicity and the political reconstruction of Afghanistan ZEF Working Paper Series, No. 3 Provided in Cooperation with: Zentrum für Entwicklungsforschung / Center for Development Research (ZEF), University of Bonn Suggested Citation: Schetter, Conrad (2005) : Ethnicity and the political reconstruction of Afghanistan, ZEF Working Paper Series, No. 3, University of Bonn, Center for Development Research (ZEF), Bonn, http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0202-2008091124 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/88366 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen -
Embassy of the United States of America Research Unit Difusión
Embassy of the United States of America Research Unit Difusión selectiva de documentos electrónicos sobre seguridad y defensa en Estados Unidos 11 de abril de 2016 U.S. Statement at the Geneva Conference on Preventing Violent Extremism: The Way Forward Remarks by Sarah Sewall, Under Secretary for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights April 8, 2016 “Ten years ago, when UN Member States endorsed the first-ever Global Counter- Terrorism Strategy, they envisioned the need to both combat existing terrorist threats around the world and prevent those threats from emerging in the first place. Elements of both combating and preventing terrorism marble the Strategy throughout, but there is no question that until now, the UN has yet to fully balance and integrate both of these essential components.” Efforts To Combat Daesh Remarks by Secretary of State Kerry and U.S. Ambassador to Iraq Jones U.S. Department of State April 8, 2016 “So I – if we cannot defeat Daesh in all of the places we need to defeat it, if we don’t defeat it in each place individually, and that means we have to destroy it in Iraq in order to be successful in Syria, and we have to destroy it in Syria in order to be successful in Libya and in Yemen and in the various places where it has converted people to its cause. The principal reason for that conversion, folks, is success.” Joint Statement on the Third Meeting of the U.S.-Afghanistan Bilateral Commission Kabul - April 2016 U.S. Department of State April 9, 2016 On April 9 in Kabul, Afghan Foreign Minister Salahuddin Rabbani and U.S. -
Iranian Support for Terrorism
OUTLAW REGIME: A CHRONICLE OF IRAN’S DESTRUCTIVE ACTIVITIES Iran Action Group U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE “America will not be held hostage to nuclear blackmail.” PRESIDENT DONALD J. TRUMP, MAY 2018 In recognition of the increasing menace posed by the Iranian regime, President Trump announced a new strategy to address the full range of the regime’s destructive actions. OUTLAW REGIME: A CHRONICLE OF IRAN’S DESTRUCTIVE ACTIVITIES A Letter From Executive Chapter One: 4 Secretary of State 6 Summary 8 Iran’s Support Michael R. Pompeo for Terrorism 18 Chapter Two: 22 Chapter Three: 26 Chapter Four: Iran’s Missile Illicit Financial Iran’s Threat to Program Activities in Iran Maritime Security Chapter Five: Chapter Six: Chapter Seven: 30 Iran’s Threat to 34 Human Rights 40 Environmental Cybersecurity Abuses in Iran Exploitation AP PHOTO OUTLAW REGIME: A CHRONICLE OF IRAN’S DESTRUCTIVE ACTIVITIES | 3 A LETTER FROM U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE MICHAEL R. POMPEO I am pleased to release the State Department’s new report detailing the scope of the Iranian regime’s destructive behavior at home and abroad on the eve of the Islamic Revolution’s 40th anniversary. On May 8, 2018, President Donald J. Trump announced his decision to cease U.S. participation in the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), commonly referred to as the Iran deal. The Iran deal was proving to be a failed strategic bet that fell short of protecting the American people or our allies from the potential of an Iranian nuclear weapon. The futility of entrusting our long term security to an agreement that will quickly expire was underscored by the recent bombshell that Iran had secretly preserved its past nuclear weapons research after the implementation of the JCPOA. -
Iran's Anti-Western
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3028 Iran’s Anti-Western ‘Blueprint’ for the Next Fifty Years by Mehdi Khalaji Oct 24, 2018 Also available in Arabic / Farsi ABOUT THE AUTHORS Mehdi Khalaji Mehdi Khalaji, a Qom-trained Shiite theologian, is the Libitzky Family Fellow at The Washington Institute. Brief Analysis Khamenei’s latest guidelines for Iranian culture and governance focus on resisting any efforts to reform the regime’s decisionmaking tendencies. n October 14, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei released a draft of the “Islamic-Iranian Blueprint for Progress,” O a document that outlines his vision for the next half century. The final version of this blueprint is not expected to be released for months, so publicizing a draft now may be an attempt to address some of Tehran’s current difficulties, including increased U.S. pressure, consecutive economic shocks, and mounting public suspicion about the regime’s durability and legitimacy. At their core, the document’s prescriptions reveal Khamenei’s two-pronged vision for achieving regional, even global, supremacy: first, total Islamization of all facets of life, which means continuing to resist Western notions of international order, politics, and culture; second, the use of advanced scientific achievements to become technologically self-reliant. In short, the regime seems to be placing its bets on an even deeper marriage of fundamentalist ideology and modern technology. A WARNING TO THE WEST I n addition to asking Iran’s academic and clerical establishment for feedback on the blueprint, Khamenei has ordered government branches and regime decisionmaking bodies to turn the document’s goals into workable operational plans. -
Afghanistan-Pakistan Media Affairs Challenges and Opportunities
Afghanistan-Pakistan Media Affairs Challenges and Opportunities Rahimullah Yusufzai December 2018 The media in Afghanistan and Pakistan has never been so large, vibrant and independent. It has attained unimaginable power and become a key player in politics and other walks of life. Media is the fourth pillar of the state and democracy in both Afghanistan and Pakistan in the true sense of the word. Earlier, it was the mainstream print and electronic media that was dominant and had assumed unprecedented importance. Now the social media is making an impact in these two neighbouring countries and often taking the lead in breaking news even if it has lesser credi- bility than the mainstream media. The media has tended to be overly patriotic and at times even aggres- sive in context of the perceived national interests of Afghanistan and Pakistan. The poor relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan affect the work of journalists. There is generally lack of awareness about each other due to the virtual absence of Afghan media in Pakistan and Pakistani media in Afghanistan. Table of Contents List of Acronyms i Foreword iii Rise in Media Power 1 Fallout on Media of Poor Afghanistan-Pakistan Relations 3 Status of Afghan Media in Pakistan 4 Status of Pakistani Media in Afghanistan 7 Reasons of Information Vacuum Between Neighbours 8 Creating Culture of Engagement – Establishing Institutional Relations 9 Between Media Stakeholders Impact of Regional Dynamics on Afghanistan-Pakistan Media 11 Relations – What Went Wrong Recommendations for States, Media -
“TELLING the STORY” Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: a Regional Perspective (2011-2016)
“TELLING THE STORY” Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: A Regional Perspective (2011-2016) Emma Hooper (ed.) This monograph has been produced with the financial assistance of the Norway Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not reflect the position of the Ministry. © 2016 CIDOB This monograph has been produced with the financial assistance of the Norway Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not reflect the position of the Ministry. CIDOB edicions Elisabets, 12 08001 Barcelona Tel.: 933 026 495 www.cidob.org [email protected] D.L.: B 17561 - 2016 Barcelona, September 2016 CONTENTS CONTRIBUTOR BIOGRAPHIES 5 FOREWORD 11 Tine Mørch Smith INTRODUCTION 13 Emma Hooper CHAPTER ONE: MAPPING THE SOURCES OF TENSION WITH REGIONAL DIMENSIONS 17 Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: A Regional Perspective .......... 19 Zahid Hussain Mapping the Sources of Tension and the Interests of Regional Powers in Afghanistan and Pakistan ............................................................................................. 35 Emma Hooper & Juan Garrigues CHAPTER TWO: KEY PHENOMENA: THE TALIBAN, REFUGEES , & THE BRAIN DRAIN, GOVERNANCE 57 THE TALIBAN Preamble: Third Party Roles and Insurgencies in South Asia ............................... 61 Moeed Yusuf The Pakistan Taliban Movement: An Appraisal ......................................................... 65 Michael Semple The Taliban Movement in Afghanistan ....................................................................... -
Iran, Terrorism, and Weapons of Mass Destruction
Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 31:169–181, 2008 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 1057-610X print / 1521-0731 online DOI: 10.1080/10576100701878424 Iran, Terrorism, and Weapons of Mass Destruction DANIEL BYMAN Center for Peace and Security Studies Georgetown University Washington, DC, USA and Saban Center for Middle East Policy Brookings Institution Washington, DC, USA This article reviews Iran’s past and current use of terrorism and assesses why U.S. attempts to halt Iran’s efforts have met with little success. With this assessment in mind, it argues that Iran is not likely transfer chemical, biological, or nuclear weapons to terrorist groups for several reasons. First, providing terrorists with such unconventional Downloaded By: [Georgetown University] At: 15:20 19 March 2008 weapons offers Iran few tactical advantages as these groups are able to operate effectively with existing methods and weapons. Second, Iran has become more cautious in its backing of terrorists in recent years. And third, Tehran is highly aware that any major escalation in its support for terrorism would incur U.S. wrath and international condemnation. The article concludes by offering recommendations for decreasing Iran’s support for terrorism. Since the Islamic Revolution in 1979, Iran has been one of the world’s most active sponsors of terrorism. Tehran has armed, trained, financed, inspired, organized, and otherwise supported dozens of violent groups over the years.1 Iran has backed not only groups in its Persian Gulf neighborhood, but also terrorists and radicals in Lebanon, the Palestinian territories, Bosnia, the Philippines, and elsewhere.2 This support remains strong even today: the U.S. -
The Leader's Response to a Letter by Hamas Chief, Ismail Haniyeh - 5 /Apr/ 2018
The Leader's response to a letter by Hamas chief, Ismail Haniyeh - 5 /Apr/ 2018 In response to a recent letter by Ismail Haniyeh, the head of the political bureau of the Palestinian Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas), Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei underscored the perennial stances of the Islamic Republic in full support of Palestine and its holy warriors. He said the remedy for the issue of Palestine lies in the reinforcement of the resisting and unyielding front in the world of Islam and the intensification of the campaign against the usurping regime and its supporters, stressing, “Moving toward negotiations with the deceptive, mendacious and usurping regime is an unforgivable mistake that will delay the victory of the Palestinian nation and will bring nothing but harm to the oppressed nation.” The full text of the letter by the Leader of the Islamic Revolution is as follows: In the Name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate (Arabic Prayers) Praise be to Allah, Lord of the Worlds, and prayers and peace be upon our master, the great and faithful Messenger (the Prophet Muhammad) and his immaculate Household and his ennobled companions and those who followed them with good deeds until the Day of Judgement. Dear striving brother, Dr. Ismail Haniyeh, may your successes continue I begin the letter with these luminous words of God, which may seem to have been descended upon us and you this very day: “Relent not in pursuit of the enemy. If ye are suffering, lo! they suffer even as ye suffer and ye hope from Allah that for which they cannot hope. -
Classroom Lessons
Curriculum Supplement for Selected Poems from Language for a New Century: Contemporary Poetry from the Middle East, Asia, and Beyond Focusing on poetry from Afghanistan, Tibet, Kurdistan, Kashmir, Sudan, Japan, Korea, and China Compiled by Ravi Shankar [email protected] For additional resources on International Studies, contact Jamie Bender, Outreach Coordinator, University of Chicago Center for International Studies, at [email protected]. For additional resources on East Asia, contact Sarah Arehart, Outreach Coordinator, University of Chicago Center for East Asian Studies, at [email protected] Afghanistan A. Read Nadia Anjuman’s “The Silenced” from Language for a New Century: Contemporary Poetry from Asia, the Middle East & Beyond (W.W. Norton & Co.): “The Silenced” by Nadia Anjuman I have no desire for talking, my tongue is tied up. Now that I am abhorred by my time, do I sing or not? What could I say about honey, when my mouth is as bitter as poison. Alas! The group of tyrants have muffled my mouth. This corner of imprisonment, grief, failure and regrets— I was born for nothing that my mouth should stay sealed. I know O! my heart, It is springtime and the time for joy. What could I, a bound bird, do without flight. Although, I have been silent for long, I have not forgotten to sing, Because my songs whispered in the solitude of my heart. Oh, I will love the day when I break out of this cage, Escape this solitary exile and sing wildly. I am not that weak willow twisted by every breeze. I am an Afghan girl and known to the whole world.