1 Introduction 1
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
NOTES 1 Introduction 1 . The Malawi Diffusion and Ideational Change Project has been funded by the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD), grants R01–37276, R01-HD44228–01, R01-HD050142, R01-HD/MH-41713–0. The MDICP has also been funded by the Rockefeller Foundation, grant RF-99009#199. The MDICP received ethical approval from institutional review boards at the University of Pennsylvania and the University of Malawi. 2 . We used NVivo software for coding the ethnographic journals. 3 . Catherine was pregnant with her first child when we began conduct- ing interviews at the end of 2005. 4 . The approach was developed by or associated with Mitchell (1956), Turner (1996[1957]), Epstein (1958), van Velsen (1964), Marwick (1965), Long (1968), and Kapferer (1972). 5 . The names of journalers as well as the names of the people to whom they refer are anonymized. The journalers’ editorial comments are italicized and placed in parentheses. I have edited rumor journal quotes for readability. All changes are made with the intention of maintaining the rhythm and imagery of the original report. Most of my “corrections” are simply breaking up and punctuating run-on sentences. My additions of missing words are in square brackets. Other corrections include correcting spellings, adjusting subject-verb agree- ment, and adding articles. I have avoided inverting sentence syntax and other substantive changes. 6 . By “relevant conversation” I refer to discussions that are pertinent to this particular research agenda. 7 . “chiTumbuka” means the language of the Tumbuka. The prefix “chi” means “language of.” 8 . Two journalers lived within the same village, two lived in Rumphi township, and another journaler lived half a mile outside the township. 9 . The village name is a pseudonym to protect the identity of my informants. 168 NOTES 10 . Convenience store for the sale of manufactured consumer goods such as soaps, razors, packaged snack food, and other consumable conve- nience items. 11 . Smearing refers to resurfacing both the exterior and interior of the hut with mud, which is used as plaster. 12 . Chichewa, meaning “getting thinner and thinner.” 13 . For a discussion of advice, see also Swidler and Watkins (2005), “Hearsay Ethnography.” 14 . Gary Alan Fine mentions that advice is one function of contemporary legends (also known as urban legends), as contemporary legends “are designed to be spread to relevant others who care and who might face similar situations” (1992: 30). 2 Advice Is Good Medicine: Marriage, Advice, and The Comforts of Home 1 . Though widely practiced, polygamy rates vary across marriage types (e.g., it is more prevalent in patrilineal unions than martrilineal). However, polygamy is not the only type of “multiple and concur- rent sexual partnerships” (MCP) practiced in Malawi. Chirwa and Chizimbi’s report identifies numerous types of MCP men and women engage in, though polygamy was an option open exclusively to men (2009). Chirwa and Chizimbi’s informants, interviewed in focus groups, were asked to distinguish between polygamy and infidel- ity/extramarital affairs. According to some of the men interviewed, extramarital affairs were generally described as taking place secretly such that a man’s wife was not told directly about the affair. With an affair, as opposed to a courtship for marriage, the “other” woman was not sanctioned by the relatives of the man as a potential wife, nor were “proper procedures” for marital incorporation followed as with a polygamous courtship and union. Interviewees said a girlfriend in an affair with a married man does not have a recognized claim on the man’s property as a wife does. Some of the women interviewed saw little difference between polygamous unions and extramarital affairs, some claiming that girlfriends can benefit from even greater material support than a wife. Some of the adolescent girls said as much, adding that “it is a practice that violates our rights” (Chirwa and Chizimbi, 2009: 30–31). 2 . For more on the development of prevention strategies in Malawi, see Baylies and Bujra (2000), Poulin (2007), and Watkins (2004). 3 . Bridewealth among the Tumbuka is usually paid in cattle and/or cash. 4 . This proverb seems to be a combination of two or more Biblical ref- erences. The first is “There is nothing new under the sun,” which NOTES 169 is found in Ecclesiastes 1:8. The second part of the proverb more specifically speaks of the revelation of secrets with reference to the light metaphor found in the New Testament. See, for example, 1 Corinthians 3:13. “[H]is work will be shown for what it is, because the Day will bring it to light” (Bible, New International Version). 5 . “Proposing” a woman does not mean proposing marriage but is a common expression for a man proposing a romantic, sexual relation- ship to a woman. 6 . Schatz has also noted in her qualitative research conducted in rural Malawi (including Rumphi District) that respondents claimed that reports of infidelity always required further proving (2002: 309). 7 . Talking “anyhow” means to express your anger freely or to speak without thought and consideration to consequences. 8 . Schmidt found similar experiences among nineteenth century Shona women who called themselves strangers and referred to their in-laws as “owners” (1992: 17). Lloyd (1968) talks about the “stranger” status of young Yoruba wives in their virilocalities. Richards, in a study conducted in the early decades of the twentieth century, found that the matrilocal Chewa of what is now central Malawi “talk of the father as a stranger” (Richards, 1950: 233). 9 . When a woman refuses to “eat,” what she is really doing is refusing to be eaten. The folktale variant in which the husband is a python who visits his wife at night under the cover of darkness and partially swallows her makes the link between eating and sexual intercourse explicit (Bill, 1994: 58–59). Linguistically the distinction is even built into the words “to marry,” which vary according to gender. Among the Tumbuka, men take a wife (kutenga ) while women are taken (kutengwa ) (Turner, 1996 [1952]). 10 . Phukwa is a marketplace close to the village. The market or the town is associated with youth, uncontrolled sexuality, and AIDS. For a dis- cussion of the perceived link between youth, mobility, commodities, sexuality, and AIDS, see. Setel (1999). 11 . A similar complaint is made by women in South Africa. Informants of Harrison and Montgomery talked about the problems of men chang- ing after the wedding and complained about difficulties of living with in-laws. “It’s difficult at other people’s houses. God gives you strength to be patient, but you often think about leaving. Men will treat you well for the first few months. He’ll change after 6–7 months. It’s dif- ficult! I don’t even know how much he earns [now]” (Harrison and Montgomery, 2001: 317). 12 . Gogo means grandparent. “A” is a prefix used as an honorific or when directly addressing an individual. 13 . Our informant seemed to believe that the husband in her story was bringing his first wife to meet the new wife out of cruelty rather than 170 NOTES out of a practical motive. Husbands may want to make sure cowives can get along, and thus an introduction would be a matter of practi- cality. Here, however, the narrator was intent upon creating an image of a mean husband. 14 . Ruth Chirwa’s extraordinary story will be explored further in the next chapter. 15 . “Cooking” and “food,” particularly nyama , which is beef or flesh; nsima, which is maize porridge and the staple food; or maswiti, which are candies, are associated with sex. 16 . Janet Bujra also reports similar complaints heard among elders in Tanzania. The sense that youth fail to listen was supported by AIDS liter- ature in Tanzania, which in early days focused heavily on youth (2000). 17 . Indeed, Estery’s own husband began an extramarital relationship when they moved to the city of Lilongwe. When he refused to end the relationship, she grew fearful of contracting AIDS, so she went back to their village to raise their children and left him with the other woman. He visited her once and tried to initiate sex, and she refused him. He returned to the city to stay with his other woman. When he became ill, he returned to the area to be treated at the Livingstonia hospital where Estery visited to take care of him. The health person- nel at the hospital told her he was dying of AIDS. 18 . Malawians often translate the term ndiwo as “relish,” but the better English equivalent might be “side dish.” 3 Funny, Yet Sorrowful: Narratives of Empowerment and Empathy in Woman-Against-Woman Struggles 1 . Journalers were instructed to give dialogue-style accounts of con- versations in which information relating to sex, AIDS, and religion was discussed rather than simply summarize conversations. However, sometimes journalers would write summaries such as the one included here. This was especially the case for new journalers. In Chipeta’s excerpt, he has summarized information from several conversations that took place in his village. 2 . A kind of machete used locally usually for agricultural purposes and sometimes for butchering meat. 3 . Veranda or stoop. 4 . Forty percent of first marriages of respondents in the MDICP Rumphi sample were polygamous in 2001. Sixty-five percent of second mar- riages were polygamous (Reniers, 2003: 188). 5 . AIDS prevention campaigns carried out by government and NGOs in Malawi often describe their educational tasks as “sensitizing” the masses. NOTES 171 4 “Nobody Fears AIDS, MPHUTSI is More Fire”: Disease Rumors in the Age of AIDS Treatment 1 . In Malawi, the belief that innocent people can suffer sickness because of the wrongdoings of others is a part of the Malawian conceptions of disease pre-dating the advent of AIDS.