UPDATE on ARRESTS in CHINA No.21

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

UPDATE on ARRESTS in CHINA No.21 February 18, 1991 1 UPDATE ON ARRESTS IN CHINA No.2 INTRODUCTION Beginning in January 1990, Chinese officials began releasing dissidents arrested in connection with the spring 1989 pro-democracy movement, but the repression is by no means over. Arrests, trials and sentencings continue, and Chinese authorities still refuse to issue a list of those detained, arrested, tried or released. Only a handful of released activists - most of them internationally known - have been officially identified. Of the thousands arrested since June 1989, fewer than 1000 have been publicly identified, and few of those identifications come from official sources. Asia Watch has only recently become aware of certain arrests that may have taken place as long ago as June 1989. In many cases, the first indication that an arrest had occurred was official acknowledgment of trial and sentencing. Two dissidents, awaiting sentencing in Beijing for allegedly heading a counterrevolutionary group were previously unknown to human rights organizations and even now little information about their backgrounds or activities during the 1989 pro-democracy movement is available. Presumably they are workers who have had little opportunity to make their arrests known outside China. In another instance, at least two dissidents released in Beijing on January 26, 1991 were never officially listed as in detention. All this suggests that the true figure for the total arrested after June 4 may be much higher than earlier estimates. SUMMARY: 111 The current series of updates began with Update No.1, January 30, 1991. The updates should be read in conjunction with two 1990 Asia Watch reports, Punishment Season and Repression in China Since June 4, 1989: Cumulative Data and with a shorter report, "Rough Justice in Beijing," issued in January 1991. Sentences announced Students and intellectualsintellectuals: Chen Ziming ( ); Hu Ruoyang ( ); Li Haitao ( ); Li Nong ( ); Liu Gang ( ); Wang Juntao ( ); Xiao Feng ( ) WorkersWorkers: Liu Zihou ( ) Tibetan activistsactivists: Gadrub; Lobsang Chondru; Ngawang Dzegyan; Ngawang Gyatso; Ngawang Kunga; Ngawang Namgyal; Ngawang Rigzin; Sampal Gadrub Catholics and ProtestantsProtestants: Bishop Peter Liu Guangdong ( ); Father Su Zhimin ( ) Releases Students and intellectualsintellectuals: Bai Nansheng ( ); Chen Xiaoping ( ); Wang Ruowang ( ); Xiao Xuehui ( ) ; Xu Xiaowei ( ); Yang Wei ( ); Zhang Weiguo ( ) Hong Kong and Macao ChineseChinese: Xie Zhenrong (Tse Chun-wing) ( ) WorkersWorkers: Chen Wei ( ); Ding Xiaoping ( ); Wen Jie ( ); Zhang Wei ( ) Death under torture TibetansTibetans: Chozed Tenpa Choephel; Lhakpa Tsering Awaiting Sentencing WorkersWorkers: Chen Yanlin; Zhang Yawei Formal Arrests Students and intellectualsintellectuals: Wang Peigong ( ) Arrests Students and intellectualsintellectuals: He Jiandong; Lu Jieming; Tu Haiying ( ) WorkersWorkers: Guo Wenshen; Wang Yongqian; Zhang Jinzhong Tibetan activistsactivists: Dorje Alleged Taiwan spiesspies: Bai Xue; Chen Xuedeng; Chi Hecan; Lin Weisheng; Liu Bihua; Sun Daoshun; Wang Qianyang; Xu Jiansheng; Yan Di; Yang Tao; Zhan Taixing; Zhao Zongxiang; Zhou Changzhou CatholicCatholicss and ProtestantsProtestants: Liu Shuhe ( ); Shi Chunjie Additional Information Students and intellectualsintellectuals: Li Shengping ( ); Sun Changjiang ( ) WorkersWorkers: Wang Weilin ( ) Tibetan activistsactivists: Lhakpa Tsering; Migmar Tsering Catholics and ProtestantsProtestants: Bishop Huo Guoyang 2 SENTENCES ANNOUNCED Students and intellectuals ### CHEN Ziming and WANG Juntao were sentenced on February 12, 1991 by the Beijing Intermediate People's Court to 13 years' imprisonment and four years' deprivation of political rights on charges of sedition and counterrevolutionary propaganda and incitement. According to Xinhua, the official China news agency, Chen and Wang "committed very serious crimes but have so far shown no willingness to repent" (AP, February 12, 1991). Trials and sentencing were swift: Wang, seriously ill of hepatitis, did not go on trial until the day of the verdict; Chen, who went on a hunger strike on February 7 in an effort to gain time to prepare his defense, went on trial a day prior to sentencing. He had not been formally charged until February 5, giving the lawyer hired by his family less than a week to prepare. Appeals must be filed within ten days. In spite of a petition from Hou Xiaotian, Chen's wife, for an open trial to give the people a "just accounting", both men's trials were closed to the public and police officers stood outside the courtroom in order to bar foreigners from even reading posted trial notices (AP, February 11, 1991). Chen's mother and sister were permitted to attend the trials; his wife, father, younger brother and uncle were not. There had been threats that none of the family could attend if Chem continued his hunger strike. Chen and Wang, incarcerated in Qincheng Prison outside Beijing, had been denied visits from family members until as late as February 9 when Hou Xiaotian, Wang's wife, was finally permitted a prison visit. According to Shijie Ribao (February 13, 1989), Chen was moved to Banbuqiao, the Public Security Bureau Detention Center in Beijing. Chinese officials have condemned Wang and Chen as "the black hands behind the black hands" who attempted to manipulate protestors in an effort to overthrow the government. They "gathered together some illegal organizations in Beijing" and helped organize "attacks against the armed forces," said Xinhua. In a further reference to Chen and Wang, as well as to Liu Gang and Chen Xiaoping (see below), the agency said "Some of the four defendants gathered together and used illegal organizations to resist and sabotage the implementation of state laws and decrees and carried out a series of conspiratorial activities to subvert the government... Others resorted to a variety of means to wantonly and blatantly incite the masses to subvert the people's political power and the socialist system." Commenting on the sentences, the agency said that verdicts were handed down "combining punishment with leniency...according to the circumstances and degree of harmfulness of the crimes and the defendants' attitude toward their crimes and punishments." According to the report, sources close to the families of Chen and Wang, as well as to those of Liu Gang and Chen Xiaoping said that none of the men admitted guilt. Chen Ziming is said to have characterized the charges against him as unfair and incorrect (AP, February 11, 1991). After the trial Chen's mother (Shijie Ribao, February 13, 1991) said that Chen was not permitted to read his prepared statement and that in spite of weakness, he could not sit down. Permission for her to visit him after the trial was denied; in fact she could not even approach him. She added she had been warned not to report unfavorably on the trials, but, she said she was no longer afraid to speak up. "I have a mouth; I can say the truth; nobody can stop me from speaking," she said. For more information about Chen and Wang, see "Rough Justice in Beijing" (News From Asia Watch, January 27, 1991) and "Update on Arrests in China" (January 30, 1991). ### LIU GangGang, 29, was sentenced on February 12, 1991 to six years in prison. His exact offense is not known, but Xinhua, the official Chinese News Agency, did say his was a "mitigated sentence" because he "acknowledged his crimes and showed willingness to repent" (Reuters, February 12, 1991). He will have ten days in which to appeal. Liu, who was able to choose his own defense lawyer (Hong Kong Standard, February 1, 1991 in FBIS, same day), went on trial February 6, 1991 in the No.1 courtroom of the Beijing People's Intermediate Court, according to court documents posted outside. He was charged with sedition; the trial lasted three and one-half hours. During the 3 proceedings, Liu spoke for one hour in his own defense. He did not admit to sedition charges, asserting that what he had admitted to under prison interrogation when he had been threatened with death was invalid. Rather, he said, it was his court statement that was to be counted. Liu, who graduated from Beijing University in 1987 with a degree in physics, was No.3 on the government's list of "most wanted" students. In addition to his pro-democracy activities in the spring of 1989, which included organizing student leaders from all major Beijing colleges, Liu had been active in student protests in the mid- 80's and after graduation had established campus "democracy salons" to discuss controversial political ideas. He was associated with the think tank headed by Wang Juntao and Chen Ziming. He was arrested on June 1989 in Baoding, Hebei Province and has been in solitary confinement since May 1990, two months of which were spent in leg irons. The New York Times (February 7, 1991) reported that as a punishment, for an offense which is not clear, Liu spent several days with his arms lashed behind him in a painful position. Liu's mother was not permitted a prison visit before her death from cancer. His father, a cadre in the Liaoning Province Public Security Bureau's "complaint" department (Shijie Ribao, February 2, 1991), was finally allowed to meet with his son. The visit took place a week before Liu's trial when his father learned of the indictment. He was given permission to attend the trial (New York Times, February 7, 1991). ### LI HaitaoHaitao, 34, was sentenced to a four-year-prison term by the Wuhan Intermediate People's Court on August 29, 1990 for counterrevolutionary agitation and propaganda and for disrupting transportation by organizing a May 16, 1989 sit-in on the Yangzi River Bridge by students from six area colleges. The agitation and propaganda charges refer to speaking out publicly against the suppression of pro-democracy students in Beijing and to organizing a memorial service on June 6, 1989 at Wuhan University for those killed in Beijing. Li also was charged with helping Chai Ling, on June 8, 1989, to record her secret tape denouncing the June 4 massacre. On the following day, he allegedly assisted in copying the tape and disseminating it at Wuhan University and at the Zhongnan Shopping Mall.
Recommended publications
  • Chen Xitong Report on Putting Down Anti
    Recent Publications The June Turbulence in Beijing How Chinese View the Riot in Beijing Fourth Plenary Session of the CPC Central Committee Report on Down Anti-Government Riot Retrospective After the Storm VOA Disgraces Itself Report on Checking the Turmoil and Quelling the Counter-Revolutionary Rebellion June 30, 1989 Chen Xitong, State Councillor and Mayor of Beijing New Star Publishers Beijing 1989 Report on Checking the Turmoil and Quelling the Counter-Revolutionary Rebellion From June 29 to July 7 the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress - the standing organization of the highest organ of state power in the People's Republic of China - held the eighth meeting of the Seventh National People's Congress in Beijing. One of the topics for discussing at the meeting was a report on checking the turmoil and quelling the counter-revolutionary rebellion in Beijirig. The report by state councillor and mayor of Beijing Chen Xitong explained in detail the process by which a small group of people made use of the student unrest in Beijing and turned it into a counter-revolutionary rebellion by mid-June. It gave a detailed account of the nature of the riot, its severe conse- quence and the efforts made by troops enforcing _martial law, with the help of Beijing residents to quell the riot. The report exposed the behind-the-scene activities of people who stub- bornly persisted in opposing the Chinese Communist Party and socialism as well as the small handful of organizers and schemers of the riot; their collaboration with antagonistic forces at home and abroad; and the atrocities committed by former criminals in beating, looting, burning and First Edition 1989 killing in the riot.
    [Show full text]
  • Contemporary China: a Book List
    PRINCETON UNIVERSITY: Woodrow Wilson School, Politics Department, East Asian Studies Program CONTEMPORARY CHINA: A BOOK LIST by Lubna Malik and Lynn White Winter 2007-2008 Edition This list is available on the web at: http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinabib.pdf which can be viewed and printed with an Adobe Acrobat Reader. Variation of font sizes may cause pagination to differ slightly in the web and paper editions. No list of books can be totally up-to-date. Please surf to find further items. Also consult http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinawebs.doc for clicable URLs. This list of items in English has several purposes: --to help advise students' course essays, junior papers, policy workshops, and senior theses about contemporary China; --to supplement the required reading lists of courses on "Chinese Development" and "Chinese Politics," for which students may find books to review in this list; --to provide graduate students with a list that may suggest books for paper topics and may slightly help their study for exams in Chinese politics; a few of the compiler's favorite books are starred on the list, but not much should be made of this because such books may be old or the subjects may not meet present interests; --to supplement a bibliography of all Asian serials in the Princeton Libraries that was compiled long ago by Frances Chen and Maureen Donovan; many of these are now available on the web,e.g., from “J-Stor”; --to suggest to book selectors in the Princeton libraries items that are suitable for acquisition; to provide a computerized list on which researchers can search for keywords of interests; and to provide a resource that many teachers at various other universities have also used.
    [Show full text]
  • CONTEMPORARY CHINA: a BOOK LIST (Winter 1999 — FIRST ON-LINE EDITION, MS Word, L&R Margins 0.9") by Lynn White
    PRINCETON UNIVERSITY: Woodrow Wilson School, Politics Department, East Asian Studies Program CONTEMPORARY CHINA: A BOOK LIST (Winter 1999 — FIRST ON-LINE EDITION, MS Word, L&R margins 0.9") by Lynn White This list of items in English has several purposes: --to help advise students' course essays, junior papers, policy workshops, and senior theses about contemporary China; --to supplement the required reading lists of the seminars WWS 576a/Pol. 536 on "Chinese Development" and Pol. 535 on "Chinese Politics," as well as the undergraduate lecture course, Pol. 362; --to provide graduate students with a list that can help their study for comprehensive exams in Chinese politics; a few of the compiler's favorite books are starred on the list, but not too much should be made of this, because some such books may be too old for students' purposes or the subjects may not be central to present interests; --to supplement a bibliography of all Asian serials in the Princeton Libraries that was compiled long ago by Frances Chen and Maureen Donovan. Students with specific research topics should definitely meet Laird Klingler, who is WWS Librarian and the world's most constructive wizard. This list cannot cover articles, but computer databases can. Rosemary Little and Mary George at Firestone are also enormously helpful. Especially for materials in Chinese, so is Martin Heijdra in Gest Library (Palmer Hall; enter up the staircase near the "hyphen" with Jones Hall). Other local resources are at institutes run by Chen Yizi and Liu Binyan (for current numbers, ask at EAS, 8-4276). Professional bibliographers are the most neglected major academic resource at Princeton.
    [Show full text]
  • Continuing Crackdown in Inner Mongolia
    CONTINUING CRACKDOWN IN INNER MONGOLIA Human Rights Watch/Asia (formerly Asia Watch) CONTINUING CRACKDOWN IN INNER MONGOLIA Human Rights Watch/Asia (formerly Asia Watch) Human Rights Watch New York $$$ Washington $$$ Los Angeles $$$ London Copyright 8 March 1992 by Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. ISBN 1-56432-059-6 Human Rights Watch/Asia (formerly Asia Watch) Human Rights Watch/Asia was established in 1985 to monitor and promote the observance of internationally recognized human rights in Asia. Sidney Jones is the executive director; Mike Jendrzejczyk is the Washington director; Robin Munro is the Hong Kong director; Therese Caouette, Patricia Gossman and Jeannine Guthrie are research associates; Cathy Yai-Wen Lee and Grace Oboma-Layat are associates; Mickey Spiegel is a research consultant. Jack Greenberg is the chair of the advisory committee and Orville Schell is vice chair. HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Human Rights Watch conducts regular, systematic investigations of human rights abuses in some seventy countries around the world. It addresses the human rights practices of governments of all political stripes, of all geopolitical alignments, and of all ethnic and religious persuasions. In internal wars it documents violations by both governments and rebel groups. Human Rights Watch defends freedom of thought and expression, due process and equal protection of the law; it documents and denounces murders, disappearances, torture, arbitrary imprisonment, exile, censorship and other abuses of internationally recognized human rights. Human Rights Watch began in 1978 with the founding of its Helsinki division. Today, it includes five divisions covering Africa, the Americas, Asia, the Middle East, as well as the signatories of the Helsinki accords.
    [Show full text]
  • Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
    China Data Supplement March 2008 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC ......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 31 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 38 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 54 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 58 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 65 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 69 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 March 2008 The Main National Leadership of the
    [Show full text]
  • Three Prominences1
    THE THREE PROMINENCES1 Yizhong Gu The political-aesthetic principle of the “three prominences” (san tuchu 三突出) was the formula foremost in governing proletarian literature and art during the Cultural Revolution (1966–76) (hereafter CR). In May 1968, Yu Huiyong 于会泳 initially proposed and defined the principle in this way: Among all characters, give prominence to the positive characters; among the positive characters, give prominence to the main heroic characters; among the main characters, give prominence to the most important character, namely, the central character.2 As the main composer of the Revolutionary Model Plays, Yu Hui- yong had gone through a number of ups and downs in the official hierarchy before finally receiving favor from Jiang Qing 江青, wife of Mao Zedong. Yu collected plenty of Jiang Qing’s concrete but scat- tered directions on the Model Plays and tried to summarize them in an abstract and formulaic pronouncement. The principle of three prominances was supposed to be applicable to all the Model Plays and thus give guidance for the creation of future proletarian artworks. Summarizing the gist of Jiang’s instruction, Yu observed, “Comrade Jiang Qing lays strong emphasis on the characterization of heroic fig- ures,” and therefore, “according to Comrade Jiang Qing’s directions, we generalize the ‘three prominences’ as an important principle upon which to build and characterize figures.”3 1 This essay owes much to invaluable encouragement and instruction from Profes- sors Ban Wang of Stanford University, Tani Barlow of Rice University, and Yomi Braester of the University of Washington. 2 Yu Huiyong, “Rang wenyi wutai yongyuan chengwei xuanchuan maozedong sixiang de zhendi” (Let the stage of art be the everlasting front to propagate the thought of Mao Zedong), Wenhui Bao (Wenhui daily) (May 23, 1968).
    [Show full text]
  • Testimony of Zhou Fengsuo, President Humanitarian China and Student Leader of the 1989 Tiananmen Square Demonstrations
    Testimony of Zhou Fengsuo, President Humanitarian China and student leader of the 1989 Tiananmen Square demonstrations Congressman McGovern, Senator Rubio, Members of Congress, thank you for inviting me to speak in this special moment on the 30th anniversary of Tiananmen Massacre. As a participant of the 1989 Democracy Movement and a survivor of the Massacre started in the evening of June 3rd, it is both my honor and duty to speak, for these who sacrificed their lives for the freedom and democracy of China, for the movement that ignited the hope of change that was so close, and for the last 30 years of indefatigable fight for truth and justice. I was a physics student at Tsinghua University in 1989. The previous summer of 1988, I organized the first and only free election of the student union of my department. I was amazed and encouraged by the enthusiasm of the students to participate in the process of self-governing. There was a palpable sense for change in the college campuses. When Hu Yaobang died on April 15, 1989. His death triggered immediately widespread protests in top universities of Beijing, because he was removed from the position of the General Secretary of CCP in 1987 for his sympathy towards the protesting students and for being too open minded. The next day I went to Tiananmen Square to offer a flower wreath with my roommates of Tsinghua University. To my pleasant surprise, my words on the wreath was published the next day by a national official newspaper. We were the first group to go to Tiananmen Square to mourn Hu Yaobang.
    [Show full text]
  • Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2003: China (Includes Tibet, Hong Kong and Macau)
    Page 1 of 66 China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau) Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2003 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 25, 2004 (Note: Also see the section for Tibet, the report for Hong Kong, and the report for Macau.) The People's Republic of China (PRC) is an authoritarian state in which, as directed by the Constitution, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP or Party) is the paramount source of power. Party members hold almost all top government, police, and military positions. Ultimate authority rests with the 24-member political bureau (Politburo) of the CCP and its 9-member standing committee. Leaders made a top priority of maintaining stability and social order and were committed to perpetuating the rule of the CCP and its hierarchy. Citizens lacked both the freedom peacefully to express opposition to the Party-led political system and the right to change their national leaders or form of government. Socialism continued to provide the theoretical underpinning of national politics, but Marxist economic planning has given way to pragmatism, and economic decentralization increased the authority of local officials. The Party's authority rested primarily on the Government's ability to maintain social stability; appeals to nationalism and patriotism; Party control of personnel, media, and the security apparatus; and continued improvement in the living standards of most of the country's 1.3 billion citizens. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, in practice, the Government and the CCP, at both the central and local levels, frequently interfered in the judicial process and directed verdicts in many high-profile cases.
    [Show full text]
  • China's Fear of Contagion
    China’s Fear of Contagion China’s Fear of M.E. Sarotte Contagion Tiananmen Square and the Power of the European Example For the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), erasing the memory of the June 4, 1989, Tiananmen Square massacre remains a full-time job. The party aggressively monitors and restricts media and internet commentary about the event. As Sinologist Jean-Philippe Béja has put it, during the last two decades it has not been possible “even so much as to mention the conjoined Chinese characters for 6 and 4” in web searches, so dissident postings refer instead to the imagi- nary date of May 35.1 Party censors make it “inconceivable for scholars to ac- cess Chinese archival sources” on Tiananmen, according to historian Chen Jian, and do not permit schoolchildren to study the topic; 1989 remains a “‘for- bidden zone’ in the press, scholarship, and classroom teaching.”2 The party still detains some of those who took part in the protest and does not allow oth- ers to leave the country.3 And every June 4, the CCP seeks to prevent any form of remembrance with detentions and a show of force by the pervasive Chinese security apparatus. The result, according to expert Perry Link, is that in to- M.E. Sarotte, the author of 1989: The Struggle to Create Post–Cold War Europe, is Professor of History and of International Relations at the University of Southern California. The author wishes to thank Harvard University’s Center for European Studies, the Humboldt Foundation, the Institute for Advanced Study, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the University of Southern California for ªnancial and institutional support; Joseph Torigian for invaluable criticism, research assistance, and Chinese translation; Qian Qichen for a conversation on PRC-U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • 1909-07-26 [P
    ■ ■ ■ — —— 1 »» mmtmmmmm July 10th, store closed Saturdays at noon, during July ΠΝ the realms of his majesty (Beginning and August. Open Friday evenings. KINC EDWARD THE SEVENTH Evening News Party of Young Ladies Will View Many In- i teresting Sights and Scenes—"An Opportunity that Might Wei be Coveted by Anyone" Says a Prom- inent Educator-First Count of Votes Will be Made Saturday Evening, July 31. Now in Progress L GIVE YOUR FAVORITE YOUNG LADY ACOODSEND-OFF Anty Drudge Tells How to Avoid The Greatest August The plan of the EVENING NEWS IMss Ingabord Oksen Mies Lyda Lyttle Sunday Soaking. to send abroad tea young ladies for Miss Charlotte Law Mise Margaret Williams Mrs. Hurryup—"I always put my clothes to soak on Sun- a trip to the tropics continues to ex- Miss Tina Friedman Mira Nellie Knott cite comment throughout the city Miss Florence Gassmati Misa Ιλο Reed day night. Then I get an early start on Monday and Furniture Sale and county. Miss Florence Sofleld Mise May Ludwlg get through washing by noon. I don't consider it The offer seems so generous and Miss Maude Sofleld Miss Beatrice William· Ever Held in Newark breaking the for cleanliness is next to the plan so praiseworthy that, as the Miss Lulu Dunham Mies Mabel Corson Sabbath, god- features come more and more gener- Mies Louise Dover Miss Anna Fountain liness, you know." A stock of Grade known the venture Miss Emma Fraser Mies Grace Braden gigantic High Furnittfre, Carpets, ally the success of 'Anty Drudge—"Yee, but godliness comes first, my dear.
    [Show full text]
  • Information to Users
    INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript Pas been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissenation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from anytype of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely. event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material bad to beremoved, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with smalloverlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back ofthe book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell &Howell Information Company 300North Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. MI48106-1346 USA 313!761-47oo 800:521·0600 THE LIN BIAO INCIDENT: A STUDY OF EXTRA-INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS IN THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY AUGUST 1995 By Qiu Jin Dissertation Committee: Stephen Uhalley, Jr., Chairperson Harry Lamley Sharon Minichiello John Stephan Roger Ames UMI Number: 9604163 OMI Microform 9604163 Copyright 1995, by OMI Company.
    [Show full text]
  • The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier Wai Kit Wicky Tse University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian History Commons, Asian Studies Commons, and the Military History Commons Recommended Citation Tse, Wai Kit Wicky, "Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 589. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/589 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/589 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier Abstract As a frontier region of the Qin-Han (221BCE-220CE) empire, the northwest was a new territory to the Chinese realm. Until the Later Han (25-220CE) times, some portions of the northwestern region had only been part of imperial soil for one hundred years. Its coalescence into the Chinese empire was a product of long-term expansion and conquest, which arguably defined the egionr 's military nature. Furthermore, in the harsh natural environment of the region, only tough people could survive, and unsurprisingly, the region fostered vigorous warriors. Mixed culture and multi-ethnicity featured prominently in this highly militarized frontier society, which contrasted sharply with the imperial center that promoted unified cultural values and stood in the way of a greater degree of transregional integration. As this project shows, it was the northwesterners who went through a process of political peripheralization during the Later Han times played a harbinger role of the disintegration of the empire and eventually led to the breakdown of the early imperial system in Chinese history.
    [Show full text]