Alexander Hamilton: Slavery, Politics, and Class Status
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Law & Government: Hamilton Vs. Hobbes
tunities of work and of necessity, as well, in order to So the idea is that we do not depend on counterfeit build up the per-capita capabilities of the citizens within money; we do not depend upon money per se. We the United States, all kinds of citizens; and to do this by depend upon a system of credit, which has a valid base aid of making investments in creating construction. for advancing the productive powers of labor, of man- One of the greatest things was the so-called Hoover kind in general. In other words, you take a person off Dam, same thing. the streets; they’re absolutely hopeless in terms of their loyalty to the British Crown, but in the last of the three documents, he is explicit in his demand that the colonies must submit to the “rule of law,” i.e., they must obey the legal diktats of the British Crown and Parliament. Hamilton wrote two replies to Seabury (A.W. Farmer), and it is in the second of those replies, titled “The Farmer Re- futed,” that the then eigh- teen-year-old Hamilton strikes directly at the foun- New York Historical Society New Yorkers pull down the statue of King George III on July 9, 1976. dation of oligarchical law. Written in February of 1775, two months prior to the battles of Lexington and Concord, “The Farmer Refuted” goes beyond Law & Government: Hamilton’s first response to Seabury, wherein he had Hamilton vs. Hobbes argued for the right of the newly formed Continental Congress to resist oppressive measures emanating from London; rather, in “The Farmer Refuted” Ham- Jan. -
Systemic Classism, Systemic Racism: Are Social and Racial Justice Achievable in the United States?
Systemic Classism, Systemic Racism: Are Social and Racial Justice Achievable in the United States? THOMAS KLEVEN† I. INTRODUCTION The thesis of this article is that the United States is systemically a highly classist and racist society, that classism and racism are interrelated and overlapping phenomena, and that the achievement of a non- classist/non-racist society requires a mass movement of working-class people of all ethnicities for social and racial justice for all. By systemic classism/racism I mean that the political and economic institutions of the society are structured and operate to systematically disadvantage working-class people in general, and ethnic minorities in particular, and to systematically advantage a relatively small and largely white upper elite class, and a rather substantial and predominantly white upper middle class. By systemic advantage/disadvantage I mean that the opportunities to succeed in life are unequally distributed along class and racial lines, and that society’s institutions produce and perpetuate this class/race hierarchy. The discussion of race focuses primarily on African Americans and Hispanics, both of whom have been systematically disadvantaged on account of ethnicity.1 As the society’s largest disadvantaged minorities, † Professor of Law, Thurgood Marshall School of Law, Texas Southern University. I would like to thank my colleagues who attended and made helpful comments on an earlier draft of the article presented at a Faculty Quodlibet at the law school in November, 2007. I would especially like to thank Asmara Tekle-Johnson for suggestions on how better to organize the article, and Jon Levy for pointing out errors in and suggesting sources for the historical parts of the article. -
Alexander Hamilton: the Inaugural American Dream by Jack Stuart
Alexander Hamilton: The Inaugural American Dream By Jack Stuart Wauwatosa East High School One’s psychological state is often compounded in the breeding ground of one’s childhood, and Alexander Hamilton’s inveterate habits were no different. His birthplace in the West Indies “vastly outweigh[ed] the northern colonies,” economically, but Hamilton experienced little of this wealth.1 Both of his parents were struck with downward social and economic mobility, depriving him of a first-class life, and instilling in him the necessity of personal achievement. The departure of his father and death of his mother in his pre-pubescent years only served to further his self-reliance. This modest upbringing led Hamilton to dream of little but lasting glory, writing his friend about his utmost desire for war.2 At the age of 17, he wrote a newspaper article describing the devastation of a recent hurricane that was avidly received by his neighbors, who collected funds to send him to college on the mainland hoping he would return as a doctor. This kindness not only provided for his future, but furthered his understanding of the importance of money. This grasp of economics can be seen later in his life as the basis for many of his proposals, from his founding of the Bank of New York and the Bank of the United States to his financial plan as Secretary of the Treasury. Hamilton believed that Great Britain had the best government possible, but the temporary failures of Parliament prompted him to believe that, “to usurp dominion over a people can . -
Civis Romanus Sum Citizenship in Ancient Rome Was Valued Not Only
Civis Romanus Sum Citizenship in Ancient Rome was valued not only for the rights and social status it provided, but also for the sense of patriotism and honor it instilled in the Roman people. The gravity of citizenship allowed the Roman Empire’s multitudinous regions to become vastly and impossibly connected by a sense of pride for one Italian city. Citizenship was a commodity valuable enough for soldiers such as Mucius Scaevola to give their right hands for, as well as for plebeians to secede and fight for with their lives. Citizens felt an unbreakable bond between themselves and their nation; they were dedicated to representing and defending Rome at any cost. It was this strong sense of identity that united so many people and created such a dominant empire. Roman citizenship was one of the most prized possessions a European inhabitant could have, bearing the magnitude of rights, ranking, honor, and a powerful sense of Roman identity. Although some Roman people were born into citizenship, the rest of the population yearned for such rights and status, and took whatever action they could to become true, legal members of Roman society. Citizenship included suffrage, the right to run for and occupy office, the right to not be tortured, crucified, or be sentenced to death unless found guilty of treason, the right to marry, to hold property, and to have a trial, as well as various “public” and “private” prerogatives. Romans born into a noble family inherited citizenship and social status; they made up the patrician class, while the lower plebeian class was made up of free non-citizens. -
Chapter 8: Social Stratification
UNIT 3 238 SOCIAL INEQUALITY Chapter 8 Social Stratification Chapter 9 Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity Chapter 10 Inequalities of Gender and Age Enrichment Readings Chapter 8 – Elliot Liebow “The Lives of Homeless Women,” page 272 Chapter 9 – Patricia Williams “The Skin Color Tax,” page 306 Chapter 10 – Lois Gould “The Story of Baby X,” page 342 239 CHAPTER 8 SocialSocial StratificationStratification 240 U S Your Sections I Sociological N Imagination 1. Dimensions of G Stratification ane Smith, aged forty and reeling from 2. Explanations of a bitter divorce, was discouraged. A se- Stratification Jrious back injury meant she could no longer work at her nursing aide job. 3. Social Classes in America Without a high school diploma, she found that no one was willing to hire her. 4. Poverty in America Reluctantly, she applied for welfare and was enrolled in a program designed to develop 5. Social Mobility job skills. She completed an eighteen-month course and was hired by an engineering firm. After two years, Jane has moved up in Learning Objectives the company and now thinks of herself as an intelligent, capable person. A different type of welfare story involves After reading this chapter, you will be able to Mary, the “welfare queen.” Many politicians have used her as a typical example of how ❖ explain the relationship between stratifica- the social welfare system is abused. Mary tion and social class. managed to register for government aid ❖ compare and contrast the three dimensions under dozens of assumed names and col- of stratification. lected thousands of dollars from food ❖ stamps and other federally subsidized pro- state the differences among the three grams. -
Introductory Handbook on the Prevention of Recidivism and the Social Reintegration of Offenders
Introductory Handbook on The Prevention of Recidivism and the Social Reintegration of Offenders CRIMINAL JUSTICE HANDBOOK SERIES Cover photo: © Rafael Olivares, Dirección General de Centros Penales de El Salvador. UNITED NATIONS OFFICE ON DRUGS AND CRIME Vienna Introductory Handbook on the Prevention of Recidivism and the Social Reintegration of Offenders CRIMINAL JUSTICE HANDBOOK SERIES UNITED NATIONS Vienna, 2018 © United Nations, December 2018. All rights reserved. The designations employed and the presentation of material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. Publishing production: English, Publishing and Library Section, United Nations Office at Vienna. Preface The first version of the Introductory Handbook on the Prevention of Recidivism and the Social Reintegration of Offenders, published in 2012, was prepared for the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) by Vivienne Chin, Associate of the International Centre for Criminal Law Reform and Criminal Justice Policy, Canada, and Yvon Dandurand, crimi- nologist at the University of the Fraser Valley, Canada. The initial draft of the first version of the Handbook was reviewed and discussed during an expert group meeting held in Vienna on 16 and 17 November 2011.Valuable suggestions and contributions were made by the following experts at that meeting: Charles Robert Allen, Ibrahim Hasan Almarooqi, Sultan Mohamed Alniyadi, Tomris Atabay, Karin Bruckmüller, Elias Carranza, Elinor Wanyama Chemonges, Kimmett Edgar, Aida Escobar, Angela Evans, José Filho, Isabel Hight, Andrea King-Wessels, Rita Susana Maxera, Marina Menezes, Hugo Morales, Omar Nashabe, Michael Platzer, Roberto Santana, Guy Schmit, Victoria Sergeyeva, Zhang Xiaohua and Zhao Linna. -
Social Grade a Classification Tool Bite Sized Thought Piece 2009 There Are Several Demographic Classification Systems Used in Market Research
Social Grade A Classification Tool Bite Sized Thought Piece 2009 There are several demographic classification systems used in market research. A well established system, as well as the most widely known and used, is that of social grading, derived from the British National Readership Survey (NRS). Whilst everyone in the industry is familiar with the term social grade and its six groups A, B, C1, C2, D and E, what is less well known is how social grade is defined and how it can be used as a powerful discriminator. Social grade in its current form has been used on the NRS since the 1960s and has provided a valuable insight into changes in the occupational make-up of Britain over time. Ipsos MediaCT has a long association with the NRS and has been the research contractor since 1977. Looking at the last 50 years of NRS data, and taking those classified as AB (higher and intermediate managerial, administrative or professional occupations) as an example, the proportion has increased from 12% to 27%. Social Grade of CIE, 1968-2008 % AB % C1 % C2DE 52 45 65 62 59 29 28 23 22 22 27 12 16 18 21 1968 1978 1988 1998 2008 Source: NRS Social Grade of Chief Income Earner Social % Description Grade population A High managerial, administrative or professional 4 B Intermediate managerial, administrative or professional 23 Supervisory, clerical and junior managerial, C1 29 administrative or professional C2 Skilled manual workers 21 D Semi and unskilled manual workers 15 State pensioners, casual or lowest grade workers, E 8 unemployed with state benefits only Source: NRS 2008 (unweighted sample 37,359, estimated population 15+ (000s) 49,077 How is Social Grade defined? Social grade is a classification system based on occupation and it enables a household and all its members to be classified according to the occupation of the Chief Income Earner (CIE). -
Social Status and Group Norms: Indirect Reciprocity in a Helping
TI 2001 -003/1 Tinbergen Institute Discussion Paper Social Status and Group Norms: Indirect Reciprocity in a Helping Experiment Ingrid Seinen Arthur Schram Tinbergen Institute The Tinbergen Institute is the institute for economic research of the Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam, Universiteit van Amsterdam and Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. Tinbergen Institute Amsterdam Keizersgracht 482 1017 EG Amsterdam The Netherlands Tel.: +31.(0)20.5513500 Fax: +31.(0)20.5513555 Tinbergen Institute Rotterdam Burg. Oudlaan 50 3062 PA Rotterdam The Netherlands Tel.: +31.(0)10.4088900 Fax: +31.(0)10.4089031 Most recent TI discussion papers can be downloaded at http://www.tinbergen.nl Social Status and Group Norms: Indirect Reciprocity in a Helping Experiment Ingrid Seinen and Arthur Schram∗ CREED Department of Economics and Econometrics University of Amsterdam Roetersstraat 11 1018 WB Amsterdam The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected] ∗ [email protected] Manuscript, submitted Printed April 19, 2000 Abstract This paper provides experimental evidence showing that indirect reciprocity may important in economic decision making and in the development of group norms. We study a ‘repeated helping game’ with random pairing in large groups, with individuals equally divided between donors and recipi- ents. Donors decide whether to help the individuals they are matched with against a certain cost or not to help, enduring no costs. We observe that many decision makers respond to the information we give them about for- mer decisions of the recipients, even if they -
A Socioeconomic Classification for Brazil
Rev. bras. Ci. Soc. vol.2 no.se São Paulo 2006 * A socioeconomic classification for brazil José Alcides Figueiredo Santos ABSTRACT This article presents a new socioeconomic classification for Brazil, applicable to the national social statistics, exposing its theoretical foundations and the operational criteria used in the construction of its empirical categories. Built on a social class approach, this classification intends to contribute to the characterization, description and explanation of the production and reproduction of the durable inequalities that permeate the highly unequal Brazilian society. Using micro data from the 2002 National Household Survey, the article presents the relative distribution of the class categories in the Brazilian society and its income gaps. Finally, it points out some importants results of the process of construct validation of this typology. Keywords: Socioeconomic classification; Social class; Social structure; Class typology; Brazilian society. Introduction This article presents a new socioeconomic classification - applicable to the national statistics of Brazil – , exposing both its theoretical grounds and the operational solutions taken into account in the construction of its empirical categories. Such classification is an instrument that might significantly contribute to a better characterization, description and explanation of the production and reproduction of social inequality in Brazilian society’s concrete conditions. [1] It has been successfully submitted to a process of construct validation which has explored the conditioning effect exerted by the sphere of class inequality, measured by such typology, upon race inequalities in Brazil (Figueiredo Santos, 2005). The sociological approach in conceptualizing and measuring social classes has much to contribute to the understanding of the configuration, evolution and consequences of socioeconomic divisions and their relationships with other forms of durable inequalities which permeate the highly unequal Brazilian society (Tilly, 1999). -
Inside the Middle Class
Inside the Middle Class: Bad Times Hit the Good Life FOR RELEASE WEDNESDAY APRIL 9, 2008 12:00PM EDT Paul Taylor, Project Director Rich Morin, Senior Editor D'Vera Cohn, Senior Writer Richard Fry, Senior Researcher Rakesh Kochhar, Senior Researcher April Clark, Research Associate MEDIA INQUIRIES CONTACT: Pew Research Center 202 419 4372 http://pewresearch.org ii Table of Contents Foreword…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...3 Executive Summary……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………5 Overview……………………………………… ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………7 Section One – A Self-Portrait 1. The Middle Class Defines Itself ………………………………………………………………………………………………….…………………..28 2. The Middle Class Squeeze………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……………..…….36 3. Middle Class Finances ……………………………………………………………………………………………….…………….……………………..47 4. Middle Class Priorities and Values………………………………………………………………………………………….……………………….53 5. Middle Class Jobs ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….………………………….65 6. Middle Class Politics…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……………………………71 About the Pew Social and Demographic Trends Project ……………………………………………………….…………………………….78 Questionnaire and topline …………………………………………………………………………………………………….………………………………..79 Section Two – A Statistical Portrait 7. Middle Income Demography, 1970-2006…………………………………………………………………………………………………………110 8. Trends in Income, Expenditures, Wealth and Debt………………………………………..…………………………………………….140 Section Two Appendix ……………………………………………………….…………………………………………………………………………………..163 -
What Kind of Book Is the Ideological Origins of the American Revolution?
What Kind of Book is The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution? eric nelson first read Bernard Bailyn’s The Ideological Origins of the I American Revolution when I was a nineteen-year-old stu- dent in the Harvard History Department’s sophomore tutorial. The text was assigned by my late friend and teacher Mark Kish- lansky, who began our discussion of the book by posing the same deceptively simple question that he asked about each his- toriographical masterwork on the syllabus: “What kind of book is this?” I remember thinking rather smugly that, in this case at least, the question had an obvious and straightforward answer: surely, Ideological Origins was a work of intellectual history— and, more specifically, a contribution to the history of early American political thought. But it now strikes me that this an- swer, while not incorrect, was, and is, quite beside the point. Mark was not asking us a banal question about the genre to which Bailyn’s monograph belonged, but rather a deep one about how Bailyn understood that genre. To present Ideological Origins as a history of political thought is, implicitly, to defend a particular conception of what sort of thing “political thought” is and what its history looks like. What, Mark wished us to pon- der, is that conception? I found myself asking this question with a renewed sense of urgency more than fifteen years later as I grappled witha I am indebted to Bernard Bailyn, Richard Bourke, Jonathan Gienapp, James Hank- ins, Michael Rosen, and Quentin Skinner for extremely helpful comments on this essay. -
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION and POLITICAL Behavrori an EMPHASIS \T,PON STRUCTURAL 11YNAMICS
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION AND POLITICAL BEHAVrORI AN EMPHASIS \T,PON STRUCTURAL 11YNAMICS by Christopher Bates Doob A.B., Oberlin College, 1962 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Oberlin College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Sociology 1964 ~-,-\t ii I," - ~ <" . , Preface There are a number of people whose assistance has made this project possible. Without their aid I literally would have been unable to complete this thesis and obtain my degree. xy" profoundest acknowledgment goes to Dr. Kiyoshi Ikeda, whose knowledge of theory and methodology literally shaped this project. The influence of Professors Richard R. xy"ers, George E. Simpson, .J. Milton Yinger, and Donald P. Warwick is also evident at various points through- out this work. Mr. Thomas Bauer, Dr. Leonard Doob, Miss Nancy Durham, and Miss .June Wright have given valuable assistance at different stages of the process. Christopher B. Doob Oberlin College June 1964 09\,~O\A4 'i::l "\ ~ S iii Table of Contents Page Preface 11 r. Introduction The Problem 1 An Historical Approach to the Dynamics of Social Stratification 2 Broad Sociological Propositions Concerning Social Mobility 3 Empirical Studies 4 Status Crystallization 6 Static Structural Variables in This Study 7 Some Observations on Voting Behavior 11 The Hypotheses 12 II. Methodology The Sample 17 The Major Independent Variables 18 Intermediate Variables 25 The Dependent Variables 26 A Concluding Note 28 III. Description of the Findings The Relationship of Mobility, Class, and Intermediate Variables to Liberalism-Conservatism 30 The Intermediate Variables 31 Status Crystallization, Class, and Liberalism Conservatism • iv III.