NEW DIMENSIONS of ANTI-AMERICANISM in PAKISTAN and ITS IMPACT on PAK-US RELATIONS Phd DISSERTATION

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NEW DIMENSIONS OF ANTI-AMERICANISM IN PAKISTAN AND ITS IMPACT ON PAK-US RELATIONS PhD DISSERTATION

Submitted By

Muhammad Rafique Reg. No. NDU-IR/PhD/S-13/019

Supervisor Dr. Muhammad Sheharyar Khan

Co- Supervisor Dr. Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema

Department of International Relations Faculty of Contemporary Studies National Defense University Islamabad, Pakistan 2017

NEW DIMENSIONS OF ANTI-AMERICANISM IN PAKISTAN AND ITS IMPACT ON PAK-US RELATIONS PhD DISSERTATION

Muhammad Rafique Reg. NDU-IR/PhD/S-13/019

Supervisor Dr. Muhammad Sheharyar Khan

Co- Supervisor Dr. Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema

This Dissertation is submitted to National Defense University, Islamabad in fulfillment for the degree of PhD in International Relations

Department of International Relations Faculty of Contemporary Studies National Defense University Islamabad, Pakistan 2017

Certificate of Completion

We hereby recommend, that PhD dissertation submitted by Muhammad Rafique, entitled:

“New Dimensions of Anti-Americanism in Pakistan and its Impact on Pak-Us Relations” is comprehensive and sufficient standard to justify its acceptance by Department of International

Relations, Faculty of Contemporary Studies, National Defense University Islamabad for the award of Doctorate of Philosophy (PhD) Degree.

______

Supervisor

(Dr. Muhammad Sheharyar Khan)

______

Co-Supervisor

(Dr. Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema)

______

External Examiner

Countersigned By:

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Controller of Examinations Head of the Department

Declaration

I, Muhammad Rafique s/o Jamal ud Din, Registration number NDU-IR/PhD/S-13/019 NDU, hereby declare that “New Dimensions of Anti-Americanism in Pakistan and Its Impact on Pak-US

Relations” is my own work and that all sources that I have used or quoted, have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references.

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Muhammad Rafique PhD scholar

Department of International Relations,

Faculty of Contemporary Studies,

National Defense University, Islamabad

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Dedication

I dedicate my PhD dissertation to my beloved parents and respected teachers (may Allah Almighty bless them all) who, with their sincere prayers and guidance, guided me to attain the level of understanding.

Supervisor’s Declaration

This is to certify that the PhD dissertation submitted by Muhammad Rafique, entitled: “New

Dimensions of Anti-Americanism in Pakistan and its Impact on Pak-US Relations” was supervised by me, and is submitted to meet the requirements Degree of Doctorate of Philosophy (PhD).

Dated: ______

______

Dr. Muhammad Sheharyar Khan

Department of International Relations,

Faculty of Contemporary Studies,

National Defense University Islamabad

Dated: ______

______

Dr. Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema

Dean, Faculty of Contemporary Studies,

National Defense University, Islamabad

Acknowledgements

First of all, I bow my head in front of Almighty Allah and thank Him for granting strength to complete my research work of PhD dissertation. I offer my special thanks to my Supervisor Dr Sheharyar Khan who guided me all the time during my research work. I am highly grateful to my co-Supervisor, Dr Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema who provided me the expert guidance. I express my heartiest thanks to Head of the Department and faculty members of IR department FCS NDU. My special thanks and regards to Dr Muhammad Khan, Dr Nazia Fiaz, Dr Shaheen Akhter, Dr Khurram, Dr Rashid and Dr Zulifqar for their scholarly guidance during my research work.

I am thankful to my fellow researchers, classmates and friends for their valuable views during interactive sessions. Local universities and think tanks were the greatest source of information for my study. I thank to respective in charges and staff of the local libraries, especially SYK Library NDU, Army Central Library GHQ, National Library Islamabad, Allama Iqbal Open University Library and HEC digital library for their support during my research. I extend the heartiest gratitude and love to my entire family who provided me the environment during my prolonged research work at my house. I express my special thanks to the valued respondents including the senior scholars who contributed their valuable opinions for the study.

I am thankful to HEC government of Pakistan for providing me the scholarship to visit USA for my research and I was much benefited from this opportunity. I am thankful to Georgetown University, Washington, DC, where I learnt a lot and my research skills were improved; my thesis became much better with the most advanced research facilities available in the US. I express my heartiest and deepest gratitude to Dr Jonathan Brown who was my supervisor during my stay at Georgetown University. I am also thankful to Ms Christine Kidwell Lynn Screen, other scholars, professors and officials of Georgetown University for their cooperation in my research work during my stay at USA. I was lucky enough during my stay at USA to get maximum opportunities to visit many think tanks and universities where I attended many research events and met many renowned American scholars. I am grateful to all the concerned people of United States who facilitated me to avail such a unique and valuable experience.

Abstract

The study provides an understandable account of the phenomenon of anti-Americanism that widely prevailed in Pakistan and it became further intense after the start of 21st century. The US drone attacks on Pakistani territory, the Abbottabad operation of the US against OBL and the US attack on Pakistani military post ‘Salala’ remain the leading causes of anti-Americanism in Pakistan. The research identifies that regional policies of United States have created a new dimension of the discourse of anti-Americanism in Pakistan and this phenomenon has brought negative impact on Pak-US relations.

The super power’s interests in the region are seen with more clarity by using the lens of realist approach. The Neorealist school of thought comprehensibly covers the international political structure and element of anti-Americanism at global and domestic level. The Neoclassical realism explains the influence of the elite class on policy making and domestic structure of the politics. The theories of Superpower Syndrome and the Dilemma of the Superior observe an image problem of the superpower and also identify an element of jealousy against the superpower. The agenda setting role of Pakistan media analyzes the various dimensions of anti- Americanism in Pakistan.

The study explains the multiple causes and the impact of anti-Americanism at global, regional and domestic level. The research at length explains the causes and the impact of the discourse that have significance in the Muslim world, particularly in Pakistan. The Pakistani media identify the media perceptions in highlighting the nature of the Pak-US relations and the element of anti-Americanism. The content analyses of the selected media reveals that content were significantly unfavorable for the US image. The survey also provides the result that depicted the new dimensions of anti-Americanism and its impact on Pak-US relations. The study also provides the viable recommendations for better Pak-US relations in future.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Serial Topic Page Certificate of Completion i Declaration ii Dedication iii Supervisor’s Declaration iv Acknowledgement v Abstract vi Table of Contents vii List of Abbreviations and Acronyms xii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Aim and Objectives of the Study 10 1.2 Scope of the Study 10 1.3 Significance of the Study 11 1.4 Justification and likely Benefits of the Research 12 1.5 Research Gaps 13 1.6 What is New in the Study? 14 1.7 Statement of the Problem 15 1.8 Hypothesis 16 1.9 Research Questions 16 1.10 Organization of Study 17 1.11 Methodology 17 1.12 Justifications of the Content Analysis and the Survey 20 1.13 Use of Software 20 1.14 Research Support 20

1.15 Limitation and the Challenges of the Study 20 CHAPTER 2 THE LITERATURE REVIEW 22 2.1 Definition and Explanation of the Discourse 22 2.2 Anti-Americanism: The Construct of the Discourse 24 2.3 Anti-Americanism: The Global Phenomenon 28 2.4 Anti-Americanism in the Muslim World 31 2.5 The Construct of Anti-Americanism in Pakistan 33 2.6 Anti-Americanism and the Media Discourse 47 2.7 New dimensions of anti-Americanism 47 2.8 Conclusion 50 CHAPTER 3 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 51 3.1 Justifications and Relevance of Theories: Theoretical Construct 52 3.2 Realism 57 3.3 Neorealism 62 3.4 Neoclassical Realism 66 3.5 The Super Power Syndrome and Dilemma of the Superior 67 3.6 Agenda Setting Role of the Media 70

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CHAPTER 4 EVOLUTION OF PAK-US RELATIONS AND ANTI- 74 AMERICANISM 4.1 Introduction 74 4.2 The Opening Phase: The Choice of Engagement 74 4.3 The Consolidation Phase: The Regional Alliances 76 4.4 Pak-US Relations from 1965 to 1971: Testing and Disappointment 78 4.5 Pak-US Relations from 1972 to 1978: Vulnerabilities and Opportunities 82 4.6 Pak-US Relations from 1979 to 1988: Convergences of Interests 85 4.7 Pak-US Relations from 1988 to 1998: Suspicions and Reliance 87 4.8 Pak-US Relations from 1998 to 2001: Prospects and Pressure 89 4.9 Forced Coalition of WOT: Expectation and Contribution 90 4.10 94 Pak-US Relations Post 2014 and Way Forward 4.11 Conclusion 96 CHAPTER 5 CAUSES AND IMPACT OF ANTI-AMERICANISM ON 97 PAK-US RELATIONS 5.1 Global Context 98 5.2 Regional Context 105 5.3 In the Context of Muslim World 107 5.4 Specific to Pakistani Context 110 5.5 Conclusion 122 CHAPTER 6 CONSTRUCTING ANTI-AMERICANISM: CONTENT 123 ANALYSIS OF PAKISTANI PRINT MEDIA 6.1 Content Analysis 125 6.2 Selection of the Print Media 126 6.3 Print Media of Pakistan-Population of the Study 126 6.4 Justification for the Selected Newspapers 127 6.5 Profiles of the Selected Newspapers 127 6.6 Selection of the Language 129 6.7 Selection of the Editorials as Sample of the Study 129 6.8 Period of Study 130 6.9 Research Indicators-Variables of the Study 130 6.10 Slants of Study 131 6.11 Frequency and Coverage 132 6.12 Measurement and Scale 132 6.13 Data Collection and Use of Software 132 6.14 Summary of the Data (Selected Editorials) 132 6.15 Interpretations and Analysis 133

6.16 Statistical Testing 158 6.17 Conclusion 160 CHAPTER 7 SURVEY, DATA ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATIONS 162 7.1 Justification of the Survey 162 7.2 Population and Samples of the Survey 164 7.3 Explanation of Categories of the Sample 164 7.4 Gender 165 7.5 Qualification of the respondents (Samples) 165 7.6 165 Justification of the experienced sample 7.7 Questionnaire 166 7.8 Likert Scale 166 7.9 Use of the Software (SPSS) 167 7.10 Summary of the Data of Survey (Collected through Questionnaires) 167

7.11 Explanation and Analysis of the Survey Data 168

7.12 Statistical Testing of the Questionnaire 187 7.13 Conclusion 188 CHAPTER 8 FINDINGS AND RESULTS OF THE STUDY 190 8.1 An Overview of the Study 190 8.2 Findings of the Study 195 8.3 A Way Forward 204 CONCLUSIONS 208 TABLES Table Research Indicators wise Distribution of the Samples 135 6.5 Table Response on the Research Indicators 137 6.7 Table Year wise Responses of the Recorded Samples 143 6.13 Table Period and Language wise Responses on the Research Indicators 144 6.14 Table Ranking of the Research Indicators (Frequency wise) 145 6.15 Table Ranking of the Newspaper (Frequency wise) 145 6.16 Table Ranking of the Newspapers (Languages wise) 146 6.17 Table Ranking of the Response (Slant wise) 146 6.18 Table Ranking of the Response Research Indicator wise 147 6.19

Table Language wise Responses on the Research Indicators, during both the Phases of the Study 148 6.20 Table Year wise Response (Slants of the Editorials) on the Research Indicators 149 6.21 Table Responses (Slants of the Editorials) of all the selected newspapers 153 6.22 Table Year wise Response (Slants of the Editorials) of the Selected Newspapers 154 6.23 Table Language wise response (slants of the editorials) during the period of the study 158 6.24 Table Statistical Test 158 6.25 Table Academic Qualification, Category and Gender Representations of Samples 182 7.15 Table Responses of the Categories on Question No. 1 183 7.16 Table Responses of the Categories on Question No. 2 183 7.17 Table Responses of the Categories on Question No. 3 184 7.18 Table Responses of the Categories on Question No. 4 184 7.19 Table Responses of the Categories on Question No. 5 185 7.20 Table Responses of the Categories on Question No. 6 185 7.21 Table Responses of the Categories on Question No. 7 186 7.22 Table Responses of the Categories on Question No. 8 186 7.23 Table Test Statistics of Chai Square Test on the Questionnaire 187 7.24 GRAPHS Graph Evolutionary Transformation of Anti-Americanism in Pakistan 46 2.1 Graph Phases of Pak-US Engagement 96 4.1 Graph Four Dimensions of the anti-Americanism 97 5.1 Graph Newspapers wise Samples Representation of the selected Editorials 133 6.1 Graph Slantwise Distribution of the Samples 134 6.2 Graph Period wise Distribution of the Samples 134 6.3

Graph Research Indicators wise Distribution of the Samples 135 6.4 Graph Research Indicators and Period wise Distribution of the Samples 136 6.6 Graph Newspaper wise Response of Research Indicator (US Regional Policies) 138 6.8 Graph Newspapers Response of Research Indicator (US Interference in Pakistani 139 6.9 Matters) Graph Newspapers Response of Research Indicator (US Violation of sovereignty of 140 6. 10 Pakistan Graph Newspapers Response of Research Indicator (Pak-US Coalition in WOT 141 6.11 Graph Newspaper wise Response of Research Indicator (US Policies on Pakistani 142 6.12 concerned Issues) Graph The Representations of the Respondents for the Study 168 7.1 Graph The Gender Balance of the Samples 169 7.2 Graph Representation of the Respondents Qualification wise 170 .7.3 Graph Response of the Sample on the Question number 1 of the Survey 171 7.4 Graph Response of the Sample on the Question number 2 of the Survey 172 7.5 Graph Response of the Sample on the Question number 3 of the Survey 173 7.6 Graph Response of the Sample on the Question number 4 of the Survey 174 7.7 Graph Response of the Sample on the Question number 5 of the Survey 175 7.8 Graph Response of the Sample on the Question number 6 of the Survey 176 7.9 Graph Response of the Sample on the Question number 7 of the Survey 177 7.10 Graph Response of the Sample on the Question number 8 of the Survey 178 7.11 Graph Gender wise Representation of the Samples of the Masters Level 179 7.12 Graph Gender wise Representation of the Samples of the M. Phil Level 180 7.13 Graph Gender wise Representation of the Samples of the PhD Level 181 7.14 BIBLIOGRAPHY 211 Appendix A 255

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS

9/11 September 11, 2001 APCs Armored Personnel Carriers AQ Khan Abdul Qadeer Khan (Pakistani Nuclear Scientist) ARY Abdul Razzak Yaqoob (The founder of ARY news group) BBC British Broadcasting Corporation CBM Confidence Building Measures CENTO Central Treaty Organization CIA Central Investigation Agency CNN Cable News Network CPEC China, Pakistan Economic Corridor CTBT Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty DC District of Columbia Dr Doctor Etc Etcetera EU European Union FATA Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Western frontier region of Pakistan) FCS Faculty of Contemporary Studies Gen General GHQ General Headquarters (Headquarter of Pakistan Army) Govt Government HEC Higher Education Commission HOD Head of Department IDPs Internally Displaced Persons Indo-China India and China Indo-Pak India Pakistan Indo-US India and Pakistan

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IPI Iran Pakistan India IR International Relations ISI Inter Services Intelligence KPK Khyber Pakhtun Khaw (one of the provinces of Pakistan) LOC Line of Control M. Phil Master of Philosophy MA Jinnah Muhammad Ali Jinnah MMA Muthidda Majlis-i-Amal (one of the religious, political alliance in Pakistan) NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization NDU National Defense University (at Islamabad, Pakistan) NGOs Non Governmental Organizations NSAs Non State Actors OBL Osama Bin Laden OPEC Oil and Petroleum Exporting Countries OSR Ontic Structural Realism PAK-US Pakistan and United States PhD Doctorate of Philosophy PM Prime Minister RSC Regional Security Complexes SEATO South East Asian Treaty Organization Sino-US China and United States SPSS Statistical Planner for Social Scientists SYK Library Sahibzada Yaqub Khan Library (at NDU Islamabad) TTP Tehreek-i- Taliban Pakistan (militant group in Pakistan) TV Television UN United Nations UNO United Nations Organization

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US United States USA United States of America USAID United State Agency for International Development USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republic WMD Weapons of Mass Destruction WOT War on Terror WWI World War One WWII World War Two ZA Bhutto Zulifqar Ali Bhutto

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The study is primarily focused to investigate the global, regional and domestic aspects related to anti-Americanism. Independent variable of US regional policy acts as the key factor to generate the phenomenon of anti-Americanism. The central argument of the study is that how anti-Americanism has impacted Pak-US relations. In the presence of the complex political thinking about the phenomenon, there is a need to understand the various factors which are giving rise to the feelings of anti-Americanism in Pakistan. The discourse of anti-Americanism is generally considered as an expression of opposition to the politics, culture, society and international role of US during its interaction with other states. This contemporary stereotypical feeling of anti-Americanism prevails worldwide and it is generally perceived that Americans are “aggressive and arrogant”. The term apparently seems focused on a single approach that the supreme power of the world is threatening the rest of the nations.1

Dictionary connotation provides only loose concept regarding the ‘discourse’ by referring anti-Americanism as an opposition or hostility to US, its people, its principals and its policies. In the contemporary literatures, anyone opposing to United States and its policies is labeled as “anti-American”. Mostly there are loose definitions on the discourse and Paul Hollander accepts that there is no unanimously acknowledged and broadly established definition of anti- Americanism. Most of the critical claims of loose definition to explain the term relate to the aggressive American actions, hostile mindset, and its foreign policy in various region of the world.2 Trout has explained the term in a sharper and more critical way in that he has identified a “claim based” definition of the discourse of anti-Americanism. Trout has radically exposed United States with the labels like evil, genocidal, terrorists, fascist, racist, homophobic, corrupt, capitalist, imperialistic not deserving to exist.3 In the context of financial crises of 2008, Sophie claims that people across the globe perceive United States as aggressive, greedy, selfish and

1 James W. Ceaser, “A Genealogy of Anti-Americanism,” Public Interest, no. 152 (2003): 3. 2 Paul Hollander, Anti-Americanism: irrational and rational. Transaction Publishers, 1995. 3 Ziauddin Sardar and Merryl Wyn Davies, Why do people hate America?. Red Wheel Weiser, 2003.

2 hypocrites. Although the public perception seems worst stereotype expression of feelings but yet the policies of US while interacting with the rest of world are widely criticized.4

O’Connor argues that anti- Americanism cannot be termed as a permanent factor; it is a stereotype and prejudicial criticism towards America. The initial discourse of anti-Americanism seems a political based criticism. The states and the general public mostly conceive the ideas of disliking against US after experiencing the outcome of its foreign policy. The resentment against US is prominent especially among the European elites, but the culture, universities, movies, food, clothing and technologies of United States are so strong today that no other state can compete with it.5 Anti-Americanism has been prevailing across the globe since long, but in the Muslim world, this phenomenon became more prominent after the start of the 20th century.6 It is strange to know that there are many countries that have friendly relations with US at official diplomatic level, but the public and media of same countries hold significant level of notions of anti-Americanism in their belief and opinion.

The notions of anti-Americanism are observed globally at public level; even countries of Latin America, Europe, Africa, Asia and Eurasia possess a negative image of US.7 There is a complex phenomenon in many states of the world that the governments are pro-Americans and the general public is anti-American. It is worldwide acceptance in the intellectual discourses that US has become the most powerful nation due to its military and economic power. Due to the status of superpower, US attract most of the governments for diplomatic engagement. Irrespective of the public opinion, development of relationship with US has become an important foreign policy segment of many states of the contemporary world. The question arises, why there is a gap in the thinking between governments and the people? Some of the examples of such countries, where the gap in thinking of governments and general public significantly exist, are Saudi Arabia, Japan and Pakistan. There are many other states as well where masses possess the

4 Sophie Meunier, "The dog that did not bark: Anti-Americanism and the 2008 financial crisis in Europe." Review of International Political Economy 20, no. 1 (2013): 1-25. 5 Brendon O’connor, “A Brief History of Anti-Americanism: From Cultural Criticism to Terrorism,” Australasian Journal of American Studies 23, no. 1 (2004): 77–92. 6 Nur Bilge Criss, “A Short History of Anti-Americanism and Terrorism: The Turkish Case,” The Journal of American History 89, no. 2 (2002): 472–84. 7 Richard Pells, Not like Us: How Europeans Have Loved, Hated, and Transformed American Culture since World War II (New York City: Basic Books, 2008).

3 feelings against US and governments are following pro Americans policies in their respective foreign policy mode.8

The people expect helpful action from US but most often the superpower makes false claims of positive steps for people and this way it disappoint the public. Although some public expectations are irrational but yet the superpower has the global responsibilities in affairs of the states. The US emerging claim of winning of hearts and mind seems relevant plan because most of the people across the globe have the significant notions of anti-Americanism and US would like to make a better image in the world. After declaring a war against terrorism President Bush made a statement in his emotional speech in joint session of Congress, that winning of hearts and mind of the people would be the main focus while combating war against terrorists. The claim proved erroneous in Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan because there were bloody campaigns instead winning of hearts and minds of the people. Such hypocritical claims of the superpower further enhanced the feelings of anti-Americanism across the globe.9

In a global context, it had been an historical pattern that the majority of the public developed negative feelings against the superpower of the time. The lonely supreme power of the world (United States) operates worldwide to secure its national interests in dealing with the rest of the nations. People across the globe show their serious concerns about the superpower and they build their opinion in favor or against its policies accordingly. Consequently the relations of US with other states become varying and feelings of anti-Americanism also prevail worldwide in different mode and nature.10

One of the dimensions of anti-Americanism in the regional context relates to a China’s rapid development. The US policy of containment of China provides some elements of pro- China feelings and anti-American thinking in the mindset of the populace of this region.11 Pak- China cooperation in defense, economics and various other sectors has been increasing, especially after the commencement of the CPEC project. The Western countries including US see the regional connectivity and development with concerns. The people of Pakistan feel that

8 Daniel Johnson, “America and the America-Haters,” COMMENTARY 121, no. 6 (2006): 27–32. 9 Thomas Mockaitis, "Winning hearts and minds in the ‘war on terrorism’." Small wars and insurgencies 14, no. 1 (2003): 21-38. 10 Peter J. Katzenstein and Robert Owen Keohane, Anti-Americanisms in World Politics (Ithaca, new York: Cornell University Press, 2007). 11 Yang Zixiao and David Zweig, “Does Anti-Americanism Correlate to pro-China Sentiments?,” The Chinese Journal of International Politics 2, no. 4 (2009): 457–86.

4 this gesture of US towards Pakistan is biased and undesirable.12 The US regional policies that affect the interests of the regional countries have become the main cause of anti-Americanism in the respective countries. Pakistan is endeavoring to establish a balanced foreign policy towards the West and the East. Pakistan’s relations with US are vital, but ‘looking east’ policy also seems important for the national interests of Pakistan.13 In light of Pak-US past relations during last six decades or more, Pakistani people perceive that US policies in the region are not so good for the interests of Pakistan. The US regional policies give rise to anti-American sentiments in all walks of Pakistani society.14

At diplomatic and governmental level, it has been observed that (during some political events) some states opposed American policies covertly or overtly. During the recent past, Iran has criticized US policy on the Palestine issue. China has expressed her divergent views over the US dominance in Asia Pacific region.15 Russia has expressed its concerns over the US Middle East policy and in the crisis of Syria; Russia has taken an opposing political stand.16 Pakistan’s engagement in regional economic cooperation with China and Iran seem foreign policy initiative in the presence of contrasting policies of the superpower. Pakistan took a balanced stand on the Syrians and Palestinian issues besides the fact that US policy on the Middle East was different from Pakistan.17 Some of the European countries, including Germany have shown some opposition to US policies on Syrian and Iraq. Mexico, Venezuela, Turkey, Syria, Russia and China have criticized US regional policies in many occasions.18 The worldwide reaction of the states indicates the presence of anti-Americanism and these feelings are not “blame game” or “conspiracy theory” rather it actually exists worldwide because of US political, economic and financial policies at the regional and global level.19

There is yet another aspect of anti-Americanism that the feelings of disliking for US exist in the international politics, culture, beliefs and mindsets. The people of Asia and other eastern

12 Anna Fifield, “Pakistan Lets China See US Helicopter,” Financial Times, 2011. 13 Agha Shahi, Pakistan’s Security and Foreign Policy (Karachi, Pakistan: Progressive Publishers, 1988). 14 Matthew Gentzkow and Jesse M. Shapiro, “Media, Education, and Anti-Americanism in the Muslim World,” Education, and Anti-Americanism in the Muslim World (November 19, 2003), 2003. 15 Evan S. Medeiros, “Strategic Hedging and the Future of Asia-Pacific Stability,” The Washington Quarterly 29, no. 1 (2005): 145–67. 16 Ryan C. Maness and Brandon Valeriano, “Rivalry Persistence and the Case of the United States and Russia: From Global Rivalry to Regional Conflict,” in Russia’s Coercive Diplomacy (New York City: Springer, 2015), 45–84. 17 Bülent Aras and Sinan Ekim, “Pakistan and the Arab Spring: No Scenario for Muslim Cooperation,” 2015. 18 Rashid Khalidi, Brokers of Deceit: How the US Has Undermined Peace in the Middle East (Bostan, Massachusetts: Beacon Press, 2013). 19 John R. Bolton, Beyond the Axis of Evil: Additional Threats from Weapons of Mass Destruction (Heritage Foundation, 2002).

5 region criticize Western culture and at present, the Western culture and identities dominantly exist in the US contemporary society.20 In Pakistani society, the liberal anti-Americanism has been prevailing since the start of Pak-US diplomatic engagement. After 9/11, the dimension of liberal anti-Americanism has transformed into radical and ideological criticism. The phenomenon of anti-Americanism is clearly visible in the global politics in multi-dimensional mode. Liberal to radical transformation of anti-Americanism has taken place in the world after the end of World War II.21 Stivachtis describes that liberal anti-Americanism relates to the political and economic criticism of US policies, mostly by upper or the elite class of society who think that the US is “self-interested power covered under the label of democracy and human rights”. The recent political events in the world have exposed United States in front of public. 22 Katzenstein and Keohane identified the discourse of the “liberal anti-Americanism” as an inherent hypocrisy of the superpower to project its own national objectives.23

The Radical anti-Americanism relates to the feeling of the world that US regional policies pose a serious security threat to the weaker smaller states of the world. Many states of the world face tough challenges in the way of their development.24 The discourse of radical anti- Americanism became more significant in late 90s. After end of cold war, Iraq war and Hartington’s hypothesis of clash of civilization, the discourse of terrorism became more prominent.25 After 9/11; this phenomenon has emerged even more prominently in entire world particularly in the Muslim world. The war on terror (WOT) has transformed the discourse of the terrorism into popular political subject across the globe. The main phase of WOT is over and terrorism still exists in the region including Pakistan and Afghanistan. The political implication of anti-Americanism is adequately visible in the regional patterns of foreign policies of some of the states including Russia, China and Iran.26

20 Peter J. Katzenstein, Robert O. Keohane, and Stephen D. Krasner, “International Organization and the Study of World Politics,” International Organization, 1998, 645–85. 21 Peter J. Katzenstein and Robert O. Keohane, “Conclusion: Anti-Americanisms and the Polyvalence of America,” Anti- Americanisms in World Politics, 2007, 306–16. 22Yannis A. Stivachtis, “Understanding Anti-Americanism,” Research Institute for European and American Studies (RIEAS), 2007. 23 Katzenstein& Keohane, “Anti-Americanisms and the Polyvalence of America” (1999). 24 Yannis A. Stivachtis, Understanding Anti-Americanism, Research Paper no.109,Research Institute for European and American studies (2007), 9-10. 25 Eric Neumayer and Thomas Plümper, “International Terrorism and the Clash of Civilizations,” British Journal of Political Science 39, no. 04 (2009): 711–34. 26 Jennifer Mustapha, “Threat Construction in the Bush Administration’s Post-9/11 Foreign Policy :( critical) Security Implications for Southeast Asia,” The Pacific Review 24, no. 4 (2011): 487–504.

There are many reasons behind the prevailing sentiments of anti-Americanism and it had continuously remained alive in Pakistan but Pak-US relations were always intact and both were committed in bilateral relationship since last six decades. The construct of the discourse had emerged in an evolutionary manner in Pakistan and this phenomenon should be understood in a systematic and conceptual manner to design counter-strategies. Anti-Americanism has become a worldwide phenomenon that alters its dimension in one or the other way.27 Besides the fact that US has provided the financial aid to Pakistan, the feelings of anti-Americanism remain prominent in Pakistan. Cole highlights that it is not the first time that US image has been badly affected in the world including Pakistan; the Americans have been facing serious image problems, for last many years.28 There have been divergent (tense, normal and good) phases of Pak-US relationship since the beginning. Both the countries have mutual, local and global challenges and interests.

Pakistani people belonging to different spheres of life, blame America29 for interfering in the internal politics of Pakistan including violation of air space of the country, drone attacks and killing of innocent Pakistani people.30 After 9/11, the role of Pakistan in WOT was not adequately recognized by the close ally of Pakistan, the US.31 The covert and the overt expression of the feelings of the Pakistani populace against the regional policies of the United States was seen critically when US interfered in the domestic affairs of the country and violated the sovereignty of Pakistan.32 Pakistani Public generally dislikes the American policies in the region and due to such anti-Pakistan policies, anti-Americanism exists less or more in all segments of Pakistan society.

First Prime Minister of Pakistan Liaqat Ali Khan after receiving an invitation of state visit from Soviet Union’s President Joseph Stalin, could not respond positively and soon after United States sent the similar invitation to Pakistan. On receipt of the invitation from US the Pakistani Prime Minister decided to visit Washington and preferred to establish relationship with

27 G. K. Chesterton, “What I Saw in America,” New York: Dodd, Mead & Co, 1922. 28 Juan Cole, “Anti-Americanism: It’s the Policies,” The American Historical Review 111, no. 4 (2006): 1120–29. 29 Although America is the continent comprising of various countries, but America is popularly pronounced, in the study word ‘America’ is used for United States of America. 30 Janani Ramachandran, “Determinants of Anti-Americanism in Pakistan,” Undergraduate Thesis, Center for Democracy, Development, and Rule of Law. Stanford University, 2014. 31 Madiha Afzal, “On the Pakistani Anti-Americanism,” The Brookings Institution, 2013. 32 Zora Ahmed, “Strengthening Standards for Consent: The Case of US Drone Strikes in Pakistan,” Mich. St. Int’l L. Rev. 23 (2014): 459.

US instead USSR. Thus the US visit of Liaqat Ali Khan on May 1950 established the Pak-US diplomatic relations.33 The relations between the two nations have experienced many ups and downs during the process of the bilateral diplomatic engagement. Pakistan was facing security threats from India and opening of relationship with United States was very important for Pakistan at that time. Later on during the critical time of Indo- Pak wars of 1965 and 1971, Pakistan was looking forward to US support but that could not happen according to the desire of Pakistan.34

Mearsheimer describes the concept of offensive realism as the best method of diplomatic communication between states. The national interests dictate the diplomatic aspects of the states. Power maximization, through offensive realism; provides the basic political environment to safeguard the national interests.35 During 1955 Pakistan opted to join the Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) with the hope to get economic aid from US. According to the pact US were supposed to provide military support to Pakistan, but it did not provide the expected military support to Pakistan during the Indo-Pak war of 1965. After the war people of Pakistan realized that United States was no more a true friend to Pakistan. The US repeated its policy mode during 1971 Indo-Pak war as well. When US stopped support for Pakistan during 1971 war, Pakistani public was seriously annoyed with US.36

The geopolitics in a realist world sometimes provides the space to the superpower to take unilateral and one sided foreign policy decisions for its national interests.37 United States by taking unilateral decision stopped the economic aid to Pakistan under the Foreign Assistance Act during first half of 1979 because US had its concerns over Pakistani nuclear program.38

Berry Buzan and Waever explain the concepts of the Regional Security Complexes in neorealist approach, that the great powers define the military and political interactions with the

33 Safdar Sial, “Pak-US: A Balance Sheet of Relations.‖ ,” Pakistan Institute for Peace Studies, 2007. 34 Raju GC Thomas, “Security Relationships in Southern Asia: Differences in the Indian and American Perspectives,” Asian Survey, 1981, 689–709. 35 Peter Toft, “John J. Mearsheimer: An Offensive Realist between Geopolitics and Power,” Journal of International Relations and Development 8, no. 4 (2005): 381–408. 36 Syed Hussain Shaheed Soherwordi, “US Foreign Policy Shift towards Pakistan between 1965 & 1971 Pak-India Wars,” South Asian Studies 25, no. 1 (2010): 21. 37 Peter Toft, John J. Mearsheimer: An Offensive Realist Between Geopolitics & Power (Copenhagen: Institut for Statskundskab, Københavns Universitet, 2003). 38 Rashmi Jain, US-Pak Relations, 1947-1983 (Humanities Pr, 1983).

8 states or regions.39 In the present realist world, US has foreign policy focus of achieving its military and political objectives in the region. Similarly, US foreign policy focus is visible in case of political matters of Pakistan and other South Asian regional sates. During the process of interaction of superpower with other states, the element of liking or disliking emerges and different segments of the society act or re-act accordingly or differently.40 The American hard core military might, without using the soft power of American technology comes under heavy criticism of intellectual discourses. Bohas highlights the adverse effects of American supremacy in his intellectual discourses; anti-Americanism is just a reflection of shallowness of today’s super power.41

Anti-Americanism have been an outcome of the US political decisions in various regions. The structure of the US politics in the international system and its impact on international politics are variables which are associated with each other. A different type of anti-Americanism, including liberal, sovereign nationalist, radical and probably the legacy types of anti- Americanism would continue to exist. The US administration could hardly minimize the impact of anti-Americanism prevalent at global level.42 Joseph Nye during co-chairing bipartisan commission with Richard Armitage suggests that US needs to follow its objectives by using soft power along with its conventional hard power. This concept was labelled as a smart power mode of US foreign policy. He accepts that US image and influence over the world has significantly declined during recent years and it is perceived that US after the shock of 9/11, is exporting fear to inspire the rest of the world.43 The smart power is the ability of mixing hard and soft power into successful state strategy and global politics. The US has maintained this mixed strategy throughout the period of Cold War but unfortunately the foreign policy of US has been much focussed on hard core military power since last two decades, especially to tackle the war against terrorism. The hard power strategy

39 Berry Buzan &Ole Waever, “Region and Powers: Structure of international Security” Cambridge Studies in International Relations (2003),30-31. 40 Barry Buzan and Ole Waever, Regions and Powers: The Structure of International Security, vol. 91 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). 41 Alexandre Bohas, “The Paradox of Anti-Americanism: Reflection on the Shallow Concept of Soft Power,” Global Society 20, no. 4 (2006): 395–414. 42 Yannis A.Stivachtis, “Understanding Anti-Americanism 2007”, International Studies Program Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University, Research Institute for European and American Studies(2009) 14-15. 43 Cerelia Athanassiou, “As Much as Hillary Clinton’s ‘smart Power’works to Signal Change, It Is Not a Game Changer,” USApp–American Politics and Policy Blog, 2015.

9 has its own limitations because “the political issues are not best tackled with the barrel of a gun.”44 Foreign relations of any developing or underdeveloped country with US would be seen in the realist paradigm in which US quest for global hegemony is significantly seen. The US decision to knock down Saddam Hussein's government in March 2003, was dependent on a tailored edition of offensive realism. The global hegemony and motivational power of the superpower was openly displayed in Iraq wars.45 The theory of offensive realism is descriptive in the sense that it suggests how states have acted in the past and prescriptive in a sense that it suggests how states should conduct their foreign policy. Snyder suggests that offensive realism has failed to accurately explain the “tragedy of great power politics” because the global politics have changed.46 The US has the strongest influence on global political affairs and the contemporary international relations revolve around the international unipolar political structure.47 The media and the researchers are a vital segment of the society and they can play a positive role in Pak-US relations. The media portray the issues related to the requirement of citizens and help the state policy makers in foreign policy related matters.48 The free and professional media also highlight the negative aspects of the states. In highlighting anti- Americanism in Pakistan, the electronic and print media have played a key role. The freedom of the Pakistani media exposed US in front of Pakistani public and Pakistan media is one of the leading causes for highlighting anti-Americanism in the country.49 The media perceptions and public opinion play its role in formulation of the foreign policies of the states. There are many internal and external factors that determine the strength of a state, such factors include the size of the state, geography, culture, history, social structure, the public, technology, national capacity,

44 Joseph Nye Jr, “Hard, Soft and Smart Power,” The Oxford Handbook of Modern Diplomacy: Oxford University Press, 2013), 2013, 559–77. 45 P. Robinson, “World Politics and Media Power: problems of Research design, Media,” Culture and Society 22, (2000), 21. 46 Glenn H. Snyder, “Mearsheimer’s World—Offensive Realism and the Struggle for Security: A Review Essay,” International Security 27, no. 1 (2002): 149–73. 47 John Baylis, Steve Smith, and Patricia Owens, The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013). 48 Piers Robinson, “Theorizing the Influence of Media on World Politics Models of Media Influence on Foreign Policy,” European Journal of Communication 16, no. 4 (2001): 523–44. 49 Ehtisham Ali and K. Shahid, “Media and Foreign Policy, A Study of Pak-US Relations in US & Pakistani Press post9/11 Era (2001-2011),” Lap Lambert Academic Publishing, 2012.

10 political organizations, leadership, the media, political structure and decision making capacity of government.50

1.1 Aim and Objectives of the Study

The aim of the study was to examine the various aspects of the discourse of anti- Americanism and its impact on Pak-US relations. The related objectives of the study were to analyze and evaluate the global discourse of anti-Americanism. In the study with focus, the discourse of anti-Americanism in regional context impacting Pak-US relations was analyzed. The discourse of the anti-Americanism in Pakistan and its impact on Pak-US relations was discussed. To find out the differences in the nature of anti-Americanism in Pakistan before and after the start of the 21st century and to measure the impact of the discourse on Pak-US relations, the data were collected accordingly. The contrasts and commonalities of the national interests of Pak-US during bilateral commitments were studied.

In the study the appropriate literature on the subject was reviewed and evolutionary nature of anti-Americanism in Pak-US relations were analyzed. A content analysis of newspapers was conducted to know the media perspective through content analysis of the print media of Pakistan during the selected period (1985 to 2014). To conduct the survey by taking representative and experienced samples for the intellectual discourse related to the study was the hallmark objective of the study. The major findings of the study were deduced in a scientific manner. There was also a focus on finding viable policy options for governments of both the states to improve the bilateral relations in the future and to minimize the element of anti- Americanism in Pakistan. The objective to suggest a way forward approach for Pakistan media and future research was also kept in mind during the process of the study.

1.2 Scope of the Study

The study is primarily focused on an investigation of the global, regional and domestic aspects of anti-Americanism. The study has examined the changes of the phenomenon of anti-

50 David Campbell, Writing Security: United States Foreign Policy and the Politics of Identity (Minneapolis, Minnesota: U of Minnesota Press, 1992).

Americanism in Pakistan and its impact on the bilateral relations of both the states. In the study, various research indicators and variable were focused to get the relevant answers to the research questions. To cover all the aspects of the study, comprehensive literature is reviewed and theoretical approach to the study is taken as the road map of the study. Global, regional and domestic causes are determined to analyze the impact of anti-Americanism on Pak-US relations. The discourse analysis of the media has provided data to see the media perceptions about US in Pakistan. The surveys and interviews are taken, major findings and conclusions are drawn and the policy parameters are offered at the end of the study. Pak-US relations and the discourse of anti-Americanism is logically conceived and seen through the lenses of theoretical patterns. A comprehensive literature and evolutionary events are reviewed to determine the effects and the causal relationship of the independent and the dependent variables. The content analysis of the selected print media of Pakistan has provided the empirical evidences and the media perspective of the discourse. The survey has generated the results to get relevant answers to the research questions. Discourse analysis of the media and a detailed survey supports the hypothesis that is also tested by the statistical tools with the help of software. The findings and results are deduced and the way forward policy parameters are suggested for Pak-US governments, Pakistani media and future research. The research has remained focused to find an un-biased and reality based factors which created the significant anti-Americanism in Pakistan and this phenomenon of anti Americanism in Pakistan has been transformed into a new dimension during the contemporary challenges of 21st century. The comprehensive literature review, the discourse analysis, the media perspectives and the survey provide the base to see the nature of Pak-US relations and the multi-dimensional aspects of anti-Americanism in Pakistan. The study has explored the magnitude of the anti- Americanism and its impact on Pak-US relations.

1.3 Significance of the Study

The political, economic and military role of great powers in various regions has greater importance in the 21st century. The future dimensions of Pak-US relationship in this context are very important especially from Pakistani perspective. Pakistan’s diplomatic engagement with US has a vital impact on national interests, foreign policy objectives and national security concerns of Pakistan. The study provides a clear picture of Pak-US relations and policy guideline for the

12 future foreign policy of Pakistan. The study was focused to see that whether the construct of the discourse was really due to negative regional policies of the US or it was a suspicion against American advancement in various walks of life. The study determined to know that why and to what extent US image was negative in the Muslim world especially in Pakistan. The results and findings of the study would be an important document that would help safeguarding the interests of Pakistan. It is expected that this study would be a milestone in future Pak-US relations in contemporary regional and global challenges of the 21st century. Most of the data for the study was collected locally; however, the author visited US to take research assistance from US as well.51 Foreign diplomats and officials were also consulted in United States for the experience based opinion required for the study and such responses made the study more reliable.

It was an academic breakthrough to find that on what issues the Pakistan public has the divergent opinion and what are the issues where the convergences exists? From a realistic perspective, it is clear that the US kept intact its hegemony in the region and the study has also revealed the similarities and divergences of the interests of Pakistan and United States. Content analysis of the Pakistan print media on the topic was the major breakthrough of the study. The study was also successful in a sense that it covered all the aspects of the research questions and the hypothesis. At the end, the research led to a way forward approach that would facilitate policy matters of the governments, the media and future researchers.

1.4 Justification and likely Benefits of the Research

The US is a supreme power and Pakistani policymakers mostly have been considering these relations vital since the independence of Pakistan. The contemporary challenges of domestic, regional and global politics suggest that Pak-US relation should be based on mutual trust to safeguard national interests of both the countries. The US provided the military and financial support to Pakistan but yet there were elements of anti-Americanism in Pakistani society. The question arises that besides the US support to Pakistan, why Pakistani public dislike US? The role of Pakistan as key partner in war on terror (WOT) has raised many questions in the intellectual discussions that how much losses and gains Pakistan has achieved? There had

51 The scholar visited United States from June 2015 to December 2015, for research purpose of the dissertation under the HEC scholarship program

13 been a need to investigate the reasons for the existing gap in the thinking of the governments and the general public of Pakistan about United States. The research intends to justify the importance of Pak-US relations in the most challenging contemporary political eras.

The study scientifically analyzed the nature of Pak-US relations and the causes of anti- Americanism in Pakistan. Consequently, both the government would get maximum benefit out of this research to formulate the state policies for the regional and domestic affairs. The research on this topic is especially vital when US has vital interests in the region in 21st century. The study has also highlighted that in cordial relations, the US could operate in an advantageous environment in the region with the mutual cooperation of Pakistan and United States. To safeguard national and strategic assets of Pakistan, the future Pak-US diplomatic engagement would be very crucial especially for Pakistan. The study remained very useful because it has suggested a way forward approach for the future foreign policies of both the states. The study becomes an important document by identifying the policy parameters for Pakistani media because the media in Pakistan play a significant role in government policies and in generating the public opinions. The study has also defined some of the new areas of research for the social scientists in their future research. The US government would be beneficiary as well because the study would provide a lead to adopt the regional policies in the future especially the futuristic US diplomatic engagement with Pakistan.

1.5 Research Gaps

In the past studies, the phenomenon of anti-Americanism is seen with stereotype perspective; there is limited research work on the discourse of new transformation of anti- Americanism that has emerged in the 21st century. In most of the previous studies, a little effort has been made to find the contrasts and similarities of the national interest of both the countries (the US and Pakistan). The research is an endeavor to focus on discourse analysis of the media in the contemporary challenges of the 21st century with regard to Pak-US relations. Most of the previous studies in Pakistan on this topic are based on stereotypical thinking about the US, but in this study the discourse has been analyzed in multidimensional approach. In this study the new areas are explored to know that how much difference exist between the portrayal of the media and the thinking of the general populace.

The Pakistani media discourse on the topic of the study was done through the content analysis; this aspect was less focused in the past studies. In this study cause and effect relationships between variable was seen. The policy matters related to Pak-US relations and anti- Americanism are described comprehensively in the study. In the current regional situation these policy matters are more relevant to the foreign policy mechanism of Pakistan and United States. During the process of research some emerging relationships are established between various variables. The relationship between Islamophobia and anti-Americanism is revealed. Relationship between anti-Israel notions and anti-Americanism in Pakistan is discovered in the process of the study. The relationship in magnitude of anti-Indian feelings and anti-Americanism in Pakistan has emerged as a new discourse. The relationship between pro-China policies of Pakistan and anti-Americanism is visible in some of the literatures. The relationship between Pakistani nuclear program and anti-Americanism is also conceived during the process of the study.

1.6 What is New in the Study?

In the previous studies in Pakistan, the researchers have studied the phenomenon of the anti-Americanism with stereotypical perspective but this study has focused on a broader scope to link the anti-Americanism with Pak-US relations. The past research on the topic was mostly based on the stereotype approach for popular prevailing image of US but this study explored the new dimensions of the phenomenon. The evolutionary transformation of the discourse of the anti-Americanism from Francophobia52 to European criticism against the US and from Europe to the rest of the world was determined. The significance of the discourse in the Muslim world was measured with the help of the research variables. The relationship of Islamophobia with the anti- Americanism was seen in the study. The anti-Americanism in Pakistan as the result of the US pressure on the Pakistan nuclear program was also assessed.

The violation of the sovereignty of Pakistan is judged as one of the leading causes of the anti-Americanism in various segments of Pakistani society. The content analysis of the selected

52 The phrase of Francophobia had been used in different countries since the French revolution to express the anti-France feelings; the feelings started from France itself and spread in the other part of the Europe. UK became more popular in using the discourse of Francophobia, especially during the Napoleonic wars. The discourse became popular in the US, but after the WWI, the term was minimized and the scholars claimed that the discourse transformed into anti-Americanism during the Cold Wars

15 print media of Pakistan to measure the media perspectives on element of the anti-Americanism in Pakistan has produced some distinctive results in the field of the research in Pakistan. For governments of Pakistan and United States, Pakistan media and researchers, the research has given the policy parameters and a way forward approach which are relevant in the contemporary regional political environment.

1.7 Statement of the Problem

The US, the largest aid provider in the economic and military fields in Pakistan, but yet the Pakistani public have the negative image of the US. The study has remained focused on the central argument related to the discourse of anti-Americanism in Pakistani populace and its impact on bilateral relations of both the countries. There was a need to find scientifically that whether the discourse of anti-Americanism in Pakistan was the myth or reality. It was critically observed in the study that the most of the political parties used the discourse of the anti- Americanism as a powerful political card for their political campaigns but after winning elections the elite class (ruling parties in Pakistan) tilted towards pro-American policies. The sentiments of anti-Americanism in the populace of Pakistan has transformed into new dimensions of criticism of US. The people of Pakistan expressed their concerns about safeguarding their national interests during the bilateral Pak-US relations.

This was also very important to know that whether the discourse of anti-Americanism was a part of the conspiracy theory by or against the US? The impact of the phenomenon on Pak- US relations was also seen critically in the study. Pak-US relations have remained volatile and fluctuating during the contemporary political environment of the time. The main variables of the study include the regional policies of US, its aggressive acts that have physically challenged the sovereignty of Pakistan, the US involvement in the integral political matters of Pakistan, the US sanctions and embargo on Pakistan, the Indo –US relations and the US concern on the Pakistani nuclear program. The comprehensive content analysis of the Pakistani media and the detailed survey was conducted to find the empirical evidences to answer the research questions and to approve the hypothesis. The study was also focused to see whether the discourse phenomenon of anti Americanism transformed into a new dimension with the due course of the time. The study was designed to draw an evolutionary construct of the discourse of anti-Americanism during the

16 entire period of the Pak-US relations and study was focused to determine the causes of anti- Americanism in Pakistan.

1.8 Hypothesis

The US regional policies have transformed new dimensions of anti-Americanism in Pakistani populace and the discourse has adversely affected Pak-US relations. The US regional policy is an Independent variable, whereas the new dimensions of anti-Americanism and Pak-US relations are the dependent variables of the study. Pak-US relations become dependent variable because Pak-US ties were seen fluctuating in relation to the US regional engagement, as in case of war against Russia and WOT. There are the cause and effect relationships between the Variables of US regional policies and anti-Americanism in Pakistan, US regional policies and Pak-US relations and Pak-US relations and anti-Americanism.

1.9 Research Questions

The study revolves around the central arguments related to anti-Americanism and its impact on Pak-US relations. To know the extent of various dimensions of the central arguments following research questions were considered appropriate for the study:-

1. Why anti-Americanism exists in Pakistan? 2. What effect anti-Americanism has on Pak-US relations? 3. What is the extent of the discourse of anti-Americanism in Pakistan? 4. Has anti-Americanism increased and transformed into new dimensions in the 21st century? 5. What are the major causes of anti-Americanism in Pakistan? 6. What is the impact of anti-Americanism on Pak-US relations? 7. How media constructs anti-Americanism in Pakistan?

1.10 Organization of Study

The main study is comprised of 8 chapters and all the chapters are organized to answer the research questions of the study. Chapter 1 provides the introduction, in chapter 2 comprehensive literature review is carried out and chapter 3 explains the conceptual framework pertaining to the study. Chapter 4 deals with the evolution of Pak-US relations and anti- Americanism and in chapter 5 causes and impact of anti-Americanism is discussed. Chapter 6 is comprised of constructing anti-Americanism: content analysis of Pakistani print media. In chapter 7, survey, data analysis and interpretations are discussed. Chapter 8 deals with the findings and results of the study. Conclusion, bibliography and appendix are given at the end of the study.

1.11 Methodology

To measure the evolution of anti-Americanism in Pakistan, a case study design was followed. The methodology is the main construction of any study which reflects about what type of data, from whom, how, and what kind of statistics are used. For this study, the pragmatic approach was followed by using mixed methods of qualitative and quantitative research. The mixed method was found more suitable for the study, especially in triangulations of theories and use of a variety of data. A large data was collected to test hypothesis. Various Survey, Questionnaires and Interviews were conducted to get answers to research questions. The selected variables and the research indicators were taken as the baseline to determine the phenomenon of anti-Americanism in the context of Pak-US relations before and after the start of the 21st century. Primary and secondary sources have been utilized in the study. Mostly the deductive approach of research has been followed by having predetermined theories and hypothesis, but an inductive approach was also used to test the theories and hypothesis.

The content analysis of the selected print media of Pakistan was carried out to see that how media construct the discourse in Pakistan. The content analysis of the related editorials of the selected and leading four Pakistani newspapers i.e. Dawn, The Frontier Post, Nawa-i-Waqt and Jang (two Urdu and two English) is carried out during the pre and post period of the start of 21st century. To assess the difference in the discourse of anti-Americanism during pre and post start of the 21st century, 30 year period (15 years before and 15 years post period of the start of

18 the 21st century) was selected for the content analysis. Pre 21st century period was determined from 1st January 1985 to 31 December 1999 and post start of 21st century period was determined from 1st January 2000 to 31st December 2014.

The survey was also conducted; the data were collected and scientifically tested by statistical tests like mean, mode, median, chi square, and co-relation where applicable. For statistical tests, the SPSS software was used to feed and analyze the data. For the purpose of obtaining a balanced opinion, the representative experienced sampling was selected from the selected categories of the population. The gender, demography, literacy and age balance was maintained while selecting the sample for the study. (The explanations and justifications regarding the research indicators, sample, and related details of the research methodology of content analysis and survey are given in respective chapters 6 and 7).

1.11.1 Justification of the use of Pragmatic Approach

The pragmatic approach is the use of a methodology that suits the particular research problem. The approach provides the flexibility to the researchers to use mixed or any of the techniques and methods related to qualitative and quantitative research. The pragmatic approach facilitates the study and helps in the operationalization process of making the theoretical concepts distinguishable in the study. The selected variables and the research indicators of the study were explained in a comprehensive manner by using the pragmatic approach in data, theory and method. The topic of the study was mostly focussed on an independent variable of US regional policy and two dependent variables of anti-Americanism and Pak-US relation. It was more appropriate to follow the mixed method of the research to assess the phenomena qualitatively and quantitatively. In this way the limitations of both the methods could be addressed in the study.

The pragmatic approach helped the study in literature review, historical discourse analysis and face to face interviews. The questionnaire was prepared to obtain the response of the large scale experienced samples. Content analysis of the media was conducted in a pragmatic manner comprising of a variety of data. The data collected from mixed methods of qualitative and quantitative was statistically analyzed in the study to get answers to all the research questions and data of the study supported the hypothesis.

1.11.2 Triangulation and Pragmatism

The pragmatic approach provides the flexibility for the use of triangulation that is common practice in the mixed method. The pragmatic approach remained successful in the study and it covered all aspects of the central arguement of the study. In theoretical and conceptual framework, variety of theories of international relations and media like neo realism, neo classical realism, superpower syndrome, dilemma of the superior, agenda setting role of media and news framing technique of media provided the broder spectrum of understanding in the study. The large number of data of the media content and survey was used to get the answers to the research questions.

1.11.3 Funnelling

The pragmatic approach enabled the research to analyze the large scale data that brought the generalized results to the specific answers to the research questions of the study. The global, regional and domestic aspects related to anti-Americanism are discussed in the context of Pak- US relations. Likewise the global and regional political matters were analyzed to see the nature of Pak-US relations extent of anti-Americanism in Pakistan.

1.11.4 Slant and Scale

The slant such as favorable, unfavorable and neutral are used to measure the opinions and feelings of the individuals and the contents. In the content analysis (chapter 6) to measure the discourse of anti-Americanism, the following slant and scale is used to measure the media responses:-

Favorable Unfavorable Neutral

1.11.5 Survey Questionnaire and Likert Scale

(Attached as Appendix A)

1.12 Justifications of the Content Analysis and the Survey

The content analysis of the media and a detailed survey were considered as the appropriate research tools for the study. The relevant details of both the research tools are given at the start of chapter 6 and 7 respectively.

1.13 Use of Software

For advanced technical support in the study, the registered software was used. The SPSS was used for the content analysis and the survey to interpret and statistically test the significance values of the variables of the hypothesis. Large data of content analysis and survey was organized and analyzed with the help of SPSS. Zotero software was used for citation of footnotes and bibliography.

1.14 Research Support

The researcher was awarded the government of the Pakistan Higher Education Commission (HEC) scholarship, for this purpose the scholar visited the Georgetown University, Washington DC, as visiting PhD scholar for six months. The research opportunities availed in the US was very useful for the study. During the stay in US, face to face meetings with a large number of the opinion makers for the study was carried out. This opportunity was the hallmark of the research. Visits to large number of libraries, universities, think tanks and media groups of the US were very beneficial for the study. The meetings with various scholars, analysts, students, subject specialists, researchers, diplomats, government officials, politicians and intellectuals were also advantageous. The participation in many seminars, workshops, talks and Intellectual and public debates in US was the best part of the visit of the scholar to the US. Besides the visit to the US, the local research facilities of libraries, universities, think tanks, embassies, government ministries and institutions, meetings with the renowned scholars, media analysts and researchers was also very useful for the study.

1.15 Limitation and the Challenges of the Study

The content analysis based on the selected print media in Pakistan comprising of 30 years was the greatest challenge to accomplish the study. In the survey, to obtain the response from the

21 experienced sample was also a difficult and time consuming task. The prolonged late hours' research work to tackle the limitation was the tough part of the study.

CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW

The study has covered a broader aspect of the discourse to link the anti-Americanism with Pak-US relations. The stereotype approach in the past research on the topic has left many areas unexplored but this study explores the new dimensions of the phenomenon. The study explains the evolutionary transformation of the discourse in global, regional and domestic perspectives. The significance of the discourse in the Muslim world, particularly in Pakistan is explored with multiple evidences in this research. The evolutionary phases of anti-Americanism in Pakistan are identified to determine new dimensions of discourse. The relationship of Islamophobia with anti-Americanism is also touched slightly in this study. Anti-Americanism in Pakistan as the result of the US pressure on Pakistan nuclear program is explored during the process of the study. The study has explored many new areas of Pak-US relations, where the discourse of anti-Americanism is prominent variable. During the process of study, the violation of the sovereignty of Pakistan has become the most leading and unanimous cause of anti- Americanism. The reflection of the discourse has remained significant in all the segments of Pakistani society. The aspect of new dimensions and the transformation of anti-Americanism are explored in a comprehensive manner in this study. The study has focused on various aspects related to anti-Americanism and its impact on Pak-US relations.

2.1 Definition and Explanation of the Discourse

Various scholars have defined ‘anti-Americanism’ in different ways with the same essence of meanings. Katzenstein & Keohane explain the term in a more logical and convincing manner by stating that the discourse is a psychological approach to express negative views about United State and its culture.53 The term of anti-Americanism was broadly used in an ordinary language and it had simple meanings with different definitions. The term ‘anti-Americanism’ has emerged as the global intellectual discourse in the contemporary global politics, especially after the start of the current century.54 The anti-Americanism is phenomenon might be over a century

53 Peter J. Katzenstein and Robert Owen Keohane, Anti-Americanisms in World Politics (Cornell University Press, 2007). 54 Peter J. Katzenstein and Robert O. Keohane, “Varieties of Anti-Americanism: A Framework for Analysis,” Anti-Americanisms in World Politics, 2007, 9–38.

23 old, but the term or discourse of this phenomenon has significantly emerged in 1970s. Rubinstein and Smith published a set of research papers on anti-Americanism in 1985 which were documented as the first ever organized work on the topic in United States.55

The discourse of anti-Americanism represents the division between East and West, the distinction between capitalistic, communist and socialist bloc.56 Regional and global policies of United States during and after the Cold War era were significant for the creation of the division among the different blocs of the nations. Krastev considers the discourse of anti-Americanism as the transatlantic divide that has initially emerged significantly in the ancient Europe’s intellectual literature and research work.57

Anti-American feelings against the sole superpower have been prevailing ever since the foundation of United States but as a documented literature, the discourse prominently emerged around the second half of 20th century.58 Forsberg argued that the term of ‘anti-Americanism (as appeared in literature) was as old as United States itself but it was actually less than a decade since this discourse transformed into the phrase of political diplomatic dictionary and became a popular in the studies of international relations.59 Unquestionably, it would be less demanding just to discuss the picture of United States abroad; however, the image of United States, by using the discourse of “anti-Americanism” would be more horrifying but the understandable portrayal of the superpower.60

The phenomenon of anti-Americanism in Pakistan seems as old as the history of Pak-US relation but the nature of the relations have been unpredictable since the beginning.61 Pak-US relationships from the beginning have remained complex coupled with friendly and mistrust level of engagement among each other. United States have mostly engaged with Pakistan on the basis of its national interests. After 9/11, the mutual ties among both the countries were warm

55Alvin Z. Rubinstein and Donald E. Smith, “Anti-Americanism: Anatomy of a Phenomenon,” Anti-Americanism in the Third World, 1985, 1–30. 56 Robert Gilpin and Jean Millis Gilpin, The Challenge of Global Capitalism: The World Economy in the 21st Century, vol. 5 (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press Princeton, NJ, 2000). 57 Ivan Krastev, “The Anti-American Century?,” Journal of Democracy 15, no. 2 (2004): 5–16. 58 Philippe Roger, The American Enemy: The History of French Anti-Americanism (Chicago,: University of Chicago Press, 2005). 59 Tuomas Forsberg, “Book Review Essay: Anti-Americanism What Is It, and How Can We Study and Explain It?,” Cooperation and Conflict 44, no. 4 (2009): 443–54. 60 Karen Trundle, “The American Question: The End of a Superpower?,” Ellipsis 41, no. 1 (2014): 12. 61 Taj Hashmi, “The Destiny Of Pakistan and Pak-Us Relationship,” Journal of South Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (2013): 10–34.

24 and cordial but yet there has been a perception that after completion of WOT in Afghanistan, Pakistan would be once again a low priority for US.62 Gillani believed that the emerging situation could be seen in context of forced relationship of Pakistan in WOT against the will and wish of Pakistani people. After event of 9/11, the relationships were the reflection of personality oriented engagement of President Musharraf with United States.63 The detailed perspective of these relations is given in chapter 4 of the study.

2.2 Anti-Americanism: the Construct of the Discourse

The term ‘anti-Americanism’ was taken as the controversial subject to undermine and offend the political opponents.64 In the social sciences research, the smaller concept in its apparent outlook has occasionally emerged as the complicated discourse in its nature when it is measured in various research fields. Anti-Americanism had been the phenomenon looked straight and simple but it emerged as one of the most versatile discourse in academic discussions worldwide.65 Katzenstein and Keohane accepted that the term had been frequently used as the central segment of the international politics but yet the phenomenon remained ambiguous to understand in totality.66

The research work on the discourse after World War II has become prominent to discuss anti-Americanism as the political subject during Cold War era. This phenomenon became more significant when countries were in the process of integration in Europe. The nature of the phenomenon stress was cumulative and significant.67 Hollander argued that the domestic manifestation of anti-Americanism might be an outcome of foreign policies of US, but the phenomenon had transformed into the radical social criticism in many areas of the world.68

62 Muqarrab Akbar, “US Withdrawal from Afghanistan: Implications for Afghanistan and Pakistan.,” Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences (PJSS) 35, no. 2 (2015): 1109–19. 63 Tariq Gilani, “US-Pakistan Relations: The Way Forward,” Parameters 36, no. 4 (2006): 84. 64 Paul Hollander, Anti-Americanism: Critiques at Home and Abroad, 1965-1990 (Oxford University Press, 1992). 65 Peter J. Katzenstein and Robert O. Keohane, “Varieties of Anti-Americanism: A Framework for Analysis,” Anti-Americanisms in World Politics, 2007, 9–38. 66 Peter J. Katzenstein and Robert Owen Keohane, "Anti-Americanisms in world politics." (2007). 67 Chong-Soo Tai, Erick J. Peterson, and Ted Robert Gurr, “Internal Versus External Sources of Anti-Americanism Two Comparative Studies,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 17, no. 3 (1973): 455–88. 68 Paul Hollander, Anti-Americanism: Irrational and Rational (Piscatavay New Jersey: Transaction Publishers, 1995).

Berman visualized that the most of anti-Americanism had been alive during the complete 20th century within United States and other societies abroad.69

The discourse has been further transformed into new dimensions since the start of present century; the discourse is not only a political thinking of the people but it is significantly prevalent in intellectuals segments of societies across the globe.70 Schatz highlighted that apparently the discourse looked easy to comprehend but an expression itself was more difficult to understand in its totality.71 Cole has mostly presented the political reasons for the opposition against the US; the criticism against the US has remained alive in many parts of the globe. An extensive military and political involvement of United States during the Cold War era had compelled the researchers to conceive the phenomenon as a popular intellectual discourse of contemporary world.72

Anti-Americanism became popular with set of themes in its nature and character. It has transformed into an intellectual thinking in most of the nations of the world and discourse has impacted the foreign policy of the superpower in many regions since the end of the Cold War.73 Isernia described anti-Americanism as “essentially contested concept”. He conceived the ‘notion’ in a deeper way going back to the time of the American Revolution.74 Transformation of the discourse took place after the World War II and has entangled with the ideological criticism against US after Huntington’s hypothesis of clash of civilizations.75 The clash of civilization promoted Islamophobia especially in the Western world and Muslim world developed stronger feelings of anti-Americanism after the thesis of a clash of civilization. In some literature anti- Americanism seems as reactionary response to prevailing hatred of Islamophobia in Western world. Although this aspect is less discussed and unpopular in literatures but Nimer and Shadeed had highlighted the relationship of anti-Americanism and Islamophobia. They indicated that anti-

69 Russell A. Berman, Anti-Americanism and the Pursuit of Politics (Princeton Project on National Security, Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, 2006). 70 Jean François Revel, Anti-Americanism (New York City: Encounter Books, 2003). 71Edward Schatz, “Framing Islam: The Role of Anti-Americanism in Central Asia,” American Political Science Association, Boston 13 (2002). 72 Juan Cole, “Anti-Americanism: It’s the Policies,” The American Historical Review 111, no. 4 (2006): 1120–29. 73Alvin Z. Rubinstein and Donald E. Smith, 1985, Anti-Americanism in the Third World: Implications for US Foreign Policy (Connecticut: Praeger Publishers, n.d.). 74 Pierangelo Isernia, “Anti-Americanism in Europe during the Cold War,” Anti-Americanisms in World Politics, 2007, 57–92. 75 Seifudein Adem Hussien, “On the End of History and the Clash of Civilization: A Dissenter’s View,” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 21, no. 1 (2001): 25–38.

Americanism had increased with reactionary discourse towards Islamophobia.76 In the discourse of Islamophobia the Muslim countries have been more criticized by the Western literature and in the same regions, there have been significant feelings of anti-Americanism.77

Crockatt argued that America was a victim of its own political and economic policies and anti-Americanism became a complex political process to start of the 21st century. He further claimed that ‘clash of civilization’ was the turning point in the intellectual understanding of the discourse.78

Criticism on America was not mere a typical one sided approach of the people but there were reasons behind the makeup of the thinking across the world. The foreign policy of US and the discourse of anti-Americanism were seen as the independent and dependent variable after seeing the cause and effect relationship of both the variables. Anti-Americanism was visible as an ideological and cultural behavior of the people.79 Katzenstein and Keohane have identified different forms80 of the discourse including social, liberal, radical and sovereign nationalist types of anti-Americanism and in all types a common query was that “what United States does”?81

Sovereign Nationalist anti-Americans viewed that people had possessed anti- Americanism on the basis of political sovereignty of democratic states. They argued that US role in matters of other states was against liberal constitutional value of United States. Most of the elected democratic governments were under less or more political influence of United States.82 Sovereign-nationalist anti-Americanism had mostly prevailed where people believed that besides the potential to be great powers of the world the state would remain weaker. The people

76 Mohamed Nimer and Khalil Shadeed, Islamophobia and Anti-Americanism: Causes and Remedies (Amana publications, 2007). 77 To determine the relationship was not the scope of the study, however, the relationship of Islamophobia and anti-Americanism is seen that how transformation of criticism took place from Euorope to rest of the world. 78 Richard Crockatt, America Embattled: September 11, Anti-Americanism, and the Global Order (Abingdon, Vale of White Horse: Psychology Press, 2003). 79 Max Paul Friedman, “Anti-Americanism and US Foreign Relations,” Diplomatic History 32, no. 4 (2008): 497–514. 80 The different forms of anti-Americanism defined by various scholars exist in various societies including Pakistan. For instance religious, liberal and nationalist anti-Americanism can be seen in different forms in Pakistani society. The forms of anti- Americanism seen in Pakistan have been discussed in detail in chapter 5 of the study. 81 Peter J. Katzenstein and Robert Owen Keohane, Anti-Americanisms in World Politics (Cornell University Press, 2007). 82 Ioannis N. Grigoriadis, “Friends No More?: The Rise of Anti-American Nationalism in Turkey,” The Middle East Journal 64, no. 1 (2010): 51–66.

27 conceived that an involvement of United States had ignored sovereignty of the independent states.83

Young highlighted the presence of anti-Americanism in South Korea that country was considered pro American at government level. The gap in thinking between sitting government and general populace exists in many parts of the world.84 Bissell also assumed that the divergent mindset might affect US interests in the regions.85 Liberal anti-Americans have often criticized United States for not following its own political manifesto and people have opposed many of the American policies.86 Social anti-Americans believed that many democratic societies including United States did not respect the individual liberty and consequently people had reacted negatively to America’s political institutions. The monitoring of the individual’s activities including recording of personal telephone calls and activities on social media through cyber technologies were widely criticized across the globe including United States itself.87

Radical anti-Americanism had both religious and secular aspects across the globe. The internal institutional practices of US created radical disliking across the globe. Radical anti- Americanism has been prevailing in former Soviet Union during Cold War era.88 The elite class of the society had strong association with United States. The elitist anti-Americanism was the expression of the feelings of the people who were closely associated with the US culture and values. The US political injustice of the past has also been criticized, especially in European literature. This type of resentment against US had been labeled as the legacy anti- Americanism that was present due to the past wrongs that US had committed within and against other countries.89

83 Peter J. Katzenstein and Robert O. Keohane, “Varieties of Anti-Americanism: A Framework for Analysis,” Anti-Americanisms in World Politics, 2007, 9–38.

84 Park Kun Young, “The Evolution of Anti-Americanism in Korea: Policy Implications for the United States,” Korea Journal 47, no. 4 (2007): 177–95. 85 Richard Bissell, “Implications of Anti-Americanism for US Foreign Policy,” Rubinstein and Smith, Eds., Anti-Americanism in the Third World, 1985, 249. 86 Peter J. Katzenstein and Robert O. Keohane, “Anti-Americanisms,” Policy Review, no. 139 (2006): 25–38. 87 Peter J. Katzenstein and Robert O. Keohane, “Varieties of Anti-Americanism: A Framework for Analysis,” Anti-Americanisms in World Politics, 2007, 9–38. 88 Paul Hollander, Anti-Americanism: Irrational and Rational (Transaction Publishers, 1995). 89 Peter J. Katzenstein and Robert Owen Keohane, Anti-Americanisms in World Politics (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 2007).

Miller viewed that anti-Americanism had really changed since 9/11. It was not only the popular culture but anti Americanism became beyond the cultural paradigm. The proportion of anti-American feeling could be attributed to American popular culture. He identified economics, military, politics and cultural aspects linked with anti-Americanism. These aspects are different in its manifestations in different region and countries and there was a need of worldwide attention to understand anti-Americanism in totality.90 Adam perceived anti-Americanism as one of the unique types of American ‘exceptionalism’. The US claims of possession of weapons of mass destructions by some states were justified but the same claim made by other states for US was rejected. This contrasted policy of the superpower has provoked many people to have anti- Americanism in their beliefs.91

2.3 Anti-Americanism: The Global Phenomenon

The term anti-Americanism has transformed into an intellectual discourse in the literary research work especially for the last few decades. Katzenstein and Keohane explained that the discourse became popular in global literatures.92 Rubin argued that anti-Americanism had prevailed in an evolutionary pattern across the globe. The anti-Americanism had obtained different forms after various events of the history including World Wars, Cold Wars and the event of 9/11.93 Ceaser argued that anti-Americanism had emerged as an ideology that had global out reach. It has become at times as one of the strongest political agenda of election campaigns in different parts of the world.94 After 9/11, anti-American has turned into an effective tool of criticism against US and it has also become worldwide aspect of public discourse. That anti-Americanism was recognized as a clear concept that did not require any further clarification and empirical justification.95 Anti-Americanism prevails across the globe including US ant it has deep roots in the Muslim world.96 Hodgson argued that anti-

90 Toby Miller, “Anti-Americanism and Popular Culture,” Language, 2005, 36. 91 Doug McAdam, “Legacies of Anti-Americanism: A Sociological Perspective,” Anti-Americanisms in World Politics, 2007, 251–69. 92 Peter J. Katzenstein and Robert Owen Keohane, Anti-Americanisms in World Politics (Cornell University Press, 2007). 93 Judy Colp Rubin, “The Five Stages of Anti-Americanism,” Foreign Policy Research Institute.[Online] Available: Www. Fpri. org/enotes/20040904. Americawar. Colprubin. 5stagesantiamericanism. Html (July 10, 2012.), 2004. 94 James Ceaser, “The Philosophical Origins of Anti-Americanism in Europe,” Understanding Anti-Americanism: Its Origins and Impact at Home and Abroad, 2004, 45–54. 95 Giacomo Chiozza, “Disaggregating Anti-Americanism: An Analysis of Individual Attitudes toward the United States,” Anti- Americanisms in World Politics, 2007, 93–126. 96 Bernard Lewis, “The Roots of Muslim Rage,” The Atlantic 266, no. 3 (1990): 47–60.

Americanism has become a sense of prejudice against the US and its unparalleled advancement.97

After collapse of the USSR, US became the only superpower of the world and it had achieved dominance on political affairs of most of the states across the globe. The exceptionality mode of US policies after end of Cold Wars has exposed the superpower to the global criticism.98 The world has heavy expectations from US due to its status of sole superpower of world. Glazov argued that Americans might not completely know the weight of the responsibilities they had on them but the tasks that the entire world was expecting was the huge demand from a superpower.99 United States have unparalleled military force, technological advancement and huge influence on the political structure of the world affairs. The world has the proportionately high hopes from US to settle the global issues.

Kissinger expressed his concern about the desire of the people across the globe. He pointed out the heavy responsibilities of the superpower because US has taken obligations regarding all the indecencies of a “wicked world”. Kissinger declares it as the huge and undesirable responsibility of United States.100 The high hopes from United States have converted into the causes of the spread of anti-Americanism across the globe. Berghahn has explained that the existence of United States in Europe was the demonstration of its military capabilities that it achieved after the Cold War.101 Although US political and military influences in Europe started in late 90s but in some part of Europe, presence of anti-Americanism is much older; in case of France the discourse date back to the 18th century.102

People conceived the discourse as an idea taken for granted but yet people believed that anti-Americanism was the justified notion in Europe. Isernia assessed that Europe had remained a close ally to US in WOT but yet anti-Americanism remained in the region. Large number of people in European countries openly protested and criticized US war on Iraq; the feelings of anti-

97 Godfrey Hodgson, “Anti-Americanism and American Exceptionalism,” Journal of Transatlantic Studies 2, no. 1 (2004): 27–38. 98 Hodgson, "Anti-Americanism and American Exceptionalism." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 2, no. 1 (2004): 27-38. 99 Jamie Glazov, "Anti-Americanism." FrontPageMagazine. com 11 (2002). 100 Henry Kissinger, World Order: Reflections on the Character of Nations and the Course of History (London: Penguin, 2014). 101 Volker Berghahn, “Conceptualizing the American Impact on Germany: West German Society and the Problem of Americanization,” in Conference The American Impact on Western Europe: Americanization and Westernization in Transatlantic Perspective, German Historical Institute in Washington, 1999. 102 Denis Lacorne et al., The Rise and Fall of Anti-Americanism: A Century of French Perception (London: Macmillan, 1990).

Americanism further worsened in many parts of the Europe.103 Berman explored the different aspects of anti-Americanism in Europe. He claimed that in post-Cold War, when the European alliance took place, anti-Americanism was used as an ideology for the identity of new Europe.104 US followed the parallel or opposing path and undermined the concept of the security community; paradigm shift of US enhanced the feelings of anti-Americanism already prevalent there.105 After the disintegration of USSR, the US became the symbol of criticism in many parts of Europe particularly the states which were closely associated with the communist power. Minogue has linked the phenomenon of anti-Americanism with the Russian propaganda against US and media was widely used for this motive.106

David G. Haglund viewed that anti-Americanism was observed as the increasing phenomenon that got the political attention across the globe. It was a quite strange phenomenon in pro-American region like South America; there was a significant feeling of anti-Americanism termed 'friendly anti-Americanism’. It was linked with criticism against American policy within the transatlantic nations known as American friends. He considered that anti-American sentiments were alive even in pro American states.107 Ickstadt identified that anti-Americanism turned into European hatred against US in the form of an instrument of political contention. The exposition has emerged into the different ramifications of European generally termed as 'Hostility to Americanism'.108 Spiro visualized that the phenomenon was beyond the mild disagreement to the US policies and it had become a "constant pattern of disgusting criticism of the main values of the constitution of United States." The ever existing gap between the European and American constitutional value kept the sentiments of anti-American alive in the European society.109

103 Pierangelo Isernia, "Anti-Americanism and European public opinion." America Contested. The Limits and Future of American Unilateralism, London (2005).

104 Russell A. Berman, Anti-Americanism and the Pursuit of Politics (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton Project on National Security, Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, 2006). 105 Jeffrey S. Kopstein, "Anti-Americanism and the transatlantic relationship." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 02 (2009): 367-376.

106 Kenneth Minogue, “Anti-Americanism: A View From London,” The National Interest, no. 3 (1986): 43–49. 107 David G. Haglund, “French Connection? Québec and Anti-Americanism in the Transatlantic Community,” Journal of Transatlantic Studies 6, no. 1 (2008): 79–99. 108 Heinz Ickstadt, “Uniting a Divided Nation: Americanism and Anti-Americanism in Post-War Germany,” European Journal of American Culture 23, no. 2 (2004): 157–70. 109 Herbert J. Spiro, “Anti-Americanism in Western Europe,” The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 1988, 120–32.

Russell A. Berman argued that after the event of 9/11, the US foreign policy including wars of Iraq and Afghanistan had confronted lot of opposition from Western Europe. This criticism was at an equally high pitch in both among political elites and in the general populace of Europe.110 Stephan analyzed that tension between US and European countries might be more prominent in future due to increase of anti-Americanism in the region. The phenomenon was scientifically assessed for the first time in the eleven countries (Germany, France, Russia, Great Britain, Italy, Austria, Denmark, Greece, Spain, Sweden, and Denmark) of Europe. The result of the study had revealed that anti-Americanism had prevailed significantly in the most part of Europe.111 Hoffman argued that anti-Americanism was a much debated topic in many countries of the Asia particularly in South Korea. Cultural and psychological frames of reference were analyzed in which the discourses of cultural nationalism had arisen. It was assumed that anti- Americanism in the region had psychological dimensions as well.112

O’ Connor visualized that anti-Americanism was a chain of criticisms and prejudice thinking regarding America. In an evolutionary manner, the term has become associated with European culture and its outreach has stretched globally.113 Krastev claimed that the rise of anti- Americanism had become politically influenced and had an impact on state to state relations. Anti-Americanism is a paradigm to understand the concept of opposing American policies at the regional and global level in its political dimensions.114

2.4 Anti-Americanism in the Muslim World

Anti-Americanism gradually became part of political and religious belief of Muslim world. US was conceived as a "Great Satan” (proverbial phrase) in the Muslim literature and speeches. The Iranian revolution of 1979 has given the new dimension of anti-Americanism in Muslim states.115 Clawson signified that anti-US sentiments in Iran were more conspicuous in

110 Russell A. Berman, Anti-Americanism and the Pursuit of Politics (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton Project on National Security, Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, 2006). 111 Alexander Stephan, The Americanization of Europe: Culture, Diplomacy, and Anti-Americanism after 1945 (New York City: Berghahn Books, 2005). 112 Diane M. Hoffman, “Culture, Self, and ‘URI’: Anti-Americanism in Contemporary South Korea,” Journal of Northeast Asian Studies 12, no. 2 (1993): 3–20. 113 Brendon O’Connor, “A Brief History of Anti-Americanism: From Cultural Criticism to Terrorism,” Australasian Journal of American Studies 23, no. 1 (2004): 77–92. 114 Ivan Krastev, “The Anti-American Century?,” Journal of Democracy 15, no. 2 (2004): 5–16. 115 Peter J. Katzenstein & Robert Owen Keohane. Anti-Americanisms in world politics. Cornell University Press, 2007.

32 early 1980s. He further identified that Iranian revolution was one of the most visible reasons of anti-Americanism. According to him, the 1979 Revolution of Iran was significant event that had enhanced the anti-American feelings in the Islamic countries.116 Raab argued that the discourse of anti-Americanism in the Muslim world had a particular linage with Israel policy of Middle East, especially on the issue of Palestine. Traditionally there were systematic anti-Israel notions in the Arab populace. The US has the pro-Israel foreign policy and this tendency draw some relationship between anti-Israel sentiments and anti-Americanism.117 The relationship between US and Muslim world has generated new dimensions and the relations have become more sensitive and complicated on issues related to the Islamic world.118 The tension between America and Islam was significantly felt during the gulf wars and post 9/11 policies of the US had increased resentment against the US particularly in the Muslim states.119

Richard Crockatt identified the two parallel modes of “cooperation and confrontations” that had prevailed between United States and Islamic world. He identified that negative model of clash of relationship between both the blocs have been more significant. The hypothesis of clash of civilization given by Huntington has further provoked the sentiments of Muslims.120 Baxter and Akbarzadeh also expressed that the people of Muslim countries had a critical view over US politics of Middle East since World War II.121 Since 1950s, United States also had played political role covertly or overtly in the politics of Iran. The US has been the front line state in both Gulf Wars of 1991 and 2003, and massive military might in the Muslim states of Iraq and Afghanistan has brought a negative impact in the minds of the Muslims across the world. The aggressive acts of the US were conceived as unjustifiable military actions in the Islamic world. The US policies have left a deep rooted impact on the region.122 Divergent opinion had also existed that anti-Americanism in Arab world had less relevance with the US policies because most of the Arab countries enjoyed pro-Americans policies. Anti-Americanism in Arab states

116Patrick Clawson, "The paradox of anti-Americanism in Iran." Middle East 8, no. 1 (2004): 17. 117 Earl Raab, “Antisemitism, Anti-Israelism, Anti-Americanism,” Judaism: A Quarterly Journal of Jewish Life and Thought 51, no. 4 (2002): 387–97. 118 Angel Rabasa et al., The Muslim World after 9/11 (Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corporation, 2004). 119 Angel Rabasa et al., The Muslim World after 9/11 (Rand Corporation, 2004). 120 Richard Crockatt, “No Common Ground? Islam, Anti-Americanism and the United States,” European Journal of American Culture 23, no. 2 (2004): 125–42. 121 Kylie Baxter and Shahram Akbarzadeh, US Foreign Policy in the Middle East: The Roots of Anti-Americanism (Abingdon, Vale of White Horse: Routledge, 2012). 122 Jennifer Mitzen, “Ontological Security in World Politics: State Identity and the Security Dilemma,” European Journal of International Relations 12, no. 3 (2006): 341–70.

33 was the efforts of dictatorial regimes to divert the focus of their public from integral governance issues and mismanagement of Arab states.123

2.5 The Construct of Anti-Americanism in Pakistan

The people of South Asian region possess the sentiments of anti-Americanism and the notions are visible in reaction to American policies in the region. Embree claimed that anti- Americanism in South Asia seemed a symbolic object. United States has interests in the region but at the same time the people of the region believe that US undermines the interests of their respective states. The people have divergent opinion about the performance of United States in Afghanistan and Iraq.124 Mazhar and Goraya argued that after the Cold War era, Pakistan had faced many challenges. US focus for Pakistan was reduced after the completion of Afghan War and Pakistan was left alone to tackle many issues created by US during the war against Russia.125 Pakistan is the most significant country in South Asia where the phenomenon of the Anti- Americanism widely prevails.

Muhammad Waseem explained that the element of the anti-Americanism had existed in the greater part of the Muslim world particularly in Pakistan.126 The poor image of the US in Pakistan was strange in the context that the US repeatedly had provided military and financial assistance to Pakistan.127 Pak-US relations have been unpredictable since the beginning but after the tragic event of 9/11, Pak-US bilateral relations were more sensitive and significant in the region.128 Guihong argued that US national security interests had been crucial in the region since World War II. In post 9/11 scenario the US focus has significantly increased in South Asia. Pak- US relations were a part of US strategy for the balance of power in South Asia.129 Ahmed found that Pak-US relations had entered into a new dimension of bilateral engagement between the two

123 Barry Rubin, “The Real Roots of Arab Anti-Americanism,” Foreign Affairs-New York- 81, no. 6 (2002): 73–85. 124 Ainslie Embree, “Anti-Americanism in South Asia: A Symbolic Artifact,” Anti-Americanism in the Third World, 1985, 137–50. 125 Muhammad Saleem Mazhar and Naheed S. Goraya, “Foreign Policy of Pakistan: Internal Challenges,” Journal of Political Studies 20, no. 2 (2013): 91. 126 Mohammad Waseem, “Anti-Americanism in Pakistan,” in With Us or Against Us (Springer, 2005), 173–88. 127 Hamza Alavi, “Pakistan-US Military Alliance,” Economic and Political Weekly, 1998, 1551–57. 128 Rizwan Zeb, “US Interests in South Asia in Post 9/11 Era: Effects on Pakistan,” Margalla Papers, 2004, 73–89. 129 Zhang Guihong, “US Security Policy towards South Asia after September 11 and Its Implications for China: A Chinese Perspective,” Strategic Analysis 27, no. 2 (2003): 145–71.

34 states and he also assumed that the shift in US Policies after the 9/11 had enhanced the element of anti-Americanism in the region.130

Maria Ines Bastos and Sohail Ahmed explained that at the time of the independence, Pakistan was following short term foreign policy to sustain its sovereignty and immediate engagement of Pakistan with United States was the need of the hour. The geopolitical situation of the time compelled Pakistan to establish relationship with United States.131 Pakistan just after the independence was in the need of military and financial support and United States assured the support to Pakistan. At the early stage of Pak-US ties, US signed CENTO and SEATO agreements with Pakistan.132 At a later stage, US gave less importance to Pakistan and Pakistan opted for alternative foreign policy options. Kfir commented that in all the phases of the relationship between both the states, US administrations had mostly ignored the strategic and security requirements of Pakistan.133

Besides many ups and downs, the relations between Pakistan and US have remained alive since the beginning.134 Williams viewed that there were two important factors in the history of Pak-US relations; firstly, the strategic thinking of US policy makers and secondly, the outcome of Afghan war against Russia. The pattern of foreign policy has mostly been analyzed in the perspective of realism. The political events would bring serious impact in future of the regional and global affairs.135 During the Indo-Pak war of 1965, India did not find the expected support from Russia and Pakistan could not get the desired assistance from US as well. Resultantly, both the countries started new foreign policy options in the region.136 During Bhutto regime, Pakistan foreign policy started shifting towards the socialism by creating balance of relationship between Western world and neighboring super powers (Russia and China).137 US response to Pakistan in many critical events compelled Pakistan to see other policy options in the region i.e. establishing

130 Waqas Sohrab and IshtiaqAhmad Choudhry, “Pak-US Relations in 21st Century: Challenges and Opportunities for Pakistan,” Berkeley Journal of Social Sciences 2, no. 3 (2012): 1–16. 131 Maria Ines Bastos and Sohail Ahmad, “Foreign Policy of Pakistan,” International Relations 2, no. 04/03 (n.d.): 14. 132 Umbreen Javaid and Imrana Mushtaq, “Historical Perspective of Pakistan USA Relations; Lessons for Pakistan,” South Asian Studies 29, no. 1 (2014): 291. 133 Isaac Kfir, “The Question of Afghanistan and Its Impact on US Relations with Pakistan: The Need for Pragmatic Engagement,” Available at SSRN 2523386, 2014. 134 Gary Clyde Hufbauer and Shahid Javed Burki, Sustaining Reform with a US-Pakistan Free Trade Agreement, vol. 80 (Washington DC: Peterson Institute, 2006). 135 Russell Williams, “‘What do we Get from Pakistan?’Major Shifts in US-Pakistan Relations 1947-1982,” 2007. 136 R. G. Sawhney, “Focus on US-Pak Security Relationship,” Strategic Analysis 7, no. 8 (1983): 575–87. 137 Aswini K. Ray, “Pakistan as a Factor in Indo-Soviet Relations,” Economic and Political Weekly, 1966, 503–6.

35 relations with Russia and China.138 Hashmi argued that the shift in Pakistan foreign policy to engage with Russia was contrary to US focus to make Pakistan allies to contain communism. Ultimately, US were successful to engage Pakistan in Afghan war to defeat Russia.139

US has not adequately recognized the role of Pakistan in WOT, besides giving credit to Pakistan, US has repeatedly asked Pakistan “to do more”. Pakistani public and officials declared this demand as the unjustified diplomacy of US.140 Pak-US relations have the strategic importance and there was a compulsion of both the countries as well to establish cordial relations during crises in the region. Besides the cordial relations US has failed to minimize anti- Americanism in all segments of the society of Pakistan.141 Bursztyn and Yuchtman analyzed that Pakistani gratitude towards US for its assistance has been negligible whereas the anti-American sentiments on American regional policies are significant in most of the cases.142

Besides facing criticism from Pakistan, the US has continued its relations with Pakistan considering the relations in the interest of US policies in the region. Khan believed that Pakistan’s strategic location has provided a significant strategic advantage to Pakistan especially in relations with United States.143 US policy in the region has created a predominately negative picture of America in Pakistani society. Rashid argued that many serious events were started by US against Pakistan which might had been considered as fundamental reasons behind the stressed environment during Pak-US relations.144 Anti-Americanism has developed as a political ideology in Pakistan without realizing any consequential effects on the Pak-US bilateral relations.145

US violation of sovereignty of Pakistan was one of the most serious actions of US and the society had felt this act as the main reason of anti-Americanism in Pakistan. The Abbottabad

138 Mohammed Ahsen Chaudhri, “Pakistan’s Relations with the Soviet Union,” Asian Survey, 1966, 492–500. 139 Bilal Hashmi, “The Beginnings of US-Pakistan Alliance,” in Pakistan Forum, vol. 3 (JSTOR, 1973), 3–32. 140 Ashley J. Tellis, “Pakistan’s Record on Terrorism: Conflicted Goals, Compromised Performance,” Washington Quarterly 31, no. 2 (2008): 7–32. 141 Ijaz Khan, Shahid Ali Khattak, and Minhas Majeed Marwat, “Pak US Relations: Allies under Compulsion?,” Journal of Political Studies 21, no. 2 (2014): 81. 142 Leonardo Bursztyn et al., “A Revealed Preference Approach to the Elicitation of Political Attitudes: Experimental Evidence on Anti-Americanism in Pakistan” (National Bureau of Economic Research, 2014). 143 Mohammed Ayub Khan,. "The Pakistan-American alliance: stresses and strains." Foreign Affairs (1964): 195-209. Mohammed Ayub Khan,. "The Pakistan-American alliance: stresses and strains." Foreign Affairs (1964): 195-209. 144 Ahmed Rashid, Pakistan on the Brink: The Future of America, Pakistan, and Afghanistan (City of West Minister, London: Penguin, 2012). 145 Leonardo Bursztyn et al, "Identifying Ideology: Experimental Evidence on Anti-Americanism in Pakistan." (2014).

36 operation against Osama Bin Laden (OBL), the drone attacks and the attack on the Salala post were also serious US actions that were considered against the sovereignty of Pakistan.146 On those events, the US people also protested for violation of international laws.147 Soherwordi and Khattak analyzed that the aggressive assault on the compound of Osama Bin Laden led by US Forces had significantly aggregated anti-American feelings in the populace of Pakistan. The UNO, the Human Rights Commission and other reports had declared the US attack on Pakistani soil as the violation of international laws.148 The US drone attacks on Pakistani territory were condemned worldwide. Besides the effectiveness of drone attacks to kill the terrorists, violation of the sovereignty of a state was the serious concerns of the people of Pakistan.149 Drone attacks on Pakistan have provoked the significant level of anti-Americanism in Pakistan.150 The terrorists had mobilized more people against US in reaction to the drone attacks by provoking anti-American sentiments among the youth.151 US attack on the Salala post of Pakistan in the later part of 2011 was considered one of the serious acts of violation of sovereignty of Pakistan. Malik considered the Salala attack of a grave nature that had annoyed the entire Pakistani society.152

The US drone attacks on the territory of Pakistan brought the significant impact in creating anti-American notions in the minds of most of Pakistani people. Drone attacks on Pakistani territory, Raymond Davis issue, Abbottabad assault on the OBL compound and Salala Check post occurrence were the examples of trust deficit among CIA and ISI.153 Huaiping expressed that Pak-US had turned into the tensed environments after some serious incidents like Raymond Davis case. The people of the Pakistan had become antagonistic against the US policies for violating Pakistan sovereignty and the rule of the land.154 Saadat expressed that the

146 Leonardo Bursztyn et al., “A Revealed Preference Approach to the Elicitation of Political Attitudes: Experimental Evidence on Anti-Americanism in Pakistan” (National Bureau of Economic Research, 2014). 147 Ashley S. Deeks, “Pakistan’s Sovereignty and the Killing of Osama Bin Laden,” ASIL Insights (5 May 2011) Available at Http://www. Asil. org/insights110505. Cfm, 2011. 148 Syed Hussain Shaheed Soherwordi and Shahid Mi Khattak, “Operation Geronimo: Assassination of Osama Bin Ladin and Its Implications on the US-Pakistan Relations, War on Terror, Pakistan and Al-Qaeda,” South Asian Studies 26, no. 2 (2011): 349. 149 Theresa Reinold, “The Sovereignty Dodge and the Responsibility to Control: Should the US Do What Pakistan Won’t Do? 1,” Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 5, no. 4 (2011): 395–417. 150 Doyle McManus, “US Drone Attacks in Pakistan Backfiring, Congress Told,” Los Angeles Times 3 (2009). 151 Audrey Kurth Cronin, “Why Drones Fail,” Foreign Affairs 92, no. 4 (2013): 44–54. 152 Ahmad Rashid Malik, “The Salala Incident: Implications for the Pakistan-United States Ties,” Strategic Studies 32, no. 4–1 (2013). 153 Lubna Sunawar, “Pakistan as a Frontline State in War Against Terrorism: Cost & Benefit Analysis,” Journal of Political Studies 22, no. 1 (2015): 43. 154Toufiq Siddiqi, “De-Escalating the New US-Pakistan Crisis,” 2011.

37 drone attacks inside Pakistani territory had created significant anti-Americanism in the populace of Pakistan across the country.155 Lodhi viewed that the relationship between Pakistan and US were a paradox of vital importance for both the states. Besides the fact that both the states have acknowledged the importance of the bilateral relations but yet the element of trust deficit remained alive.156 Smith and Walsh claimed that besides the serious criticism from Pakistani people on US drone attacks, the result of drone strategy was in favor of both the countries that were fighting against terrorists.157 Afzal identified drone attacks as a leading cause of anti- Americanism in the society of Pakistan.158

Touqir Hussain believed that ISI and CIA had been cooperating and operating in the region with a joint intelligence sharing mechanism since 9/11. However, CIA has attempted a few operations autonomously in Pakistan without taking ISI on board.159 The trust deficit between the intelligence agencies of both the countries had reached to the point that US decided to operate without involvement Pakistani intelligence. In case of Abbottabad Operation US did not involve Pakistan. US attack on OBL in Abbottabad operation was widely condemned in Pakistan by all segments of the society.160 Kronsdatd identified that Pak-US relation has been passing through different phases of ups and downs ever since the beginning. Likewise, US aid to Pakistan has also remained imbalanced during military and civil regimes of Pakistan.161 Frustrations and mistrust against US have increased in Pakistani people and anti-Americanism in all segments of the Pakistani society has become more prominent than the past.162

Huaiping Zhang observed that the future development pace of the China would depend on US China relations. Pakistan intended to achieve the diplomatic flexibility to remain committed with both the superpowers to meet its national objectives.163 Bajwa argued that the

155 Muhammad K. Saadat, “The Drone Dilemma: Investigating the Causes of Controversy Between the United States and Pakistan” (DTIC Document, 2014). 156 Maleeha Lodhi, “The Future of Pakistan-US Relations: Opportunities and Challenges” (DTIC Document, 2009). 157 Megan Smith and James Igoe Walsh, “Do Drone Strikes Degrade Al-Qaeda? Evidence from Propaganda Output,” Terrorism and Political Violence 25, no. 2 (2013): 311–27. 158 Madiha Afzal, “Drone Strikes and Anti-Americanism in Pakistan,” The Brookings Institution, 2013. 159 Touqir Hussain, “US-Pakistan Relations: What Trust Deficit?,” The Middle East Institute Policy Brief, no. 31 (2010). 160 Muhammad Usman Amin Siddiqi, “Pak-US Hookup in Afghanistan: A Blame Game to End the Game?,” The Journal of Political Science 30 (2012): 41. 161 K. Alan Kronstadt, Pakistan-US Relations: A Summary (Washington DC: Congressional Research Service, 2011). 162 Mihas Majeed Khan, Tehseena Usman, and Raza Rehman Khan Qazi, “US-Pakistan Faith-Based Initiatives: Challenges, Trust and Mistrust,” PUTAJ Oriental Studies 20 (2013). 163Huaiping Zhang, “A Neo-Realist American China Foreign Policy,” in International Academic Workshop on Social Science (IAW-SC-13) (Atlantis Press, 2013).

38 increasing Indo-US defense cooperation would be vital for the regional peace and security. The balance of the US relationship with India and Pakistan would be deciding political move of the superpower.164 The increasing defense ties of US to India would bring instability in the region and Pakistan would see alternative opportunities to enhance its national security. The balance of relationship of the superpower with both the nuclear states of South Asia would bring the stability in the region.165 US intention to strengthen Indian for containment of China is equal to ignore Pakistani concern that India would pose a security threat to its national security.166 Besides the fact that Pakistan and US were the strategic partners in WOT, the vast range of anti- Americanism yet prevailed in Pakistani people. Masellis conceived that the resolution of the strategic conflicts would bring peace, stability and development in the region.167

L.A.N. Jiang argued that Pak-US relations were linked between the regional issues and global conflicts.168 Pak-US relations have many similarities and contrasts of national interests for both the countries. The US is becoming closer to India and Pakistan intends to strengthen its national security to be a close friend of China. There was a different dimension of Pak-US relations during the period when US had imposed sanctions on Pakistan but the nature of the bilateral ties was different in post 9/11 political scenario.169 Khan and Masellis suggested that the vital coalition of United States and Pakistan would play a key role for the regional stability, especially after the event of 9/11. The focus of the stakeholders has mostly remained in the strategic political environment to achieve the regional stability.170

David Wood observed that the US policy in Pakistan had been constructive. US had to start the rehabilitation phase of WOT in Afghanistan and Pakistan would again play a key role in transitional phase of the operation.171 Ahmed also agreed that Pakistan was the key partner in the WOT in Afghanistan and he also assumed that without an effective role of Pakistan, the security

164 Shahid L. Bajwa, “US Security Cooperation with India and Pakistan: A Comparative Study” (DTIC Document, 2013). 165 Karl Inderfurth, “US-India Relations,” The Asia Foundation, America’s Role in Asia: Asian and American Views. San Francisco, 2008, 266–67. 166 Lisa Curtis, “US-India Relations: The China Factor,” Washington, DC 5 (2008). 167 Feroz H. Khan and Nick M. Masellis, “US-Pakistan Strategic Partnership: A Track II Dialogue, Sixth Iteration” (DTIC Document, 2012). 168 L. A. N. Jiang, “A Study on Characteristics of US-Pak Relation,” Cross-Cultural Communication 10, no. 5 (2014): 39. 169 Muhammad Fiaz Anwar, “Sanctions as a Tool in US Foreign Policy: A Case Study of Pakistan (1990-2001),” Pakistaniaat: A Journal of Pakistan Studies 5, no. 2 (2013): 22–45. 170 Feroz H. Khan and Nick M. Masellis, “US-Pakistan Strategic Partnership: A Track II Dialogue, Sixth Iteration” (DTIC Document, 2012). 171 David Woods, “US Policy in Pakistan as US Begins to Transition Afghanistan?” (DTIC Document, 2012).

39 in the region would remain a strategic challenge for the world.172 Gerdezi considered that the future alliance of the Pakistan and the United States would be crucial for the regional peace and the security.173

Bruce Riedel criticized the past alliance of Pakistan and United States in which regional terrorism was promoted especially after the Afghan war against Russia. He further described that promotion of extremist mindset had impact on world peace.174 Husain accepted that Pak-US engagement in regional political affairs would be crucial to tackle the future challenges of terrorism in the region especially in Afghanistan.175 Innocent and Preble visualized that the nature of Pak-US relations in the region would be determined by various factors but national interests of both the states would have serious implications of convergences and divergences in the region.176

Fouad Ajami argued that the public opinion about US in Pakistan was measured negatively. US policy of Afghanistan was also conceived negatively by the public opinion.177 Faad identified that pro-religious government of Muthida Mujles-i-Amal (MMA) in one of the provinces of Pakistan collaborated with Prime Minister Jamali and President Musharraf was the driving force to create anti-American feelings in Pakistani populace.178

Hamid H. Kizilbash has identified that there are tri-dimensional anti-Americanism in the public of Pakistan that has been prevailing prominently in all segments of the society for last few decades. Firstly the negative image of the US in Pakistan prevailed due to US policies directly related to Pakistan such as during 1971 war US did not support Pakistan. Secondly the anti- Americanism in Pakistan was identified due to US global policies including US unnecessary support of Israel that was disliked by the Pakistani public. Thirdly the anti-Americanism in Pakistan due to US support to military regimes in Pakistan.179

172 Ahmed Rashid, Pakistan on the Brink: The Future of America, Pakistan, and Afghanistan (Penguin, 2012). 173 Hassan N. Gardezi, “Allah, Army, and America in Pakistan,” Critical Asian Studies 42, no. 1 (2010): 145–63. 174 Bruce Riedel, Deadly Embrace: Pakistan, America, and the Future of the Global Jihad (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2012). 175 Touqir Hussain, “US-Pakistan Engagement,” United States Institute of Peace, 2005. 176 Malou Innocent, Pakistan and the Future of US Policy (Washington DC: Cato Institute, 2015). 177 Fouad Ajami, “Pakistan and America,” Policy Review, no. 164 (2010): 27. 178 Sigrid Faath, “Anti-Amaricanism in the Islamic World,” 2006. 179 Hamid H. Kizilbash, “Anti-Americanism in Pakistan,” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science,

Markey believed that both the states had held some negative assumptions for each others.180 Element of mistrust against each other was beyond the official foreign policy commitments because of that it was unavoidable for US to remain connected with Pakistan during the War on Terror. Pakistan could not find an alternative option other than joining coalition forces to eliminate terrorism in the region.181 Pakistani public had expected that US could have played its role to resolve the issue of Kashmir but that never happened so far.182 When United States military core interests were linked to the performance of Pakistan in WOT, then Pakistan public criticized the US aid to Pakistan which was subjected to the condition that Pakistan was already fulfilling.183

Seth believed that Pakistan’s diplomatic relations right from the start remained centered towards United States. Stalin’s policies and other factors provided less effectiveness to Russia to play its role in the subcontinent.184 Kant believed that the creation of the alliance of many countries with the superpower in various regions was the tactical move of US to reduce Russian political influence in the region.185 Barnds argued that US policies of the South Asia were focused to observe USSR and China through India and Pakistan.186 During 1990s, US policies were pro-Indian but the event of 9/11 had changed the political scenario and Pakistan became the close ally to United States.187 Rajamony expressed that during Clinton administration US ties with India were strengthened and Bush administration had continued the same policies with India. After the 9/11 the importance of Pak-US relations reached to a strategic level.188

Stephen P. Cohen cautioned that future of Pak-US relations might face many challenges but for the security of the region the relations would remain important for both the states. He further asked Pakistan to eliminate the terrorism from the society for the stability of entire

1988, 58–67. 180 Muhammad Ali Qureshi, “Daniel S. Markey. No Exit from Pakistan: America’s Tortured Relationship with Islamabad,” Asian Affairs 45, no. 3 (2014): 529–31. 181 Daniel S. Markey, No Exit from Pakistan: America’s Tortured Relationship with Islamabad (Cambridge University Press, 2013. 182 Mohan Malik, “The China Factor in the India-Pakistan Conflict,” Parameters 33, no. 1 (2003): 35. 183 Daniel Markey, “A False Choice in Pakistan,” Foreign Affairs 86, no. 4 (2007): 85–102. 184 S. P. Seth, “Russia’s Role in Indo-Pak Politics,” Asian Survey 9, no. 8 (1969): 614–24. 185 Nalini Kant Jha, “Reviving US-India Friendship in a Changing International Order,” Asian Survey 34, no. 12 (1994): 1035– 46. 186 William J. Barnds, “India, Pakistan and the Great Powers,” New Delhi, 1972. 187 Bruce O. Riedel, Avoiding Armageddon: America, India, and Pakistan to the Brink and Back (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2013). 188 Venu Rajamony, “India-China-US Triangle: A ‘Soft’Balance of Power System in the Making,” Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2002.

41 region.189 Kronstadt assumed that Pak-US relationship would play an important role to defeat the terrorists in the region.190 After 9/11, US policy in the region has transformed a new direction of anti-Americanism in Pakistan. Khan observed that before the start of the 21st century there were more anti-Indian feelings in Pakistani people than anti-American, but after 9/11, anti- American notions have transformed into a new dimension. The US policy on WOT has changed the scenario, especially the drone attacks on Pakistani territory have significantly enhanced anti- Americanism in Pakistan. It was observed that anti-American sentiments had increased significantly in the populace of Pakistan after the start of WOT.191

Usman Siddiqi granted that US policy of South Asia and particularly for Pakistan remained on reactionary behavior of the US; when US would feel that its national interests could be safeguarded by Pakistan then there would be cordial relations with Pakistan, and if the scenario was contrary to US interests then there would be a political hostility towards Pakistan. Afghanistan remained as a key factor for strategic collaboration between Pakistan and US in WOT.192 The socioeconomic issues in Pakistan have become more vulnerable and in this regard the process of Pak-US relations has been intertwined with each other. Anti-Americanism could be one of the outcomes of the issues related to Pakistan.193

The global influence of US on political issues has increased covertly or overtly in many forms of readjustments. Accordingly many countries had started to revive their foreign policies options in different regions.194 Pakistan was in a complex political situation to establish its close ties with China in order to get assistance for its nuclear program. To remain a close ally of US only that too by compromising its nuclear program was not at all best suited option for Pakistan. Pakistan would be more comfortable in keeping the balance in its ‘look east’ and ‘look west’

189 Stephen P. Cohen, The Future of Pakistan (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2011). 190 K. Alan Kronstadt, "Pakistan-US Relations." Library of Congress Washington DC Congressional Research Service, 2009. 191 Waseem Zeab Khan and others, US Drone Policy and Anti-American Sentiments in Pakistan (2001-2012) (Prem Nagar II, New Delhi: EduPedia Publications, 2014). 192 Muhammad Usman Amin Siddiqi, “Pak-Us Hookup in Afghanistan: A Blame Game to End the Game?,” The Journal of Political Science 30 (2012): 41. 193 Christophe Jaffrelot, “Pakistan at the Crossroads–once Again,” Sage, 1995, 90–125. 194 Manzoor Khan Afridi, Musab Yousufi, and Musa Khan, “Pak-China-US Triangle Vis-à-Vis Soviet Union in Afghan War,” Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 5, no. 20 (2014): 2192.

42 policy. The question was that how Pakistan by remaining disconnected from US, would tackle the challenges in a unipolar world?195

Younkyoo Kim and Fabio Indeo argued that in a new silk route the US focus on intra Afghan transit trade would be seen in the perspectives of national interests of the regional countries.196 Pakistan being a stakeholder would be in position to play a key role in economic connectivity of the region.197 Kaw highlighted that the importance of regional integration and role of Pakistan would be important for regional peace and development.198 Futuristic economic policies related to regional development would determine the political interests in the region.199 Kumar agreed that the history of US-Pak relations had been complicated since the start of this engagement. Relations between both the states had served some of the complementary interests of both the states; The US would probably increase its political influence in the region to achieve its national objectives including the containment of China.200

A. Khan explained that it was a unique phenomenon that the feelings of anti-Pakistan in America remained negligible, whereas, the sentiments of anti-Americanism in Pakistan were found high especially since the start of 21st century.201 Hussein and Iqbal revealed in their content analysis of the leading newspapers of US that the image of Pakistan in US had been portrayed positively in the study from 2008 to 2010.202

US policies for Afghanistan have created some apprehension between Afghanistan and Pakistan especially due to Indian involvement in Afghan issue. Historically, both states had been tied up in close and friendly relations from the beginning.203 Abhyankar assessed that there would be friendly relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan in the future because of many

195 P. L. Bhola, “Sino-Pak Relations in the Emerging New World Order,” Indian Journal of Asian Affairs 7, no. 2 (1994): 11–27. 196 Younkyoo Kim and Fabio Indeo, “The New Great Game in Central Asia Post 2014: The US ‘New Silk Road’ Strategy and Sino-Russian Rivalry,” Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, no. 2 (2013): 275–86. 197 Jim Nichol, “Central Asia: Regional Developments and Implications for US Interests,” Current Politics and Economics of South, Southeastern, and Central Asia 20, no. 2 (2011): 183. 198 Mushtaq A. Kaw, “New US Silk Route Project for Post-2014 Afghanistan: Myth or Reality/2014 Sonrasi Afganistan Için Yeni Amerikan Ipekyolu Projesi: Mit Mi Gerçeklik Mi?,” Orta Asya ve Kafkasya Arastirmalari 9, no. 17 (2014): 75. 199 A. Mushtaq, “New US Silk Route Project for Post-2014 Afghanistan: Myth Or Reality,” Social Policy 7, no. 3 (2007): 377–83. 200 Kuldip Kumar, “US Policy towards Pakistan, 1980-88,” 2014. 201 A. Khan, “The Image of Pakistan in Prestigious American Newspaper Editorials: A Test of the Media Conformity Theory,” Strategic Studies 28 (2008): 105–28. 202 G. Shabir, T. Hussain, and Y. W. Iqbal, “Portrayal of Pakistan in the New York Times Andthe Washington Post: A Study of Editorials during 2008 to 2010,” J Mass Communicat Journalism 4, no. 179 (2014): 2. 203 Saima Perveen et al., “Post 2014 Spillover Effects of Afghanistan’s Crisis on Pakistan’s Foreign Policy,” Editorial Board, 2015, 13.

43 reciprocal ties including common history, culture, language and trade.204 Wazir argued that people of Pakistan have conceived a negative image of US for its Afghan policy and negative Indian role in the prevailing situation. Apart from a few differences many of the Afghan leaders including Hamid Kerzai and Ashraf Ghani has acknowledged the friendly relationship of Pakistan and Afghanistan.205 Khan believed that Pakistani role in WOT could be taken as indispensable phase of the history of Pak-US relations. He had also endorsed that relations between both the states were unpredictable during most of the political crises but there were few events that brought both the countries closer to each other. Unfortunately some actions resulted in creating tension between Pakistan and United States.206

Anti -Americanism in Pakistan was assessed with media perspective in Pakistan and it was found that a significant level of anti-Americanism had existed in the media portrayal.207 Content analysis of the leading newspapers of Pakistan in the study approved the same hypothesis that anti-Americanism significantly portrayed in Pakistan media. Pakistani people were against US policy on nuclear issue of Pakistan in 1998 and US exerted huge pressure on Pakistan to refrain it from nuclear tests, but Pakistan absorbed the US pressure and conducted nuclear tests on May 28, 1998. Resultantly, Pak-US relations could not bring the desired fruitful results in Pakistan during 1998 to 2001.208 Mohammadi and Ebrahimi commented that Pakistan had faced many challenges to maintain deterrence against India; Pakistan was compelled to conduct nuclear tests in the interest of its national security. The US policy remained different in Pakistan and India during the time when both the states conducted nuclear tests in their respective countries.US had exerted more pressure on Pakistan as compared to India. Pakistan was put under military and economic sanctions from the United States, whereas India was not treated with similar policies.209

204 Rajendra M. Abhyankar, “Afghanistan after the 2014 US Drawdown,” Asian Survey 55, no. 2 (2015): 371–97. 205 Asmatullah Khan Wazir, "Withdrawal of the US Troops from Afghanistan and its Implications for Pakistan-Challenges and a Way Forward." 206 Ijaz Khan, Shahid Ali Khattak, and Minhas Majeed Marwat, “Pak US Relations: Allies under Compulsion?,” Journal of Political Studies 21, no. 2 (2014): 81. 207 Abdul Wajid Khan and.et al, "A Comparative Analysis of Editorials of „The Nation‟ and „the News‟ the Case Study Of Pak-US Relation Issues Duration: Sep 2001 to Sep 2003." 208 Ghulam Shabir et al., “A Comparative Analysis of the Editorials of’The Nation and’The News": The Case Study of Pak-India Relations Issues (2008-2010),” Journal of Political Studies 21, no. 1 (2014): 41. 209 Mostafa Mohammadi and Shahrooz Ebrahimi, "Paper: America and Pakistan Nuclear Relations from 1947 to 2010."

Khan argued that during the Cold War period US focus had remained alive in South Asia. Though US are not a part of Asia and it does not have geographical connection with the region but yet US is more connected with the political affairs of the region. Pakistan has played a vital role in US policy of South Asia; these relations have provided a significant diplomatic forum for the political issues of the region.210 With the start of the US policy for the South Asia and Asia Pacific these relations came up as one of the vital foreign policy determinants for both the states. Pak-US relations in the contemporary regional political environment would help enhance the political influence of the region. Chen declared that US national security and economic interests would be linked to an Asia Pacific policy of US in the future; the large focus of US would be a significant policy shift to contain China. 211

Hamza Alavi analyzed that the Pak-US relations had begun from an ordinary mode and with the due course of time converted to strong military and economic ties. These relations were more crucial for Pakistan in a situation when India was a close ally of Russia. Pakistan believes that Kashmir conflict is the core issue between India and Pakistan but the US has a low priority for the issue. Perhaps the people of Pakistan expect more than that US is politically doing to resolve the issue.212 United States had followed its global strategic interests in South Asia policy. The US has managed to increase its influence in the region resulting in its overwhelming involvement in regional politics and development patterns. United States has become a major economic, military and political player in the region. The Russians had posed some challenges to US during the last decade but the balance of power regarding the regional politics significantly shifted towards the US side.213

M. Raziullah Azemi stated that the nature of these relations was connected with the national interests of both states. He further argued that there were strategic compulsions on both states to remain in cordial relations with each other.214 People of Pakistan criticized the political governments in Pakistan for accepting most of the demands of United States by ignoring own national interests. In the month of April 2011, an inflated number of the visas were granted to

210 Rais A. Khan, “Pakistan-United States Relations: An Appraisal,” American Studies International 23, no. 1 (1985): 83–102. 211 Rong Chen, “A Critical Analysis of the US ‘Pivot’ toward the Asia-Pacific: How Realistic Is Neo-Realism?,” Connections: The Quarterly Journal 12, no. 3 (2013). 212 Hamza Alavi, “Pakistan-US Military Alliance,” Economic and Political Weekly, 1998, 1551–57. 213 Gary R. Hess, “Global Expansion and Regional Balances: The Emerging Scholarship on United States Relations with India and Pakistan,” Pacific Historical Review 56, no. 2 (1987): 259–95. 214 M. Raziullah Azmi, “Pakistan-United States Relations: An Appraisal,” Pakistan Horizon 36, no. 3 (1983): 37–50.

American citizens.215 It is believed that many unwanted American citizens had entered into Pakistan and performed undercover activities without taking Pakistan into confidence. The entries of US persons like Raymond Davis had created many security and intelligence issues in Pakistan. Such initiatives of US have generated a significant level of anti-Americanism in Pakistan. According to the Express Tribune, Pakistan embassy Washington, DC issued 52094 Pakistani visas to US citizens from 2008 to 2011 and over 4000 visas were granted to US citizen in the month of April 2011 only.216

Pak-US relations during the war on terror were vital. Pakistan’s contributions were much higher than that of United States. In WOT from 2001 to 2014 there were total 3485 deaths of the US people in the military and nonmilitary operations in Afghanistan, whereas Pakistan sacrificed over 60,000 people including military and civilian deaths during the same time.217 Apart from the sacrifices of thousands of lives, Pakistan has also suffered a heavy financial loss to its infrastructures across the country. The majority of people of Pakistan was grieved and poised against United States for the heavy loss of Pakistan in WOT.

Pakistan’s nuclear program had been the serious concerns in the intellectual discourses of United States.218 Pervez Hoodbhoy and Zia Mian have expressed their concerns about “Islamic armed nuclear state of Pakistan” and future politics of the region.219 Sajjad Ahmed suspected that whether the South Asian region would be peaceful or there would be more risk of confrontations after the emergence of Pakistan as a parallel nuclear state with India? He further added that the nuclear free South Asia would be in the best interest of the region.220 US had been showing its concerns over the nuclear program of Pakistan but the Indian program was not taken so seriously

215 Cara Cilano, Post-9/11 Espionage Fiction in the US and Pakistan: Spies and“ Terrorists,” vol. 81 (Abingdon, Vale of White Horse: Routledge, 2014). 216 “Over 50,000 Americans Issued Pakistani Visa from 2008 to 2011,” The Express Tribune, accessed January 15, 2015. 217 Nadia Mushtaq Abbasi, “Impact of Terrorism on Pakistan,” Strategic Studies 33, no. 2 (2013). 218 Joby Warrick, “Pakistan Expanding Nuclear Program,” Washington Post, 2006, A1. 219 Pervez Hoodbhoy and Zia Mian, “Nuclear Fears, Hopes and Realities in Pakistan,” International Affairs 90, no. 5 (2014): 1125–42. 220 Sajjad Ahmad, “The Nuclearization of India and Pakistan and the Quest for Peace in South Asia: Response and Apprehensions of the West,” Journal of European Studies 31, no. 2 (2015).

46 by the superpower.221 Kronstadt believed that a stable prosperous and democratic Pakistan would be in favor of US and the rest of the world.222

The US led the WOT and Pakistan became the vital partner to fight against the terrorism. Pakistan efforts to counter terrorism and coalition support to the international community got less recognition from United States.223 Khalid Iqbal viewed that Pak US relations were like a pendulum between good and bad relations; sometimes friendly and sometimes there were tensions between both states.224 Relations between both the states were like a see-saw where balance seemed difficult but possible.225 Overall ups and down in these relations had prevailed because of the many political factors of regional and global dynamics, but more importantly the element of anti-Americanism in Pakistan had brought significant bearing over the relations.226 The global trend of anti-Americanism was assumed as an evolutionary thinking process. In light of available literature as analyzed above, evolutionary transformation of anti- Americanism took place in Pakistan and the same pattern has been explained in the graph below:-

Graph 2.1 Evolutionary Transformation of Anti-Americanism in Pakistan

Popular Media Discourse Radical Hatred Expression of Hatred Intellectual Discourse Political and Ideological Culture Feelings of Disliking Mild Political Criticism

221 Padmanabha Ranganatha Chari et al., Perception, Politics and Security in South Asia: The Compound Crisis of 1990 (Routledge, 2003). 222 K. Alan Kronstadt,. "Pakistan-US Relations." Library of Congress Washington Dc Congressional Research Service, 2009. 223 Zafar Ali, Ashraf Iqbal, Mirza Jan, and Asrar Ahmad. "Coverage of Pak-US Relations on Issue of Counter Terrorism by US Leading News Magazines."Middle-East Journal of Scientific Research 15, no. 10 (2013): 1464-1471. 224 Lisa Blaydes, “Giacomo Chiozza. Anti-Americanism and the American World Order,” Public Opinion Quarterly 74, no. 2 (2010): 395–97. 225 Khalid Iqbal, The Seesaw of Pak-US Relations (Rawalpindi,: PakTribune, 2011). 226 Giacomo Chiozza, Anti-Americanism and the American world order. JHU Press, 2010.

2.6 Anti-Americanism and the Media Discourse

Erick C. Nisbet and Teresa A. Myers explained that anti-Americanism in the Arab countries was increasing with the passage of time. In their study empirically and theoretically the linkages between media and opinion have been measured. The media has portrayed highly negative image of US in the contents electronic media during the period of the study.227 Shah explained that the media had transformed public opinions in the different factions of society. He described that media gave significant space to negative image of United States. Shah also cautioned that the US citizen feared life threats in Pakistan.228 The media coverage of conflicts like the Iraq wars of 1991 and 2003 has played an imperative part in framing the way of thinking of the general public against United States. Mostly the pre war coverage and portrayal of the media turned to be more effective in creating beliefs about United States. The findings of the poll indicated that there was a positive picture of Iraq and a very negative image of US in the media before and after the war.229

2.7 New dimensions of anti-Americanism

Although it is difficult to establish links with the variables of Francophobia and anti- Americanism but yet the transformation of the notion of the discourse is assessed by Suzaine Amine that Anti-Americanism was an extension to Francophobia in Europe and other regions of the world. Anti-Americanism has remained alive in order to express a consistent criticism against the US and French governments their culture and history. The Francophobia was transformed into anti-Americanism in Europe.230 The discourse of anti-Americanism has transformed into its new dimension. The discourse on terrorism has been guided by the power-elite which was responsible for escalating violence. The disapproval of US policies by the people worldwide

227 Erik C. Nisbet and Teresa A. Myers, “Anti-American Sentiment as a Media Effect? Arab Media, Political Identity, and Public Opinion in the Middle East,” Communication Research 38, no. 5 (2011): 684–709. 228 Saeed Shah, “Anti-Americanism Rises in Pakistan over US Motives,” McClatchy, September 8 (2009). 229 Lars Willnat et al., “Media Use, Anti-Americanism and International Support for the Iraq War,” International Communication Gazette 68, no. 5–6 (2006): 533–50. 230 Lyn Suzanne Amine, “Country-of-Origin, Animosity and Consumer Response: Marketing Implications of Anti-Americanism and Francophobia,” International Business Review 17, no. 4 (2008): 402–22.

48 began during the Cold War and the concept of anti-Americanism significantly increased in the post 9/11 era.231

Georgiana Banita found that the feelings of anti-Americanism have increased not only in Muslim World but in many parts of US as well. With the start of 21st century, people around the world were hoping that it would be a millennium of global peace, justice and human development, but US response towards the tragic event of 9/11 set it off with terror, insecurity, injustice and economic collapse.232 Naryan Datta argued that since the beginning of 21st century people had the “Millennium Hopes” from the superpower but US failed to fulfill the desires and the world became more troubled than it was in the 20th century.233

M. Najeeb Shafiq stated that United States had been vulnerable to open and worldwide criticism after the end of the Cold War. Another new aspect of anti-Americanism has emerged in the Muslim world with the start of 21st century, when criticism of US became a popular phenomenon in the Islamic society.234 The opinion of the world during last few years has clearly indicated that the US image in the world is going towards negative side. The Pew Global Survey 2010 has explained that the element of anti-Americanism is ''deeper and broader now than at any time in modern history.''235 Byong-Kuen Jhee claimed in his literature that anti-Americanism had emerged much more popular and an open discourse in the current century as compared to the previous century.236 Stephan argued that American hegemony over the world and aftermath period of 9/11 started a new debate about American culture; and perhaps the culture of hatred against US came into the spotlight of global politics.237 Ajami explained that the trans-regional

231 Irwin M. Wall et al., From Anti-Americanism to Francophobia: The Saga of French and American Intellectuals (Online Liberary: JSTOR, 1994). 232 Georgiana Banita, Plotting Justice: Narrative Ethics and Literary Culture after 9/11 (Lincoln, Nebraska: U of Nebraska Press, 2012). 233 Monti Narayan Datta, “The Decline of America’s Soft Power in the United Nations1,” International Studies Perspectives 10, no. 3 (2009): 265–84. 234 Lisa Blaydes and Drew A. Linzer, “Elite Competition, Religiosity, and Anti-Americanism in the Islamic World,” American Political Science Review 106, no. 02 (2012): 225–43. 235 M. Najeeb Shafiq, “Do Education and Income Affect Support for Democracy in Muslim Countries? Evidence from the Pew Global Attitudes Project,” Economics of Education Review 29, no. 3 (2010): 461–69. 236 Byong-Kuen Jhee, “Anti-Americanism and Electoral Politics in Korea,” Political Science Quarterly 123, no. 2 (2008): 301–18. 237 Alexander Stephan, Americanization and Anti-Americanism: The German Encounter with American Culture after 1945 (Berghahn Books, 2005).

49 transfer of American culture left a crucial impact over the societies and consequently it has framed the behavioral disliking against United States.238

The huge contribution made by Pakistan in WOT was least recognized by US. The Pakistani sacrifices had transformed into sensational anti-Americanism in Pakistan. A new phenomenon was observed when the Western frontiers of Pakistan had converted into a hostile environment and before 9/11, it was considered as a friendly border. Even in post WOT era, Pakistan continued suffering from the negative impact of the US coalition in the WOT. During an active phase of WOT form 2004 to 2014, Pakistan sacrificed over 60000 human lives and faced a huge loss of $ 107 billion to its economy.239

Sometime imbalanced behavior of Pakistani public opinion has been observed in a way that Pakistani public criticize even a minute fault committed by US, but fewer appreciations have been extended on good policies of the US. The “aidophobia240” anti-Americanism was also observed in Pakistan when US had stopped the aid, in result of that, Pakistani public criticized US, but had seldom expressed the feelings of gratitude for the aid given by the US to Pakistan. The unilateral exercise of US power, in the case of Afghan war, Abbottabad operation, drone attacks and attack on Salala post, was a serious concern of Pakistani public who possessed significant level of anti-Americanism on these issues.

Pakistani people have combined notions of the anti-Israel and anti-Americanism over the pro Israel policies of US. There were more anti-India feelings amongst the Pakistani populace, particularly in youth, but with the passage of time, anti-American feelings overshadowed the feeling of anti-India.241 Another new dimension of the discourse was observed in the shape of an existing gap between the thinking of general masses and the government in Pakistan. The governments were mostly pro-American but the people of Pakistan remained significantly anti- American.

238 Fouad Ajami, “The Falseness of Anti-Americanism,” Foreign Policy, no. 138 (2003): 52. 239 The data has been collected from FATA secretariat Peshawar Pakistan on January 2016 during the personal visit of the author 240 The pharase is used by the author to explain one of the causes of anti-Americanism that exist in Pakistani society. 241 Ghulam Shabir et al., “A Comparative Analysis of the Editorials of’The Nation and’The News": The Case Study of Pak-India Relations Issues (2008-2010),” Journal of Political Studies 21, no. 1 (2014): 41.

2.8 Conclusion

Anti-Americanism has gradually transformed as one of the popular political cards for most of the mainstream political parties of Pakistan. New dimension of anti-Americanism is significantly visible as a deeply rooted political phenomenon in Pakistan. The element of anti- Americanism has the noteworthy impact on Pak-US relations and foreign policy matters. Some people believed that the WOT was exclusively targeted against Muslim states. It is also observed that as a reactionary response to Western coined discourse of Islamophobia, the Muslim world including Pakistan gave a rise to anti-Americanism. As Islamophobia surfaced to be a political card in US and Europe likewise anti-Americanism was signified as a popular political card in Islamic countries especially in Pakistan. Violation of the sovereignty of Pakistan by US was taken as the leading cause of the feelings of anti-Americanism in Pakistan. Pakistani society, particularly media expressed the feelings of anti-Americanism with more overt manner after 9/11. The transformation of the discourse was observed when the feelings against US had started from mild political criticism to the notions of disliking against the superpower. These feelings have gradually developed from covert to overt condemnation of US policies. One of the new patterns of the discourse was identified when element of sensationalism was entangled with anti- Americanism in Pakistan.

CHAPTER 3 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

Theories and concepts are used for predictions, explanations and understanding of diverse phenomena of social sciences. The theoretical and conceptual frameworks are employed as the guiding parameters to study different kinds of discourses which are related to the study.242 Anti- Americanism and Pak-US relations would be better comprehended with the help of theoretical framework. The theoretical framework is considered as the simplifying mechanism in which the relevant facts are taken as guidelines for description, interpretation and predictions in the research work. The theoretical framework to explain the political phenomenon has significant importance in the social sciences research.243 The theory of realism is the most appropriate framework to explain the state to state relation, especially the relation of a state like Pakistan, with the sole superpower of the contemporary world, the United States.244 Theories are employed as research tools to explore the new dimensions of the research topic and to challenge the present nature of the knowledge. The theory works as an analytical filter for researchers to draw conclusions of the studies.245 The international politics are complex phenomenon coupled with complex structural environments of the states. Theoretical framework provides the understanding of political phenomena of the global politics. The theory has its significance in the intellectual discourse of political issues.246 Realism comprehensively covers the contemporary global political issues.247 Neorealism covers Pak-US relations and element of anti-Americanism broadly in the sphere of an international political structure of regional and global politics.248 Neoclassical realism covers the domestic political structure of a state and highlights political involvement of the ruling elite class

242 Kathleen M. Eisenhardt, “Building Theories from Case Study Research,” Academy of Management Review 14, no. 4 (1989): 532–50. 243 Talcott Parsons, Edward Albert Shils, and Neil J. Smelser, Toward a General Theory of Action: Theoretical Foundations for the Social Sciences (Transaction Publishers, 1965). 244 Michael Mastanduno, David A. Lake, and G. John Ikenberry, “Toward a Realist Theory of State Action,” International Studies Quarterly, 1989, 457–74. 245 Scott C. Brown et al., “Exploring Complex Phenomena: Grounded Theory in Student Affairs Research,” Journal of College Student Development 43, no. 2 (2002): 173–83. 246 Stuart Hall and others, “Cultural Studies and Its Theoretical Legacies,” Stuart Hall: Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies, 1996, 262–75. 247 Michael C. Williams, “Why Ideas Matter in International Relations: Hans Morgenthau, Classical Realism, and the Moral Construction of Power Politics,” International Organization 58, no. 04 (2004): 633–65. 248 Muhammad Munir and Muhammad Ahsan, “US Strategic Policy towards India and Pakistan in Post 9/11,” Turkish Yearbook of International Relations 39 (2008).

52 of a state.249 Political leadership in Pakistan generally represents the elite class of society who has an immense influence in making of state policies. The super power syndrome and dilemma of the superior are parallel theories which provide the different dimensions of anti-Americanism. These theories elaborate the trend in which superpowers are culturally criticised by the rest of the world. The covert reason for this type of anti-Americanism is non-ability for the competition with the superpower that is technologically much advanced as compared to the rest of the world.250 The media has become the most important segment of the society and it has taken the position of the fourth pillar of the state, in the contemporary world of politics.251 The media has played a critical role in framing the image of the US. The agenda setting role of the media provides the platform to see the opinions and the perceptions of particular state, group or people.252 3.1 Justifications and Relevance of the Theories: Theoretical Construct

Pak-US relations and anti-Americanism, the two main variables of the study, have been seen in pragmatic theoretical framework. Neorealism and classical neorealism cover the multidimensional aspects related to the relationship of Pakistan with a superpower, the US. It is obvious that during the engagement of a state with superpower, the element of liking or disliking occurs and in case of Pak-US relation the element of anti-Americanism seems prominent. International political structure, the national interest, the element of anti-Americanism, domestic political structure, role of elite political class, the public opinion and media become the determinant of anti-Americanism in Pakistan during a bilateral relationship with Pakistan and United States. Agenda setting role of media becomes a relevant theory to see the perspective as the media discourse as well.

Unipolar world create some element of jealousy among other nations and people of the world. The theory of superpower syndrome and dilemma of the superior covers the aspects

249 Steven E. Lobell, Norrin M. Ripsman, and Jeffrey W. Taliaferro, Neoclassical Realism, the State, and Foreign Policy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009). 250 Michael Arthur Ledeen, Superpower Dilemmas: The US and the USSR at Century’s End (Piscatavay New Jersey: Transaction Publishers, 1992). 251 Daniel C. Hallin and Paolo Mancini, Comparing Media Systems: Three Models of Media and Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004). 252 Dietram A. Scheufele and David Tewksbury, “Framing, Agenda Setting, and Priming: The Evolution of Three Media Effects Models,” Journal of Communication 57, no. 1 (2007): 9–20.

53 related to anti-Americanism that exists due to American exceptionalism, unilateralism and special status of being superpower of the world. Agenda setting role of media in Pakistan has increased an existing level of anti-Americanism in Pakistan. For observing the phenomenon in Pakistan with the lens of media, the agenda setting role of media is analyzed and content analysis (chapter 6) is supplemented in the study.

Some theories like center-periphery theory and dependency theory apparently seem relevant in Pak-US relation and discourse of anti-Americanism in Pakistan; but these theories were less relevant in the contemporary political framework of the world especially in the region of South Asia. In anthropology study, center-periphery theory mostly covers subjects related to economic relations of states.253 Monetary exchange at state to state level is an important foreign policy segment of any state. Center-periphery or core-periphery model classically operates between a metropolitan or the most developed state and economically poor state.254 In case of US and Pakistan relations, the core-periphery model is not classically viable because both states are not fully at the position of center and periphery respectively. Pakistan has its certain important economic and military interests with United States but in emerging regional political situation, Pakistan has good relations with China, the emerging economic power of the world, as well. More over Pakistan’s national security is more dependent on its inbuilt nuclear capability. The public opinion in Pakistan for United State is anti-US and Pakistani people would not like to be a periphery state of US.

In dependency theory, the superpower limits the developing capacity of the dependent state: and state becomes parasite and remains dependent on the mercy of superior state. Ferraro describes that in dependency theory the superpower exports the culture, mindset and technology to the weaker nations on its own term and condition.255 Decency theory, in case of Pak-US relation that is already coupled with the notions of anti-Americanism, is again unrealistic option because Pakistan has made many independent decisions where the superpower, the United States was not comfortable, especially in case of nuclear program of Pakistan and CPEC project of

253 Daniel Berkowitz, "Regional income and secession: Center-periphery relations in emerging market economies." Regional Science and Urban Economics 27, no. 1 (1997): 17-45. 254 Arjun Appadurai, "Theory in anthropology: center and periphery." Comparative Studies in Society and History 28, no. 02 (1986): 356-374. 255 Vincent Ferraro, "Dependency theory: An introduction." The development economics reader 12, no. 2 (2008): 58-64.

54 regional and economic connectivity in the region. Pakistan recently took some bold foreign policy steps to establish cordial relations with China. Pakistan-Russia ties are also seen as policy shift based on the reactionary mode Indian growing relations with US during last few years.

The pragmatic in theoretical pattern provides a broader picture to understand the different nature of the bilateral relationship of the states with the help of triangulation of theories. The researchers either have the theory to explain the hypothesis or they devise a theoretical framework on the basis of available data. In both the cases the theoretical paradigm provides the platform to explain the research topics.256 The super power’s interests in the region would be seen with more clarity through the lens of the realist approach. The neorealist school of thought comprehensibly covers the international political structure and the element of the anti- Americanism at global level. Neoclassical realists visualize the foreign policy making by the elite class and a domestic structure of the political system of the state that affect the perception of the superpower especially in the country of the volatile nature of opinion generation. Theory of superpower syndrome and dilemma of the superior puts light on the image problem of the superpower. There is also a global element of the resentment that generates sometimes unjustified anti-Americanism in some of the populace of different countries. Agenda setting role and news framing technique of media indicate the tendency of perceptions of the political issues including the anti-Americanism.

K. Waltz agreed that the behavior of the global politics would be seen clearly through the lenses of Realism. Neorealism was considered as the best theoretical framework to explain the state to state engagements especially in the context of the international political structure shaped in unipolar world. The paradigm of Neorealism helps in understanding of the existing political pattern of a state and region.257 The US as a sole superpower would be the main determinant of political pattern of the world. Realists believed that elements of power and state as the key actors would have the importance in the state to state relations. The nature of Pak-US relations since 1947 especially during the WOT would be better explained with neorealist mode of global

256 Rolf Wiggershaus, The Frankfurt School: Its History, Theories, and Political Significance (Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1995). 257 Kenneth N. Waltz, “The Origins of War in Neorealist Theory,” The Journal of Interdisciplinary History 18, no. 4 (1988): 615–28.

55 politics. Anti-Americanism that prevailed in the region especially in Pakistan would be seen in national interest and political context in the neorealist perspectives of both the states.258 The media act as a watchdog and gatekeeper of society for the purpose of observing the behaviors of government and the general public. The agenda setting role of the media plays a vital role in opinion making about various phenomena including political global and issues. Besides the other aspects of political criticism on US, super power syndrome and the dilemma of the superior also seem relevant to study the multidimensional aspects of the anti-Americanism.259 Realism is the platform to deal with the real world in the scenario of global politics. The power, interests, anarchy, state, economy, military, statism, survival and self-help are major determinants of the global politics. The social scientists believed that the concept of theory “Realism” emerged as a reaction to the ideas provoked by the “Idealist” thinkers in the inter-war period. Mearsheimer explained “offensive Realism” that the international political system was anarchic that transformed the aggressive behavior of the state.260 Snyder believed that the concept of offensive realism portrayed the great powers as power maximizing states. The states would enhance their power structure with aggressive behavior and the behavior of states would be anarchic and revisionists.261 Anti-Americanism had the negative impacts on bilateral relations of states. Theoretical paradigm suggests many dimensions when phenomenon of anti-Americanism and its impact on Pak-US relation is measured. The US has global interests in many regions of the world including South Asia. Pakistan’s strategic geographical location has the significance for the world especially for the South Asian region. In process of state to state relations, the sentiments of liking or disliking emerge. Anti-American feelings have been prevailing in the process of the bilateral diplomatic engagements between Pakistan and US since the start of the relations. The political initiatives of the great powers sometimes are not liked by the smaller states and the element of covert or overt disliking is generated in the populace of the states. Mearsheimer analyzed that the great powers defined military and political interactions in relations to its interests in the region or state.262

258 Kenneth N. Waltz, “The Emerging Structure of International Politics,” International Security 18, no. 2 (1993): 44–79. 259 Stephen M. Walt, “International Relations: One World, Many Theories,” Foreign Policy, 1998, 29–46. 260 Glenn H. Snyder, “Mearsheimer’s World—Offensive Realism and the Struggle for Security: A Review Essay,” International Security 27, no. 1 (2002): 149–73. 261 Glenn H. Snyder, “Mearsheimer’s World—Offensive Realism and the Struggle for Security: A Review Essay,” International Security 27, no. 1 (2002): 149–73. 262 John J. Mearsheimer, the Tragedy of Great Power Politics (New York City: WW Norton & Company, 2001).

Deibel discussed that the present shallowness of the superpower would affect the American supremacy and comparatively weaker states would be more flexible to interact with various other great powers.263 Besides the desire of good relations with US, Pakistan would look forward to avail the opportunities of its political and strategic engagements with other countries like China, Russia and Turkey. Realists still believe that the United State possessed the pursuit for the global hegemony. Waltz observed that state relations were different during a bipolar world than a unipolar world of today. The states are compelled to frame their foreign policies, according to the international political order driven by the superpower. K. Waltz argued that the international political structure would be the main determinant of the policies of the states. In his concept of ‘structural realism’ he gave much importance to the international political structure.264 It seems more appropriate to see Pak-US relations in the perspectives of neorealism especially in the presence of anti-Americanism in populace of Pakistan. Steel also revealed that element of jealousy against the superpower and challenges of the superpower had the political impacts on other states.265 In promotion of anti-Americanism, domestic and global media have played a vital role. In this study, anti-Americanism and Pak US relations are seen through the agenda setting role of the media.266 Neorealism would explain the global and regional aspects of Pak-US relations and impact of anti-Americanism. United States would follow its national interests during its diplomatic ties with other states. Pakistan’s relationship with United States would be based on safeguarding its own national interests but, US status of superpower would minimize the chances of equal gains.267 Pakistan’s relations with US coupled with the notion of anti-American would be better explained through neorealism. United States with the status of the sole superpower takes some special advantages of political initiatives in the region and global affairs.268 The concepts of realism become relevant and justified in an intellectual discourse to understand the divergences and convergences of political interests of superpower at global and regional level. The Bush

263 Terry L. Deibel, Foreign Affairs Strategy: Logic for American Statecraft (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007). 264 Kenneth N. Waltz, “Realist Thought and Neorealist Theory,” Journal of International Affairs, 1990, 21–37. 265 Ronald Steel, Temptations of a Superpower (Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1995). 266 Jeannine E. Relly, Margaret Zanger, and Shahira Fahmy, “Democratic Norms and Forces of Gatekeeping A Study of Influences on Iraqi Journalists’ Attitudes toward Government Information Access,” Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 92, no. 2 (2015): 346–73. 267 Robert Jackson and Georg Sørensen, Introduction to International Relations: Theories and Approaches (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015). 268 Stanley Hoffmann, “American Exceptionalism: The New Version,” American Exceptionalism and Human Rights, 2005, 225–40.

57 administration took certain initiatives in 1990s to prove United States as the unilateral power of the world.269 3.2 Realism

United States have the global interests in the regions of South Asia, Central Asia and Asia Pacific and her relations with Pakistan would be in her interest. Pakistan would like to enhance its national security to meet the futuristic challenges in the region. Tang argued that the global politics seem closer to an offensive realism, but the contemporary world would be more linked with the defensive realism. The states would focus more on making themselves as security maximizing states rather to be more dependent on other states for their own security.270 National security becomes the significant priority of the states when it confronts potential challenges from its enemies. Pakistan besides its weak economy continued to enhance its security standards to counter the challenges posed by India. Pak-US relations can also be seen through the concepts of defensive realism because to become a secure state would remain important desire of the states.271

Linderman has recognized statism survival and self-help as three standards (3xSs) of realism. United States displayed its potential of statism and supremacy by show of force in the combat operations against its enemies during World War II.272 Pakistan finds opportunities to increase its security power during the bilateral engagement with superpower. At the same time US would follow its broader national interests while bilaterally engaged with Pakistan or any other state in the region. Thomson labels realism as a state-centric theory of international relations.273 The criticism on patterns of realism also indicates that the fundamental values of democratic politics are ignored in pursuit of power and national interests.274

Realism negates the liberal’s role of non state actors and international institutions. While explaining the concept of survival realists believe that the international system is controlled by

269 Rosemary Foot, “Exceptionalism Again: The Bush Administration, the ‘Global War on Terror’ and Human Rights,” Law and History Review 26, no. 03 (2008): 707–25. 270 Shiping Tang, A Theory of Security Strategy for Our Time: Defensive Realism (Palgrave Macmillan, 2010). 271 John J. Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (WW Norton, 2001)." (2005): 149. 272 Gerald F Linderman, The world within war: America's combat experience in World War II. Free Press, 1997. 273 Janice E. Thomson, "State sovereignty in international relations: Bridging the gap between theory and empirical research." International Studies Quarterly(1995): 213-233. 274 Alan Gilbert, "Must global politics constrain democracy? Realism, regimes, and democratic internationalism." Political Theory 20, no. 1 (1992): 8-37.

58 anarchy.275 According to this concept, there is no central authority other than an anarchic system; in global political environment, politics of a state become a struggle for power between self- interested states. United States by taking the ‘self imposed’ responsibility of international security after the cold war era have created a new dimension in world politics.276 Pakistan also has the fundamental segment of its foreign policy to maintain its national security requirements. Realists believe that Self-help is the only reliable tool in existence of a state and no other country can be relied upon for the survival.277 Pakistan has the concerns to achieve certain benefits out of her relations with United States, and Pakistan has advantages and also some disadvantages. Hobbes conceptualizes “acute competition for power,” territory and other resources. In this scenario, the gain made by one actor is equivalent to the loss of another actor and this political bargaining is called a zero-sum gain. The concept is easy to comprehend if winner’s gains are considered as loser’s losses, then total is equal to zero.278 Schatz assumed that Europe especially the southern side of Russia has accepted American supremacy in global political affairs. United States does not have serious security threats from the world, but yet there is an image problem of US in the world. Anti-US sentiments are increasing around the globe and United States faced tough criticism since last few decades. Schatz assessed that unrivaled American supremacy acceptance by the great powers including Russia would bring comparatively more political stability in the world than establishing a rivalry against the super power.279

The scope of realism covers the vast spectrum of the global politics in modern era of world politics. Fluctuating nature of Pak-US relations can be comprehended if seen through the prism of realism. Devitt commented that realism becomes easy to absorb if it could be seen in its “common sense” and “scientific” mode.280 With the globalized effect of media on politics, many innovations have emerged in contemporary politics. Some of the old assumptions of realism seem irrelevant but the core assumptions of the realism are equally relevant in the present

275 Michael CC Adams, “Gerald F. Linderman. The World Within War: America’s Combat Experience in World War II. New York: Free Press. 1997. 276 Kenneth N. Waltz, "Structural realism after the Cold War." International security 25, no. 1 (2000): 5-41. 277 R. Emmanuel, “Kenneth N. Waltz,“Structural Realism after the Cold War “, in International Security, Vol. 25, No. 1 (Summer 2000),” Docs. School Publications, 2007. 278 Francois Tricaud, “Hobbes’s Conception of the State of Nature from l640 to l651,” 1988. 279 Edward Schatz, “Reconceptualizing Clans: Kinship Networks and Statehood in Kazakhstan,” Nationalities Papers 33, no. 2 (2005): 231–54. 280 Michael Devitt, Realism and Truth, vol. 296 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ Press, 1984).

59 politics of the world.281 Pak-US relations especially during WOT can be found appropriately fit into the concepts of realism. Waltz critically observed that there was not much change in the world politics of power and anarchy.282

By knowing the regional political focus that US would give priority to its own national interests in the region, only then Pakistan can expect some political incentives from US. Another reason of anti-American feelings in Pakistan is that people of Pakistan expect more from the United States than what the balanced demand from the superpower could be. States are conscious of their security, but realism moved the politics towards the achievements of power. Wohlforth argued that realism and its all shades were essential segments in the studies of security especially in a unipolar world.283

Pakistan and United States have the similarities of interests and Pakistan would prefer to remain committed in relationship with United States. International political structure becomes the main driver of policies of smaller states and accordingly it gets the edge over other factors of international foreign policy.284 The relations of United States with Pakistan would be linked with US national interests in the region. Repulsing back communist power in 1980s and combating the war on terror after 9/11 were in the interest of US and it established cordial relations with Pakistan during that era. Brown claimed that realism had kept alive his central role in global politics during the cold war era and afterward as well.285

Hardt and Negri viewed that over extended position was one of the common faults of empires to hunt more and more power with an aggressive foreign policy.286 United States has expanded its influence in many regions of the world, especially after cold war era. Such situation was also observed during the industrial states era.287 The present era of global politics had robustly evolved from an offensive realism to make the state as a power enhancer. In the past the world was more focused on “defensive realism” for the adequacy requirement of the security

281 R. Emmanuel, “Kenneth N. Waltz,“Structural Realism after the Cold War “, in International Security, Vol. 25, No. 1 (Summer 2000),” Docs. School Publications, 2007. 282 Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Long Grove, Illinois: Waveland Press, 2010). 283 William C. Wohlforth, “Realism and Security Studies,” The Routledge Handbook of Security Studies, 2009, 9. 284 Kenneth N. Waltz, Realism and International Politics (Abingdon, Vale of White Horse: Routledge, 2008). 285 Chris Brown, Terry Nardin, and Nicholas Rengger, International Relations in Political Thought: Texts from the Ancient Greeks to the First World War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002). 286 Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire (Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2001). 287 Jack Snyder, "Myths of empire: Domestic politics and international ambition." (2013).

60 strategy.288 Tang argued that defensive realism was a splendid theory of international relations and global politics. Offensive and defensive realism have emerged as leading paradigms of international relations.289 National interests and power centric politics play their role in the international relations. In the process of Pak-US relations Pakistan would like to safeguard its national interest. United States would use its power as the tool of its foreign policy with other states to achieve its strategic interests. It becomes the political gamble between US and Pakistan to strike balance between the powers (of superpower) and safeguarding of the national interests (by Pakistan).290

Ainsworth described that in a contemporary era the concept of “ontic structural realism (OSR)” had emerged as a popular phenomenon.291 In state to state relation there are certain characteristics which play vital role in international politics. Pak-US relations in the contemporary challenges of the 21st century would be determined by some suitable considerations of the structural realism. Worrall declared the “structural realism” as the best consideration out of all other segments of the realism. The structural realism is mostly undermined by the contemporary world. In international relations, structural realism is an outline to shape the state policies.292

Glaser argued that there were a number of “strands” of the realist paradigm in the field of global politics, those had transformed into concrete ideas of intellectual world. These strands mostly presented difference of opinion and assumptions. Classical realists still maintain the strong viability of the theory of realism in world politics.293 Jameson argued that novelties of realism were much suited in the 19th century but yet it would have a strong grip over the political ideas of the present time294 Tang also discussed some similar concepts in the process of the explaining of varieties of realism. The concepts seem appropriate in some or many global political issues.295 Landau argued that international relations possessed some specific norms that

288 Fareed Zakaria and Jack Snyder, Realism and Domestic Politics: A Review Essay (Online Liberary: JSTOR, 1992). 289 Shiping Tang, A Theory of Security Strategy for Our Time: Defensive Realism (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010). 290 Aaron Daniel Coates, “US Relationships with Iran, Israel, and Pakistan: A Realist Explanation,” 2014. 291 Steven French and James Ladyman, “In Defence of Ontic Structural Realism,” in Scientific Structuralism (New York City: Springer, 2010), 25–42. 292 John Worrall, “Miracles and Structural Realism,” in Structural Realism (Berlin: Springer, 2012), 77–95. 293 Charles L. Glaser, “The Necessary and Natural Evolution of Structural Realism,” The Realism Reader, 2014, 245. 294 Fredric Jameson, The Antinomies of Realism (New York City: Verso Books, 2013). 295 Roy Bhaskar, Critical Realism: A Brief Introduction (Abingdon, Vale of White Horse: Routledge, 2011).

61 anything happened anywhere could be observed by someone to seek the solution to the problems.296

Telbami viewed that the theories are relevant in examining the performances of the global politics and could be important tools of measurement. Realism would be the best platform to observe the external behavior of the states and its policy drivers. The theory of realism, with all its varieties, has been significantly dominant paradigm of global politics, since last half century. The students of the foreign policy at the global level had much more focus on the theory of realism as compared to any other theoretical pattern.297 Pak-US ties become confronted sometimes when both the states give priority to their respective internal national interests. Putnam agrees that integral policy objective of the great powers mostly dominates the regional and global interests. He further argued that the internal realism played important role in the global political environment.298

Khan and Chehab described that in the presidential election campaign president Obama promised the change in American policies. A pragmatic realism was more prominent in polices to follow some political ethics and norms. United States violated the international laws and ethics in many of the political moves in various regions. Realism got importance on the “international law and ethical norms of warfare during the international collaborated efforts on the war on terror”.299 Realism is again the best platform to understand the insight phenomenon of anti-Americanism. The discourse would become biased without understanding the concepts of the realism.300

Snyder argued that Realism had been emerging as a popular theory in the literature of international relations since last 50 years. Realism is a foundation now to discuss the international politics at various the forums. Realism had emerged as the commonplace and popular topic for the researchers. Realism has transformed into strong political phrase now that is discussed everywhere.301 Canestaro discussed that there was a gap between trans-nationalism and

296 Shafer-Landau Russ, Moral Realism: A Defence (Kettring, Northamptonshire: Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2003). 297 S. Telbami, “Kenneth Waltz, Neorealism, and Foreign Policy,” Security Studies 11, no. 3 (2002): 158–70. 298 Hilary Putnam, "The many faces of realism." (1987). 299 MA Muqtedar Khan and Saraj Chehab, "American Foreign Policy and the Continuing Struggle against Anti-Americanism in the Muslim World." National Security Under the Obama Administration (2012): 179. 300 Rikke Lykke Andersen et al., “Anti-Americanism in the ALBA Member States” (2013). 301 Fareed Zakaria, "Realism and domestic politics: a review essay." International Security (1992): 177-198.

62 realism; sometime, both phenomena existed jointly but mostly only realism prevailed everywhere.302

3.3 Neorealism

Theory of neorealism is the most dominant theoretical tool for the research topics of political global issues. In 1950s, Waltz advocated a traditional classical realist approach but in the 1970s, he shifted his approach towards neorealist paradigm.303 The main reason for the shift after his research work of “theories of International Politics” was the importance of the decision making and the statesmanship. Bessner and Guilhot conceived the concept of neorealism to strike balance between anti-liberal political ideologies and traditional liberal school of thoughts.304

Pak-US relations also revolve around the national interests, but an international political structure has the significant effect especially in Pakistan. The international political system and structure have the significant effects on the states and relations of the states.305 Neorealism explains the behavior of a powerful state particularly the political behavior during state to state relations in the international political structure of global politics. The conceptual narrative of Waltz’s neorealism provided basic foundation and general framework to understand the behavior of a state. The theory provides the platform to assess the state to state interaction.306 The change in Pak-US relation is because of the change in the global structure of the politics which is driven by unipolar world. The existing unipolar structure of the global politics has transformed the new dimensions of the politics.307

Neorealism covers the broader aspects of the state relations, focusing on the global structure of the political system. Elman claims that the realism is like a “big tent”, with space for many other theories to make more predictions for global politics. He also explains that the structure of the international political system is the anarchic power and national interests are

302 Nathan A. Canestaro, “Realism and Transnationalism: Competing Visions for International Security,” BU Int’l LJ 25 (2007): 113. 303 Fareed Zakaria and Jack Snyder, Realism and Domestic Politics: A Review Essay (JSTOR, 1992). 304 Daniel Bessner and Nicolas Guilhot. "How Realism Waltzed Off: Liberalism and Decisionmaking in Kenneth Waltz's Neorealism." International Security40, no. 2 (2015): 87-118. 305 Fareed Zakaria, and Jack Snyder. "Realism and domestic politics: A review essay." (1992): 177-198. 306 David A. Baldwin, "Neoliberalism, neorealism, and world politics."Neorealism and neoliberalism: The contemporary debate 3 (1993). 307 Kenneth N. Waltz, "The emerging structure of international politics. “International security 18, no. 2 (1993): 44-79.

63 better seen by the introduction of the concept of neorealism.308 In Neorealist approach, US status of superpower attracts the nations to establish its relations with her and the US would pursue its national interests. The political engagements of states with superpower become complicated when two or more opposing nations become the part of the same alliance. United States relations with Israel, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Iran create divergences because of the political and ideological differences of both the states. In international political structure and also in domestic structure of politics states are likely to develop the notions of anti-Americanism because the superpower the US some time adopts the unilateral approach to follow its national interests. Such unilateralism sometime puts the interests of smaller states under various security challenges. Such sort of the divergence creates the element of disliking against the superpower in various parts of the world.309

Neorealist focused on the greatest issues of the past, present, and future. The issues like war, peace, conflict resolution, power balancing, power struggles, and the collapse of the states, security contest, arms competition and organization of alliances are covered.310 Hostli argued that there are many phases of peace and armed conflicts among various states but the structure of an international order in the history of the global politics has remained coupled with the divergent atmosphere of partial peace and confrontations.311 Grieco has described the concept of neorealism in combination with thinking of the traditional realists and this concept is known as "modern realism".312

Waltz's neorealism theory suggested that the impact of “structure” could be considered as a central account while in explaining “state behavior”.313 The central factor in the politics and state to state relation is the international structure of the world order. There are certain determinants of global politics and states need to conceptualize those in the foreign policies.314 Structural realism focuses more attention on international political structure that determines the

308 Colin Elman, “Horses for Courses: Why nor Neorealist Theories of Foreign Policy?,” Security Studies 6, no. 1 (1996): 7–53. 309 Aaron Daniel Coates, "US Relationships with Iran, Israel, and Pakistan: A Realist Explanation." (2014). 310 Neorealism and the Study of World Politics,” Neorealism and Its Critics, 1986, 1–26. 311 Kalevi Jaakko Holsti, Peace and War: Armed Conflicts and International Order, 1648-1989, vol. 14 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991). 312 Joseph M. Grieco, “State Interests and Institutional Rule Trajectories: A Neorealist Interpretation of the Maastricht Treaty and European Economic and Monetary Union,” Security Studies 5, no. 3 (1996): 261–306. 313 Kenneth N. Waltz, “Realist Thought and Neorealist Theory,” Journal of International Affairs, 1990, 21–37. 314 Kenneth N. Waltz, “Reflections on Theory of International Politics,” Neorealism and Its Critics, 1986, 327.

64 mechanism of state relationships.315 World politics under the influence of unipolar structure during the cold war era, moved differently than during bi-polar world. The international political structure drives the style of state policies and states design. Japan and Germany were the most opposing states to the United States in World Wars but now both enjoy close relations with United States. The change in the behavior of the states became vulnerable because of the transformation of the world political structure from the bipolar to the unipolar world.316

State to state relations and international structure of politics has played a key role in policy formations of the states in the cold war and post cold war areas. Keohane viewed neorealism with different opinions on various political issues of the global significance. They agreed that besides many criticisms the concept of neorealism was yet appropriate platform to see the patterns of the world politics. 317 Neorealism that banged on the international structure of the politics could be best suitable in the contemporary challenges of the global politics.318 Neorealism could be taken as the best and a suitable replacement to classical realism that still possessed the fundamental ingredients of global politics in the contemporary world.319

Baldwin claimed that the neorealism was a more popular concept that could be absorbed in the contemporary world politics in the existing political structure of the world. Neorealism and the world politics are closely associated in relation to conceptual parameters and theoretical framework of the global politics. Baldwin linked the relationship between the variables of neoliberalism and the world politics of the contemporary era.320 The US wanted to eliminate terrorism and Pakistan opted to join coalition rather to remain allied with the Afghan regime of Taliban which was known as the closest ally to Pakistan at that time. Keohane drew the relevance of the neorealism with the main paradigm of the theory and its importance in the world

315 Steven E. Lobell, “Structural Realism/Offensive and Defensive Realism,” The International Studies Encyclopedia 10 (2010): 6651–69. 316 Cesare Zavattini, “A Thesis on Neo-Realism,” springtime in Italy: A Reader on Neo-Realism, 1978, 67–78. 317 Robert Cox and Robert Keohane, “Neorealism and Its Critics,” Neorealism and Its Critics, 1986. 318 Barry Buzan, Charles A. Jones, and Richard Little, the Logic of Anarchy: Neorealism to Structural Realism (New York City: Columbia University Press, 1993). 319 Keith I. Shimko, “Realism, Neorealism, and American Liberalism,” The Review of Politics 54, no. 02 (1992): 281–301. 320 David Allen Baldwin, Neorealism and Neoliberalism: The Contemporary Debate (New York City: Columbia University Press, 1993).

65 politics. Neorealism has mostly focused on international structure of the political order of the contemporary world.321

Baldwin in the intellectual debates on the theories described that neoliberalism and neorealism had some similarities, besides many divergences.322 In international and interstate relations, the concept of neorealism is more prominent than that the concept of state to state relation is presented in neoliberalism. The contemporary debate could further streamline international politics and foreign policies of the states.323 Menon and Spruyt viewed that nationalism, political setups, financial reforms and the pattern of politics would be the vital factors in the region.324

The state behavior as an independent variable would be understood in the contemporary political systems and both the schools of thought would be appropriate enough, but those could function differently in the different environment of the political order of the world.325 Forde commented that neorealism had emerged as the most popular and effective discourse on the contemporary global politics and the study of international relations. Neorealism was more scientific than that of the past theories of the international relations. The realists granted much importance to the science of international politics rather to the ethics.326

The power is the main desire of any state, but during the bilateral relations, the already powerful state got the added advantages. In case of Pak-US relations the US tend to get more advantages as compared to Pakistan. Morgenthau argued that the power relationship between states was one of the important segments in the contemporary politics.327 The vital point suggested was the concepts of nation state and the national interests.328

321 Robert O. Keohane, "Realism, neorealism and the study of world politics."Neorealism and its Critics (1986): 1-26. 322 David Allen Baldwin, Neorealism and Neoliberalism: The Contemporary Debate (Columbia University Press, 1993). 323 David Allen Baldwin, "Neorealism and neoliberalism: the contemporary debate." (1993). 324 Rajan Menon and Hendrik Spruyt, “The Limits of Neorealism: Understanding Security in Central Asia,” Review of International Studies 25, no. 01 (1999): 87–105. 325 John Glenn, Darryl Howlett, and Stuart Poore, Neorealism versus Strategic Culture (Farnham,Surrey: Ashgate, 2004). 326 Steven Forde, “International Realism and the Science of Politics: Thucydides, Machiavelli, and Neorealism,” International Studies Quarterly, 1995, 141–60. 327 Hans Morgenthau, With Kenneth Thompson, Politics among Nations, Th Ed (New York City: New York: Knopf, 1985). 328 Hans J. Morgenthau and Kenneth Thompson, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, 6th ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1985), 165. Hans Morgenthau, With Kenneth Thompson, Politics among Nations, Th Ed (New York: Knopf, 1985).

3.4 Neoclassical Realism

Pak-US relations in the contemporary global political could also be seen in the pragmatic manner by combining of international and domestic political structure. Other than the international political structure identified in neorealism there are other segments of the international relations that also have the political bearing on foreign policies of the states. Rose suggests in his perspective of neoclassical realism that domestic structure of the politics plays vital role in state relations. The behavior the elite class of decision makers and perception builders of the particular state drive the foreign policy.329 Pak –US relations have been volatile in nature of bilateral engagement because of the varying character of the foreign policy of the state since its independence. Neoclassical realism explains the deviation of the foreign policy of a state and it also provides the analysis of foreign policies of the different states that have comparable external limitations.330

The intervention of US military in Afghanistan after 9/11 challenged the domestic structure of regional countries including Pakistan. Dueck has described that the national interest at the domestic level are seen in the neoclassical realist approach. The domestic pattern of politics has serious effect on national interest of the state in the process of the bilateral political engagement, especially the relationship of a weaker state with the superpower of the world.331 In Pakistan the elite class dominates the politics of the state and decision making becomes the jurisdiction of particular segments which is often against the public opinion. Consequently the great powers would take decisions by involving the elites, in their national interests. This mode of the politics of great power creates the hatred in various segments of the society. Anti- Americanism in Pakistan also varies in the elite class and general public. Rathbun has conceived the neoclassical realism as the essential and logical addition to the neorealism to explain the role of the elite class and political structures of a state.332

United States due to its great hegemony and hostile political decisions has been seriously exposed to the worldwide criticism since the disintegration of Soviet Union. The states want to

329 Gideon Rose, “Neoclassical Realism and Theories of Foreign Policy,” World Politics 51, no. 01 (1998): 144–72. 330 Steven E. Lobell, Norrin M. Ripsman, and Jeffrey W. Taliaferro, Neoclassical Realism, the State, and Foreign Policy (Cambridge University Press, 2009). 331 Colin Dueck, “Neoclassical Realism and the National Interest,” The Realism Reader, 2014, 272. 332 Brian Rathbun, “A Rose by Any Other Name: Neoclassical Realism as the Logical and Necessary Extension of Structural Realism,” Security Studies 17, no. 2 (2008): 294–321.

67 preserve their fundamental foreign policy goals, but with the global structure of the political control by the superpower, it becomes challenging for the states to achieve the foreign policy goals for their respective states. Pakistan is facing an energy crisis, but any regional agreements of Pakistan with China, Russia and Iran are critically monitored by United States.333 In case of Afghanistan, Pakistan was compelled to take hasty decision as well and such decisions are endorsed through the elite political class without nationwide consensus. Bohas visualized the shallowness of the soft power of the United States when US followed the hasty decisions to go for wars against other countries like Iraq and Afghanistan.334

3.5 The Super Power Syndrome and Dilemma of the Superior

The bilateral commitments are mostly among two equal powers but when there is a relationship between the developing state like Pakistan and the most powerful nation of the world (United States), and then the superior power gets some exceptional advantages.335 The superpower has the right to get some exceptional advantages as compared to other states. The exceptions and unilateralism for the superpower become the reason of jealousy for the counterpart states. The United States has unilateral approach in its foreign policy and US enjoys the exceptional pattern of the politics because of its status of the superpower.336 In the history of Pak-US relations, the emergence of anti-American sentiments in Pakistan would also have some bearing on the US status of superpower.

Unilateralism for the superpower creates the divergences of opinion in justifying political acts of the state or states. There were some justified reasons that people across the globe possessed anti-American feelings but some people took the discourse just for granted without sufficient justifications to hate America. The US status of the exceptionality besides many advantages at times becomes the double edged weapon for United States. In this mode, the

333 John Agnew, “The Geopolitics of Knowledge About World Politics: A Case Study in US Hegemony,” in Geographies of Knowledge and Power (New York City: Springer, 2015), 235–46. 334 Alexandre Bohas, “The Paradox of Anti-Americanism: Reflection on the Shallow Concept of Soft Power,” Global Society 20, no. 4 (2006): 395–414. 335 Stephen M. Walt, “Alliances in a Unipolar World,” World Politics 61, no. 01 (2009): 86–120. 336 David Malone and Yuen Foong Khong, Unilateralism and US Foreign Policy: International Perspectives (Boulder Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2003).

American policies become more exposed for the criticism of the analysts. The criticism based on US exceptionalism generates the worldwide element of anti-Americanism.337

Apparently there are two main aspects for which the “unjustified” phenomenon of anti- Americanism, firstly the element of resentment exists against the super power for her unique advancement, especially in the field of technology, economy, and military, secondly, it has been the historical phenomenon since the start of the human development that people have the tendency to hate the superior dynasties, colonial powers and states of their time. Unquestionably United States achieved the status of the super power in the world community and there are many exceptional advantages that superpower enjoys in term of supremacy in the global affairs. At the same time the superpower is confronted with many oppositions and criticism across the globe. Lifton declared this phenomenon as the “superpower syndrome”.338

United States has been one of the superpowers since World War I but it got the status of the most powerful state of the world during the 1990s. There has been cause and effect relationship in an increase of power of United States and enhancement of Anti-Americanism. Huntington viewed those US wars of the 1990s proved to be the demonstration of American power as the sole superpower of the world.339

Steel and other contemporary realists discussed that the superpower could easily fall into many temptations and during those temptations the superpower sometimes ignored the interests of other states. The superpower strengthens its sovereignty, economy and security; the developing states feel threatened in many of its potential opportunity in the world. Resultantly, the confrontations for the achievement of the national interests start covertly or overtly in the states of the world.340 Many regional countries have their strong reservations about US policy for Afghanistan and Middle East. The global political scenario becomes more complex when the superpower confronts challenges from the various regional and extra regional countries. The fear of downfall and the ambitions of the rise create confrontations among the various states.341 In the

337 Sidney Verba, “American Exceptionalism: A Double-Edged Sword. By Lipset Seymour Martin. New York: WW Norton and Company, (1997): 192–93. 338 Robert Jay Lifton, Superpower Syndrome: America’s Apocalyptic Confrontation with the World (New York City: Nation Books, 2003). 339 Samuel P. Huntington, “The Lonely Superpower,” Revue Internationale et Strategique, 1999, 18–28. 340 Ronald Steel, Temptations of a Superpower (Harvard University Press, 1995). 341 Adrian Keith Goldsworthy, How Rome Fell: Death of a Superpower (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 2009).

69 process of rivalry with the superpower, many global issues remain unresolved. Ultimately the superpower and the rivalry states comparatively spend more resources to achieve the desired objectives.342

The superpower takes some unexpected decisions because of the psychological syndrome of being a superpower and at the same time the various states get threatened from the aggressive postures of the superpower. United States went for wars in Afghanistan and Iraq with a claim to defeat terrorism. The world stood with the superpowers despite the public opinion was contrary to United States actions. Such aggressive and hasty political and military decisions by US could be linked with the phenomenon of the super power syndrome.343 Dunn analyzed that after 9/11, US recognized her as the hard core military superpower of the world. The War on Terror was the display of military power of the superpower to convince the world that the superpower had the capability to decide the global affairs. This incredible action of the superpowers transformed into the new world order in global politics.344

Pak-US relations if seen merely from Pakistani lens, give different meaning than if seen that of with the prism of realist approach. The US policy if seen from Pakistan perspective might have many negative aspects but the realist perspective of US justifies it, because the enhancing of power and political influence is one of the prime national objectives of the superpower.345 Levoy argued that there are two major concerns of Pakistan in its relations with US, firstly security aspects to counter Indian threats and secondly to protect its nuclear weapons. The US has the status of exceptionality, hardly had the priority to address Pakistani concerns. The complexities of the divergences between Pak-US create tension in the relations of both states.346 The superpower has an open option to keep the balance of power in South Asia. The global politics has the complex situations; there are no permanent friends in the international relations.347 The new dimension of the discourse on the media emerged over the debate that

342 John T. Williams and Michael D. McGinnis, “The Dimension of Superpower Rivalry a Dynamic Factor Analysis,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 36, no. 1 (1992): 86–118. 343 Ronald Steel, “Beware of the Superpower Syndrome,” New York Times 25 (1994). 344 David Hastings Dunn, “The Incredibles: An Ordinary Day Tale of a Superpower in the Post 9/11 World,” Millennium-Journal of International Studies 34, no. 2 (2006): 559–62. 345 M. Usman A. Siddiqi, “Pak-US Relations: A Roller Coaster Ride,” The Journal of Political Science 27 (2009): 27. 346. Peter R. Lavoy, “Pakistan’s Strategic Culture: A Theoretical Excursion; Strategic Insights, v. 6, Issue 10 (November 2005),” Strategic Insights, V. 6, Issue 10 (October 2005), 2005. 347 Anita Inder Singh, “The Superpower Global Complex and South Asia,” in South Asian Insecurity and the Great Powers (New York City: Springer, 1986), 207–31.

70 whether the world would be pro-American or anti-American. This enduring debate revolved around the new phenomenon of the superpower syndrome.348

The Pakistan’s decision to be a close ally of the US would be seen in the line of the international political structure of the global politics, in which the US had the position of the only superpower of the world. United States had the concerns of its own national interests more than any other concerns, including the security concern of Pakistan.349 Anti-Americanism increased in Pakistan after the start of the US lead WOT. The US followed hardcore policies on based on realist approach towards the regional issues of South Asia.350

3.6 Agenda Setting Role of the Media

The media has played the role of watchdog in the society, states and the public. Anti- Americanism portrayed by the media remained significant for last many years. The media in the contemporary world are considered as one of the important tools for all the segments of the society. The fundamental roles of the media are to inform, to educate, to entertain and to advertise, but the media has transformed itself into the broader paradigm.351 In the recent studies, it is a popular debate that how media strike balances between exposing the government and highlighting the public issues.352

The Pakistani media have portrayed the US image during its diplomatic engagement with Pakistan. McCombs argues that in different societies there are differences in the public agenda and the media agenda but on political issues media effectively exploit the agenda of the public.353 The media has the relationship with neorelism especially in projecting the power politics of the great powers. International news agencies and TV channels like BBC, CNN and Fox News are portraying the political agenda of the groups and states. Likewise, in Pakistan various media groups like Jang, Express, Dawn, ARY is working on the agenda of their particular groups. The

348 Ayesha Ashfaq and Adnan Bin Hussein, “Superpower Syndrome: The Enduring Debate on Pro-Americanism and Anti- Americanism in Foreign Media,” Asian Social Science 10, no. 3 (2014): 145. 349 John O’Loughlin, Frank DW Witmer, and Andrew M. Linke, “The Afghanistan-Pakistan Wars, 2008-2009: Micro- Geographies, Conflict Diffusion, and Clusters of Violence,” Eurasian Geography and Economics 51, no. 4 (2010): 437–71. 350 Shabana Fayyaz, “Counter-Terrorism as a Theme in Pak-US Relations: Post-9/11 Phase,” Pakistan Journal of American Studies 26, no. 1/2 (2008): 127. 351 Afonso de Albuquerque, “Media/politics Connections: Beyond Political Parallelism,” Media, Culture & Society 35, no. 6 (2013): 742–58. 352 Gerald M. Kosicki, “Maxwell McCombs. Setting the Agenda: The Mass Media and Public Opinion. Cambridge: Polity Press. (2006): 124–27. 353 Maxwell McCombs, Setting the Agenda: The Mass Media and Public Opinion (New York City: John Wiley & Sons, 2013).

71 audio-video segments of the media are following the realist approach to propagate the power politics of various groups.354

Weaver and Wu also granted the importance of the media and considered the fourth pillar of the states in the democratic world. The coverage of the media has extended to every segment of the society since the globalization effect on the media.355 Politicians sometimes, utilize the media for framing and priming their political agenda in the pretext of advertising and marketing. The media politically affects the election campaigns in many countries of the world including the US. The image of a state that is portrayed by the media becomes the global phenomenon especially in the modern time of an independent and vibrant media. Anti-Americanism has emerged as one of the most significant discourses of the media coverage at domestic and global level.356 Modern techniques of the media make the story so colourful and impressive that people are compelled to believe the content as a reality.357 Gamson argued that the media discourse prevailed on the basis of available information and the amount of information collection remained the responsibilities of the particular media only. Such information shape and influence the global discourse on the issue.358

Schnell explained that the media had the power to build the political policy of elite class of the politicians. Reporters and journalists quote the influenced sources to make the news more powerful in the favor of a particular agenda. The media plays a role in the politics and other segments of the society through its agenda setting, news framing and priming role.359 The print media, particularly plays an important role in highlighting political events at a domestic and global level. The elitists invest in the media to run their political campaigns and the media perform the desired role. American leading newspapers such as the New York Times has portrayed Iran-US relations with more focus to the Iranian Nuclear program. Izadi and Biria commented that the media used its intermediate role of the agenda setting to get some political advantages. The media followed the agenda setting theory to weaken the regime as in some

354 Lúcia Nagib and Cecília Mello, Realism and the Audiovisual Media (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009). 355 David Hugh Weaver and Wei Wu, the Global Journalist: News People around the World (New York City: Hampton Pr, 1998). 356 Robert M. Entman, “Framing Bias: Media in the Distribution of Power,” Journal of Communication 57, no. 1 (2007): 163–73. 357 William A. Gamson et al., “Media Images and the Social Construction of Reality,” Annual Review of Sociology, 1992, 373–93. 358 William A. Gamson and Andre Modigliani, “Media Discourse and Public Opinion on Nuclear Power: A Constructionist Approach,” American Journal of Sociology, 1989, 1–37. 359 Frauke Schnell, “Assessing the Democratic Debate: How the News Media Frame Elite Policy Discourse,” Political Communication 18, no. 2 (2001): 183–213.

72 cases, the media suggested military options for some of the countries. The media mostly overplayed its role to get some political mileage for the particular party or the individual.360

Gallagher believed that the power of the media never went weak even in the globalization phase.361 The media highlighted that the Iraq and Afghanistan wars were not merely pursued for military gains, but the economic interests were also significantly achieved. The media has the examples to follow the agenda setting theory, especially during or after the conflicts. Ismaeland and Measor argued that after 9/11, the media remained successful to expose the dirty face of the terrorists.362 Pakistani print media has been playing a significant role of agenda setting and news framing in the history of Pak-US relation since the start of the diplomatic ties. The US image in Pakistan media has remained negative due to many reasons. Pakistani media has analyzed the new policy parameters for both the states.363 During last few decades, the US media portrayed Pakistani image in US print media, but the frequency of coverage remained lesser as compared to the US portrayal in Pakistan media.364

Maher argued that many media theories were full of fear and disappointment. He believed that the media would continue to follow agenda setting role covertly or overtly in the contemporary international politics.365 The effects of the media are deep and worldwide on the beliefs and concepts of audience. The technique of the news presentation has a significant effect on the opinion making of the audience.366 The print media of Pakistan, especially the Urdu newspapers sometimes publish a minor story in a way that the audience is more interested merely due to the techniques and selection of words are also the factor. The different forms of

360 Foad Izadi and Hakimeh Saghaye-Biria, “A Discourse Analysis of Elite American Newspaper Editorials: The Case of Iran’s Nuclear Program,” Journal of Communication Inquiry 31, no. 2 (2007): 140–65. 361 Margaret Gallagher, Gender Setting: New Agendas for Media Monitoring and Advocacy (Kings Cross, London: Zed Books, 2001). 362 Tareq Y. Ismael and John Measor, “Racism and the North American Media Following 11 September: The Canadian Setting,” Arab Studies Quarterly 25, no. 1/2 (2003): 101–36. 363 Faizullah Jan, "Conceptualizing image of the United States in Pakistani Print Media: A Case Study of daily The Nation." Global Media Journal: Pakistan Edition 7, no. 2 (2014). 364 G. Shabir, T. Hussain, and Y. W. Iqbal, “Portrayal of Pakistan in the New York Times Andthe Washington Post: A Study of Editorials during 2008 to 2010,” J Mass Communicat Journalism 4, no. 179 (2014): 2. 365 T. Michael Maher, “Framing: An Emerging Paradigm or a Phase of Agenda Setting,” Framing Public Life: Perspectives on Media and Our Understanding of the Social World, 2001, 83–94. 366 Stephen D. Reese et al., Framing Public Life: Perspectives on Media and Our Understanding of the Social World (Abingdon, Vale of White Horse: Routledge, 2001).

73 the media are interconnected with each other in the form of media groups. McCombs argued that framing had emerged as the second element of agenda-setting research.367

There are many areas where Pakistan and United States can get common advantages but, the media ignores those areas and mostly cover hardcore military and political issues. Because of the massive coverage of confrontational political issues on the media, anti-Americanism has spread rapidly.368 The politics should scientifically be made as a respectful business of the world and the media can play positive role in making the politics as the respectful profession.369

367 Maxwell E. McCombs, “The Agenda-Setting Approach,” Handbook of Political Communication, 1981, 121–40. 368 Marc Benton and P. Jean Frazier, “The Agenda Setting Function of the Mass Media At Three Levels of’ Information Holding,’” Communication Research 3, no. 3 (1976): 261–74. 369 Alexander Wendt, “On the Via Media: A Response to the Critics,” Review of International Studies 26, no. 01 (2000): 165–80.

CHAPTER 4 EVOLUTION OF PAK-US RELATIONS AND ANTI- AMERICANISM 4.1 Introduction

Pakistan, a newly born state in 1947, was confronted with many challenges like the shortage of defense equipments, lack of industrial capital and a weak economic strength. There was a desire of Pakistan to establish relationships with the superpower to overcome its initial challenges and United States also realized the importance of the diplomatic linkages in the region to have a close supervision on the communist bloc. After the World War II the US policies were much focused to counter communism and after WWII, the US and USSR had remained in confrontational mode. Pak-US relations have remained vital for both the states and diplomatic ties of both the states were functional throughout the history so far. United States multidimensional foreign policy had two major concerns in the region to establish relationships with Pakistan, firstly to monitor the communist policies in the region and secondly, to find markets in the region to sell its weapons and war related technology. There were two distinctive phases of Pak-US relations, firstly during the Afghan war against Russia from 1979 to 1988 and secondly during the recent war against terrorism.

4.2 The Opening Phase: The Choice of Engagement

After World War II, the international political world structure was significantly driven by the two superpowers i.e. the United States and the USSR.370 A newly born state of Pakistan was looking forward the financial and political support of one or more super powers. Domestic and political situation of Pakistan was not encouraging and the initial relationships of both the states were very crucial and at that time when another parallel superpower existed in the region.371 Pakistan preferred to connect diplomacy with the US instead the USSR; one of the reasons for Pakistan to go for that option was the Indian initiative to establish close relationships with the USSR. It was unlikely for two enemy states being part of one alliance; hence the alternative option of United State was available to Pakistan. To deprive Pakistan to get

370 Stephen M. Walt, “Alliance Formation and the Balance of World Power,” International Security 9, no. 4 (1985): 3–43. 371 Rajen Harshe, “India and Russia in a Changing World,” Economic and Political Weekly, 1998, 457–60.

75 advantages from the regional superpower India considered the USSR as the most reliable superpower at the time.372

United States were in search of the alliance or alliances in the region to counter the Soviet Union. George Marshall identified that Pakistan had a great potential value as one of the strongest Muslim countries of the world with its valuable Geo-strategic location in the region.373 At one stage US was reluctant to establish the relationship with Pakistan when Pakistan asked for $ 2 billion support from the US for its security concerns.374

After the commencement of the diplomatic ties with US, Pakistan expected reasonable support from the US. United States established contacts with the Pakistani official and promised to provide some financial assistance to Pakistan for humanitarian reason only.375 Pakistan’s diplomatic efforts towards the Soviet Union remained low priority foreign policy segment, but the mutual talks of Pakistan and Soviet Union governments were inconsistently going on since the creation Pakistan. Naseem argued that after the independence, the conflict of Kashmir was the main concern of Pakistan and for that Pakistan had desired to seek the support of a superpower. Pakistan had given preference to the US over the USSR for a relationship.376

After the World War II, United States had started displaying its superiority over the USSR, but the political structure of the world politics was bipolar till 1989 when the USSR was disintegrated. During the Cold War, United States had been committed to weaken the communist power. The US had started consolidating its relations with the united India, especially when Japan reached to the close proximity of India after capturing Burma and Malaya. In 1942, Mr Louis Johnson, a special representative of US President Roosevelt visited India and had agreed for the mutual cooperation in the affairs of the subcontinent.377

372 Anita Inder Singh, “India’s Relations with Russia and Central Asia,” International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), 1995, 69–81. 373 K. Arif, America-Pakistan Relations: Documents (Lahore,Pakistan: Vanguard Books, 1984). 374 Nasra Talat Farooq, “Explaining Pakistan’s Strategic Choices in the 1990s: The Role of the United States” (Department of Politics and International Relations, 2014). 375 Margaret M. Huffman, “The United States and Pakistan During Crisis: From the Russian Intervention in Afghanistan to 9/11,” 2012. 376 Ayaz Naseem, Pak-Soviet Relations: 1947-1965, vol. 1 (Karachi,Pakistan: Progressive Publishers, 1989). 377 Raja Muhammad Khan, “Dynamics of Pak-US Relationship,” Defence Journal 15, no. 6 (2012): 22.

4.3 The Consolidation Phase: The Regional Alliances

After its independence Pakistan was in need of the relationship with the superpower which could support Pakistan in resolving many issues with India. These relations were also important to strengthen the security and economic situation of the state.378 Pakistan through diplomatic forum tried to get the world opinion in favor of the UN resolution Kashmir issue, but world at large did not support Pakistan position. Pak-US relations were the diplomatic effort of Pakistan to resolve the Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan. Pakistan had expected that US would support Pakistani stand in case of Kashmir issue.379

Pak-US relations have been vital, even in resolving border issues with Afghanistan. The issue of the Durand Line between Pakistan and Afghanistan had existed as the bone of contention between both the states. 380 United States supported the Pakistani stand on Durand Line. The US officials believed that Afghan- Pakistan border became more complicated, especially after the ‘Treaty of Friendship’ signed in 1951 between Afghanistan and India.381 Pakistan was facing critical defense deficiencies and needed arms and ammunitions to meet the challenges of the time. One of the reasons for Pakistani keen interest to establish relations with United States was to get weapons to improve the defense capability of the state. United States was reluctant to provide such support to Pakistan rather the Truman administration had given preference to Western Europe.382

In 1949 US Joint Chiefs of Staff acknowledged that Pakistan would be “strategic importance”, for the US. The main concern of the US was to tackle the Soviet Union and for this, the US was planning to have a military base in that region. Pakistan could be the better choice for the purpose. The other concern of the US was the Middle East’s vital oil resources and Pakistan was again suitable for that policy of the United States, as well.383 In 1950 both the states agreed to resolve the issues that were the obstruction in the way of cordial relations of Pak-US.

378 Victoria Schofield, Kashmir in Conflict: India, Pakistan and the Unending War (New York City: IB Tauris, 2000). 379 Syed Farooq Hasnat, “Pakistan-US Relations on Slippery Grounds: An Account of Trust and Its Deficit,” accessed April 25, 2015. 380 Margaret M. Huffman, “The United States and Pakistan during Crisis: From the Russian Intervention in Afghanistan to 9/11,” 2012. 381 Nasra Talat Farooq, “Explaining Pakistan’s Strategic Choices in the 1990s: The Role of the United States” (Department of Politics and International Relations, 2014). 382 Margaret M. Huffman, “The United States and Pakistan during Crisis: From the Russian Intervention in Afghanistan to 9/11,” 2012. 383 K. Arif, America-Pakistan Relations: Documents (Vanguard Books, 1984).

The US could have supported, more to Pakistan to increase its strategic influence in the region, but the US support to Pakistan was marginal. The US Assistant Secretary of the State George McGhee stated that, “the little quantity of military aid to Pakistan was only ‘psychological’ and just a symbolic assistance.384

Besides the apprehensions from both the sides, gradually Pak-US relations were established. The US Ambassador to India suggested that heavy financial support to Pakistan would be against the US interest because Pakistan was expected to entrap US in the Indo-Pak integral matters. The ambassador also stated that Pakistan would not help the US against the Soviet Union and Middle East.385 Besides all the irritants in the way of Pak-US relationships, both the countries agreed to sign arms sales relationship in 1953. The ambassador expressed in the same visit that United States considered Pakistan as a “dependent safeguard” against the communist threat. The officials of both the states expressed the feelings of warm friendship with each other.386

In 1954, Pakistan and Turkey agreed to the declaration that both the states would mutually cooperate to strengthen Middle East security. The US supported the bilateral declaration of Turkey and Pakistan and ensured political and military support in the shape of the training and the equipment.387 US fully supported the Baghdad Pact, in which Pakistan, Turkey, Iran, and Iraq agreed to extend cooperation for Middle East peace and development. United States endorsed the pact and promised to support Pakistan and the other member states of the pact. The Baghdad Pact provided the concrete engagement for the US in the region.388 The alliance of the “Northern Tier” states leveled the political ground for another important agreement known as “South East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO)”. The treaty provided an opportunity to Eastern tier states to cooperate with NATO states and the treaty emerged as the first ever strong connection between the East and the West. The treaty was the strategic political

384 Robert J. McMahon, “United States Cold War Strategy in South Asia: Making a Military Commitment to Pakistan, 1947- 1954,” The Journal of American History 75, no. 3 (1988): 812–40. 385 S. Mahmud Ali, Cold War in the High Himalayas: The USA, China, and South Asia in the 1950s (London: Macmillan, 1999). 386 Rajvir Singh, US–Pakistan and India, Strategic Relations (Columbia,Missoura,: South Asia Books, 1985). 387 Rashmi Jain, US-Pak Relations, 1947-1983 (New Jersey: Humanities Pr, 1983). 388 Richard L. Jasse, “The Baghdad Pact: Cold War or Colonialism?,” Middle Eastern Studies 27, no. 1 (1991): 140–56.

78 initiative of the United States in the region and Pak-US relations got an impetus during that period.389

The regional pacts like SEATO and the Baghdad pact were supported by the US primarily against the expansion of communism in the region. Pakistan got reasonable military assistance from the US in 1950s. In 1954, the US signed the Mutual Security Act with Pakistan..390 Another major development in Pak-US relation was the Agreement on the Cooperation signed in 1959 between both the states. All such agreements provided strong footings for the cordial Pak-US relations but uncertainty prevailed on the Kashmir issue.391

The agreement deceived Pakistan in the sense that Pakistan believed that the agreement was applicable on any security threat to Pakistan, even from India. The American officials also accepted that Pakistan was deceived by the ambiguous wordings of the act and this aspect led to the lack of the expectations to the US from Pakistani people and the trust deficit between Pakistan and the United States amplified.392 Till 1964, Pak-US relations transformed the phase of consolidation in which expectations were not fully fulfilled, but yet the hopes were alive and both the states remained connected in bilateral ties.

4.4 Pak-US Relations from 1965 to 1971: Testing and Disappointment

In the 1960s, the US policy of South Asia, especially the Indo-China War of 1962 created a new political framework in the region. The US support to India against China in the war started a new conflict between China and US. The US provided a huge amount of the weapons and other military assistance to Indian war against China. The US response to Pakistan during the war of 1965 was the real test of Pak-US relations.393 The Kashmir issue was a major cause of Indo-Pak War 1965. President Ayub asked the help from the US, but it was a cold shoulder from US side.394 The regional agreements like CENTO and SEATO were in the interests of the US and

389 Trevor Barnes, “The Secret Cold War: The CIA and American Foreign Policy in Europe, 1946–1956. Part I,” The Historical Journal 24, no. 02 (1981): 399–415. 390 Gary R. Hess, “Global Expansion and Regional Balances: The Emerging Scholarship on United States Relations with India and Pakistan,” Pacific Historical Review 56, no. 2 (1987): 259–95. 391 Jehangir Khan, “US-Pakistan Relations: The Geo-Strategic and Geopolitical Factors,” Canadian Social Science 6, no. 2 (2010): 61. 392 Peter R. Lavoy, “Pakistan’s Foreign Relations,” South Asia in World Politics, 2005, 49–70. 393 Margaret M. Huffman, “The United States and Pakistan during Crisis: From the Russian Intervention in Afghanistan to 9/11,” 2012. 394 D. C. Jha, “Pakistan’s Foreign Policy: An Analytical Study,” The Indian Journal of Political Science 31, no. 2 (1970): 113– 37.

Pakistan supported the American interests in the agreements. Pakistan quitted those agreements in 1977, when the response of the US to Pakistan was not encouraging. The United States also revisited its foreign policy in the region, seeing Pakistan’s policy shift towards China and tried to remain committed to India and Pakistan at the same time.395 Pakistan became neutral in the regional affairs instead having a clear position for the US against the Soviet Union.396

The US policy in South Asia and its predisposed support for India compelled Pakistan to normalize its relations with the regional countries through its balanced foreign policy. The US remained cautious over the Pak-China ties and its response to Pakistan in 1965 War was the outcome of the same disliking.397 Pak-China relationship was a diplomatic initiative of Pakistan, but at the same time, Pakistan had tried to remain committed to the US. Some of the US officials declared it as the deviation of Pakistani commitment to US. Minister of Foreign Affairs of Pakistan Zulfikar Ali Bhutto clearly announced that Pak-China relations were friendly relations of the two neighboring states and Pakistan would not move backward in the relations with the US.398

The close relations of Pak-China has brought a negative effect on Pak-US relations and the US had kept a neutral position instead providing the support to Pakistan during the time of crisis of the War of 1965. Although the US had been neutral, but Indian had claimed that US provided massive military support to Pakistan during the war.399 The US took a legal stand and asked both the states to follow the international laws and US expressed its grievance on both the state for crossing the international border and violating the cease-fire line.400 The US response was against the expectations and Pakistan considered the US neutrality against the

395 Syed Hussain Shaheed Soherwordi, “US Foreign Policy Shift towards Pakistan between 1965 & 1971 Pak-India Wars,” South Asian Studies 25, no. 1 (2010): 21. 396 Margaret M. Huffman, “The United States and Pakistan during Crisis: From the Russian Intervention in Afghanistan to 9/11,” 2012. 397 Margaret M. Huffman, “The United States and Pakistan during Crisis: From the Russian Intervention in Afghanistan to 9/11,” 2012. 398 2012. Farhat Mahmud, A history of US-Pakistan Relations. Vanguard, 1991. 399 Margaret M. Huffman, “The United States and Pakistan during Crisis: From the Russian Intervention in Afghanistan to 9/11,” 2012. 400 Lubna Sunawar and Tatiana Coutto, "US Pakistan Relations during the Cold War." The Journal of International Relations, Peace Studies, and Development 1, no. 1 (2015): 6.

80 agreement of the arm sale of the US in Pakistan. India had the deal with the Soviet Union and managed to get the arms but Pakistan could not.401

United States explained that the neutrality in the war was not to punish Pakistan; rather it was according to the UN charter. Pakistan considered the US neutrality as a serious national security issue of the state. 402 The foreign minister of Pakistan Mr. Bhutto stated that “there was no need of alliances, if the US could only operate under the Security Council”. During the 1965 war, Pak-US relations remained tense because United States exerted pressure on Pakistan instead providing support to resolve the conflict.403

The US poor response to Pakistan in 1965 war weakened bilateral ties between both the states. Pakistan started looking towards alternative options for its strategic needs. The arm race between India and Pakistan has become the obstruction in the way of Pak-US relationship from 1965 war onward. Bhutto identified that, If India acquired the nuclear capabilities Pakistan would also develop nuclear bombs and for that Bhutto stated, “We would eat grass and leaves or even would go hungry”. Weismann and Krosney declared Pakistani nuclear as “Islamic bomb” and assumed that nuclear Pakistan would create a threat to Israel and Middle East.404

Pakistan realized that to rely only on the US was not the right policy and there was need to go for alternative or multiple options to establish foreign relation in the region. President of Pakistan General Ayub Khan started criticizing the US policy and in his autobiography Ayub Khan declared that US had mistreated Pakistan.405 Pakistan followed ‘triangular policy’ because Pakistan established military and financial relationship with the US, the Soviet Union and China (three regional and global superpowers). Pakistan’s revised foreign policy remained successful and it contributed positively to the economic growth of Pakistan. United States had continued to extend economic aid to Pakistan. Pakistan received financial support from the World Bank after

401 Pakistan Ministry of Foreign Affairs, White Paper on the Jammu and Kashmir dispute, 15 January 1977 (Extracts), America- Pakistan Relations, vol. 2, 135. David S. Chou, "US policy toward India and Pakistan in the post-cold war era." Tamkang Journal of International Affairs 8, no. 3 (2005): 27-55. 402 Fair, C. Christine. "Time for sober realism: Renegotiating US relations with Pakistan." The Washington Quarterly 32, no. 2 (2009): 149-172. 403 Barbara LePoer, Leitch. "Pakistan-US Relations." Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 2001. 404 Steve Weissmann and Herbert Krosney. The Islamic Bomb: The Nuclear Threat to Israel and the Middle East (New York: Times Books, 1981), 161. 405 Mohammad Ayub Khan, "Friends Not Masters: A Political Autobiography." (1967).

81 the Indus Water Treaty and the United States also provided $ 50 million to Pakistan for the construction of Terbela Dam.406

United States accepted the Pakistani request and provided 300 armored personnel carriers (APCs) to Pakistan in 1970. According to the agreement on the provision of non-lethal weapons, the United States provided some quantity of weapons and the spare parts to Pakistan.407 At the same time the United States kept on providing military support to India that started the unnecessary weapon race between India and Pakistan. This race between India and Pakistan played a vital role in starting wars of 1971 between both the states.408 The governance issue of Pakistan, many other political and non-political factors led to a civil war in Bengal during the early 1970s. The situation converted into full-fledged Indo-Pak war between. The US once again adopted “quiet diplomacy” like it did during the previous war of 1965. Pakistan was expecting the US aid during the war of 1971 that was prior agreed between both the states. The US initially had promised and also provided little amounts of economic and military assistance. But the US aid for Pakistan during the crucial time of the war of 1971 was negligible and Pakistan was disappointed in the response of her ally.409

The US was much focused against the communism, and India kept interfering in affairs of Pakistan, especially in East Pakistan. Huffman assessed that if the US could have focused on South Asian matters the debacle of Bangladesh would have not happened. The US efforts to resolve the issues between India and Pakistan remained unproductive and from March to November 1971 one million people died in the war.410 India trained and motivated over 50,000 rebels mostly from the refugees to defeat the Pakistan army that was present in East Pakistan during that time.411 The US had provided the military support to India, but after the UN directive, the US stopped supplying arms and military equipment to India.412 Besides not fully supporting

406 G. T. Pitman, "The role of the World Bank in enhancing cooperation and resolving conflict on international watercourses: the case of the Indus Basin." (1998): 155-65. 407 Norman Dunbar Palmer, South Asia and United States Policy (Bostan, Massachusetts: Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1966). 408 Jülide Yildirim and Nadir Öcal, “Arms Race and Economic Growth: The Case of India and Pakistan,” Defense and Peace Economics 17, no. 1 (2006): 37–45. 409 Stephen Philip Cohen, “United States’ Foreign Policy towards South Asia,” Socio-Political and Economic Challenges in South Asia, 2009, 12. 410 Margaret M. Huffman, “The United States and Pakistan during Crisis: From the Russian Intervention in Afghanistan to 9/11,” 2012. 411 Hasan Zaheer, the Separation of East Pakistan: The Rise and Realization of Bengali Muslim Nationalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994). 412 D. C. Jha, “Pakistan’s Foreign Policy: An Analytical Study,” The Indian Journal of Political Science 31, no. 2 (1970): 113– 37.

Pakistan in the war, the US never discarded Pakistan and Pak-US relations remained connected at that time as well. Pakistan Prime Minister Bhutto had asked the US and China to assist Pakistan in tackling post war issues of 1971 war.413 Mr. Bhutto appreciated post war role of the regional powers he once stated replying an answer to the BBC correspondence that the cease fire between India and Pakistan was the result of the efforts of the US and China.414

4.5 Pak-US Relations from 1972 to 1978: Vulnerabilities and Opportunities

After the 1971 war Pakistan tackled many challenges especially the exchange of prisoners of war with India and the post Simla Agreement regime of a new relationship of both the countries started.415 The next important challenge that Pakistan confronted was the Afghan situation. In 1973, Mohammad Daoud took over the control of the country and he started implementing pro-Soviet policies that enhanced the Pakistan’s apprehensions.416 The Soviet influence in Afghanistan was alarming for Pakistan and other regional states including Iran.417 Pakistan and the other regional states were threatened that the Soviet expansion could impact their national interests, but US was focused on global and strategic aspects of the situation. The control of the Soviet over the warm water was a fear for many regional countries.418 Pak-US relations were moving towards the direction where the interest of both the states were common on the hypothesis that the Soviet influence on Afghanistan at that time was against the interests of both the states.419

Kissinger argued that India was stocking heavy quantity of weapons and if Pakistan remained deprived off it would be an injustice to Pakistan.420 In 1974, Indian conducted a nuclear test, and it was conceived with serious concerns in Pakistan and the region. The US did not support Pakistani concerns and besides Pakistan’s requests and diplomatic efforts, the US

413 Margaret M. Huffman, “The United States and Pakistan during Crisis: From the Russian Intervention in Afghanistan to 9/11,” 2012. 414 Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and others, “If I Am Assassinated,” 1979. 415 Surendra Chopra, Post-Simla Indo-Pak Relations: Confrontation to De-Escalation (Rajouri Garden, New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1988). 416 Library of Congress Congressional Research Service and Richard P. Cronin, “Afghanistan, Soviet Invasion and US Response” (Library of Congress, Congressional Research Service, Major Issues System, 1982). 417 Afghanistan Task Force, “Afghanistan: Soviet Invasion and US Response” (Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1980). 418 A. Z. Hilali, “US-Pakistan Relationship,” Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan, 2005. 419 Shirin Tahir-Kheli, the United States and Pakistan: The Evolution of an Influence Relationship (Connecticut: Praeger Publishers, 1982). 420 The Flawed Architect: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy (Oxford University Press, 2004).

83 maintained arms restrictions on Pakistan. After the US refusal to provide nuclear technology to Pakistan, Bhutto declared that Pakistan would manage its security needs without nuclear arms and would rely on its conventional means for its defense to tackle the Indian threats.421 Prime Minister Bhutto assured US that provision of nuclear technology to Pakistan would not threaten India because Pakistan would acquire defense capability without any offense approach against Indians. Pakistani government officially stated that besides, being the ally of US, it was abnormal that Pakistan would remain without nuclear capability, whereas India had the nuclear technology to pose security threats to Pakistan.422

Kissinger stated during an official meeting with Bhutto, that it would be insulting of the US intelligence agencies to believe that Pakistan would use the nuclear plant to meet its energy requirements only. Bhutto claimed that Kissinger threatened him with horrific consequences and asked him to suspend the nuclear program.423 Bhutto stated that no country had the right to tell Pakistan that what to do and what not, it was Pakistan to decide that what would be better for Pakistan.424 There was political pressure of the US on Pakistan over the nuclear issue and Pak- US relations became weak during the late 1970s.

After the general elections of 1977, there was poor governance and corruption allegations against the government and people of Pakistan started agitations in various cities of Pakistan against the government. Z.A. Bhutto called this political unrest as an international conspiracy against him for not accepting the US demand to suspend the Pakistan nuclear program.425 Bhutto also stated that the entire situation was created as the result of his efforts of continuing of the nuclear program.426 The US Secretary of State stated that there was no role of the US in the elections of Pakistan, he urged Bhutto that the allegation on the US would damage the Pak-US ties.427

421 Bhutto’s interview with Bernard Weinraub, correspondent of the new York Times, at Rawalpindi, 9 October 1974 (Extracts), America-Pakistan Relations, vol. 2, 305. 422 Samina Ahmed, “Pakistan’s Nuclear Weapons Program: Turning Points and Nuclear Choices,” International Security 23, no. 4 (1999): 178–204. 423 Steve Weissman and Herbert Krosney, The Islamic Bomb: The Nuclear Threat to Israel and the Middle East (New York City: Crown, 1981). 424 Narottam Gaan, “Super Power Involvement in Indo-Pak Relations: A Case Study of the United States,” India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 46, no. 4 (1990): 1–32. 425 Ferhat Muhammad, “A History of US-Pak Relations,” Lahore: Vanguard Books, 1991, 8–44. 426 R. G. Sawhney, “Focus on US-Pak Security Relationship,” Strategic Analysis 7, no. 8 (1983): 575–87. 427 Rashmi Jain, US-Pak Relations, 1947-1983 (Humanities Pr, 1983).

There was a military coup in which Bhutto was arrested and General Zia took over the government. The United States imposed sanctions through the congressional endorsement for providing any economic and military support to the country that tried to attain nuclear capability. Pakistan was the main victim of the sanctions and the situation transformed into tense relations between Pakistan and United States.428 The Zia government also felt that the American relations with Pakistan did not remain trustworthy during the crucial time in Pakistan. Pakistan assumed that US would not support adequately in hour of need to Pakistan against any aggression from India.429 In an interview to a television channel, Zia stated that Pakistan was ignored by the US and its response during the 1965 and 1971 wars discouraging.430

In November of 1979, United States experienced some unwanted incidents in Pakistan, anti-Americans sentiments transformed significantly high when there were public assumptions that the US was involved in violence against holy ‘Kaaba’ at Mecca. Protesters attacked US embassy in Islamabad in which four US citizens including US Marine, were killed. The protestors also attacked on American Cultural center Rawalpindi and American center Lahore.431 The Pakistani public was annoyed with the United States since long but the event of Holy Kaaba (the most sacred and central place of pilgrimage/ worship of the Muslims at Mecca Saudi Arabia) violence created a justification to show the hatred against the US.432

Ellis argued that because of continuously fluctuating relations of United States with Pakistan during the administrations of Nixon, Kennedy, Reagan and Carter, Pakistan started seriously revisiting its foreign policy to have alternative options other than the US. It was identified that irrespective of the leadership of both the states, there was a “fundamental dichotomy” in the bilateral relations of Pakistan and United States during the late 70s.433 Hilali argued that Pakistan was the prominent ally of United States in Asia in1950s, but the US

428 Samina Yasmeen, “Is Pakistan’s Nuclear Bomb an Islamic Bomb?,” Asian Studies Review 25, no. 2 (2001): 201–15. 429 Safdar Sial, “Pak-US: A Balance Sheet of Relations.‖ ,” Pakistan Institute for Peace Studies, 2007. 430 Khalid Mahmud Arif, Working with Zia: Pakistan’s Power Politics 1977-1988 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995). 431 Omar Noman, The Political Economy of Pakistan, 1947-85 (Abingdon: Taylor & Francis, 1988). 432 Howard B. Schaffer and Teresita C. Schaffer, How Pakistan Negotiates with the United States: Riding the Roller Coaster (Washington DC: US Institute of Peace Press, 2011). 433 Kail C. Ellis, “Pakistan’s Foreign Policy: Alternating Approaches,” in Dilemmas of National Security and Cooperation in India and Pakistan (Berlin: Springer, 1993), 131–51.

85 response in 1965 and 1971 wars compelled Pakistan to go for alternative or multiple foreign policy options especially after the fall of East Pakistan.434

4.6 Pak-US Relations from 1979 to 1988: Convergences of Interests

The significance of Pak-US relations enhanced when Soviet Union troops physically invaded Afghanistan. The Pak-US relations transformed into a new phase of diplomacy; there was the convergence of the interests of both the countries to be united against communism. The Soviet Union took the advantages of a pro communist regime of Afghanistan and invaded Afghanistan on December 24, 1979. The Afghan situation created instability in the region and Soviet expansion was against the interests of the US.435 Pakistani justified concern over the communist threat was popular thinking of Pakistani public and co-incidentally it was the concern of the US as well.436 The abnormality of the US diplomacy towards Pakistan prevailed throughout the period of bilateral engagement, but republicans behaved better in understanding Pakistan’s concerns during the Afghan crisis in 1980s.437

The event of the Soviet attack on Afghanistan changed the nature of fluctuating Pak-US relations of the past. It was a revised partnership based on common interests of both the states against the aggression of the communist power in the region. United States remained satisfied on Pakistani contribution and the US signed six year financial and military support program with Pakistan in 1986, considering Pakistan as the closest ally of US. Pakistan launched the large number of the trained militants (mujahedin) to defeat Soviet Union in Afghanistan. Besides acknowledging that the Soviet defeat in Afghanistan was in the interest of Pakistan, Zia’s policy to introduce militant culture in Pakistan was widely criticized after the Afghan. Hilali argued that General Zia supported the American cause against the Soviet Union, merely considering it a financially and militarily beneficial for Pakistan.438 Pakistan defended Afghanistan to safeguard its own national security and to strengthen its military power to counter Indian threats.439

434 A. Z. Hilali, “US-Pakistan Relationship,” Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan, 2005. 435 Margaret M Huffman,. "The United States and Pakistan During Crisis: From the Russian Intervention in Afghanistan to 9/11." (2012). 436 Ashok Kapur, “Imperial America and the Indian Subcontinent,” Journal of Military and Strategic Studies 6, no. 4 (2004). 437 Rashmi Jain, US-Pak Relations, 1947-1983 (Humanities Pr, 1983). 438 A. Z. Hilali, “US-Pakistan Relationship,” Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan, 2005. 439 Marvin G. Weinbaum, “Pakistan and Afghanistan: The Strategic Relationship,” Asian Survey 31, no. 6 (1991): 496–511.

Pakistan was trying to sign an agreement with the US, for attaining F-16 aircrafts from the US. There was a negative effect on Pak-US relations when the US postponed the supply of the radar system required for F-16 aircrafts for Pakistan in June 1981. The US relations with Pakistan at that time were based on arms sale not on military agreement. Pakistan accepted the five year plan offered by the Carter administration in which it was agreed that Pakistan would get military aid of 3.2 billion dollars; the deal was also endorsed by Reagan administration.440

The US wanted to get Indians away from the Soviet influence to increase its own arms sale market. Better Indo Pak relations were perceived in the better interest of the United States at that time.441 Besides Indian role to remain connected with the Soviet Union, Zia and Reagan continued to improve Pak-US relations during the war against the Soviet Union. Pakistan took advantage of Reagan’s friendly policy towards Pakistan and got military and financial aid during that phase of the relationship.442 Zia maintained cordial relations with US government and Pak- US relations were considered at the highest point in 1986. Charles Cogan the CIA official stated that, “Without Zia, there would have been no Afghan war and no Afghan victory”.443 A six year plan of the US aid to Pakistan was approved by the Congress in the same year in which $ 4.2 billion aid was agreed for Pakistan.444 Prime Minister Junejo in his meeting with Reagan stated that the agreement was the result of US commitment to enhance Pakistan’s security. At that time there was a common threat of the USSR present in Afghanistan.445

There was again the downfall of Pak-US relations in 1987, when US feared that Pakistan would continue to develop its nuclear capability out of the US aid plan. Due to these concerns, US delayed the aid to Pakistan, which was agreed in the six year plan of 1986.446 The US monitored the Afghan situation till final and Soviet Union was compelled to quit Afghanistan. Pak-US relations remained cordial during the long phase of the Afghan war but, after the Soviet

440 Margaret M. Huffman, “The United States and Pakistan during Crisis: From the Russian Intervention in Afghanistan to 9/11,” 2012. 441 A. Z. Hilali, “The Soviet Decision-Making for Intervention in Afghanistan and Its Motives,” The Journal of Slavic Military Studies 16, no. 2 (2003): 113–44. 442 Ronald Reagan, “The Reagan Diaries, Ed,” Douglas Brinkley. New York: Reagan Presidential Libraries, 2007. 443 Eamon Murphy and Ahmad Rashid Malik, “Pakistan Jihad: The Making of Religious Terrorism,” IPRI Journal 1, no. 2 (2009): 23. 444 Ahmed Rashid, Descent into Chaos: The US and the Failure of Nation Building in Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Central Asia (London: Penguin, 2008). 445 Adnan Sarwar Khan, “Pakistan’s Foreign Policy in the Changing International Scenario,” The Muslim World 96, no. 2 (2006): 233–50. 446 Babar Ali, “Pak-US Military Relationship in 1980s,” Economic and Political Weekly, 1987, 588–90.

87 defeat, Pak-US relations were badly affected.447 Zia cancelled his visit to United States and it was a significant expression of mutual mistrust. Reagan expressed his serious concerns over the Zia doctrine of Islamization in Pakistan. It was conceived a parallel to the Iranian revolution in Pakistan and US President declared it as “fundamentalist revolution”.448

After the death of General Zia Brigadier Yusuf, the ISI official and former director of the Afghan Bureau claimed that the plane crash was sabotaged. General Zia was “a fundamentalist, pro-nuclear and anti-democratic” as per some of the views of the US officials at that time.449 Pakistan had become the third largest recipient of US military aid during Zia regime. After the death of Zia, US assessment was that Pakistan was ‘no longer a key ally’. A new paradigm of the bilateral relationship between both the states had after the Zia regime in Pakistan.450

4.7 Pak-US Relations from 1988 to 1998: Suspicions and Reliance

In 1988 Afghanistan remained as a lawless state under the control of the various militant groups. Pakistan confronted the challenge of the huge number of Afghan refugees. The US could not establish a secure and justifiable government in Afghanistan and the situation became tough for Pakistan. The American could not settle the Afghan security situation and this incomplete post Afghanistan policy in the region increased the element of anti-Americanism in Pakistan.451 There was a prevalent mindset in the populace of Pakistan that the US had considered Pakistan “as no longer ally” especially after the collapse of the USSR. After this a popular thinking of anti-Americanism has spread in the society of Pakistan.452

As a result of General Zia’s policy, the widespread violence, militancy, extremism in negatively transformed in Pakistani society. The democratic government in Pakistan could not tackle the situation of violence and militancy in Pakistan.453 The militant groups created during

447 Walter LaFeber, America, Russia and the Cold War 1945-2006 (New York City: McGraw-Hill Humanities/Social Sciences/Languages, 2008). 448 Harvey Sicherman, “The Rest of Reagan,” Orbis 44, no. 3 (2000): 477–99. 449Mark Adkin and Muhammed Yousaf, Afghanistan—The Bear Trap: Defeat of a Superpower (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: London: Casemate Publishers, 2001). 450 A.Z.Hilali. US-Pakistan Relationship, 165, 195. 451 Hassan Abbas, Pakistan’s Drift into Extremism: Allah, the Army, and America’s War on Terror (Armonk, New York: ME Sharpe, 2004). 452 Dennis Kux, Pakistan: Flawed Not Ailed State, 322 (New York City: Foreign Policy Association, 2001). 453 Thomas H. Kean and Lee Hamilton, the 9/11 Commission Report: Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States: Executive Summary (London: Replica Books, 2004).

Zia regime ultimately damaged Pakistan’s interests in the region and at the global level.454 Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto stated in her visit to US in 1991 that, the militant groups created by US during Zia regime had become a monster for Pakistan.455 The Jihadist456 mindset and the militant groups had played a vital role in the removal of Benazir Bhutto government that resulted in to the victory of Muslim League in the 1990 elections in Pakistan.

American administrations mostly linked the US aid to Pakistan with conditions and prerequisites. The US stopped the aid to Pakistan in 1989 under the policy of denying aid to the states with unconstitutional control of nuclear weapons. Schaffer stated that Pakistan knew that possession of the nuclear devices would be a violation of international laws, but even then Pakistan continued to achieve nuclear capabilities.457 On the issue of non-proliferation, the Pakistan nuclear program was a significant concern of the US. The issue of non-proliferation also affected Pak-US relations during early 1990s.458

Pakistani government provided assurances about the peaceful nuclear program of Pakistan, but the US pressure on Pakistan could not minimize the issue. Dr. AQ Khan stated that the aim of the Pakistani nuclear program was peaceful and focused on acquisition of nuclear energy for the country. Besides all assurances of peaceful nuclear programs from the Pakistani side in 1990, US Congress passed the Pressler amendment bills. The US stopped the provision of spare parts and already agreed provision of F-16 aircrafts and other military technologies to Pakistan in the pretext of the Pressler amendments.459 Pakistani public conceived anti-American sentiments on the US policy on the sale of arms to Pakistan even the prior purchases of military items were not provided to Pakistan.

Out of 71 F-16 purchase deal of Pakistan in 1989, Pakistan had already made the payment of 28 aircrafts to US. Besides Pakistan government urge for the provision of F-16 aircrafts or refund of the already paid amount, the US did not show flexibility. In 1994 Clinton

454 Padmanabha Ranganatha Chari et al., Perception, Politics and Security in South Asia: The Compound Crisis of 1990 (Abingdon, Vale of White Horse: Routledge, 2003). 455 Benazir Bhutto. Reconciliation: Islam, Democracy, and the West (New York: HarperCollins, 2008), 112. 456 Jihad is an Arabi and Quranic word that means ‘holy war’ but some of the militant groups have negatively used this concept to fight against other people for their own aims. To mobilize the people to fight against someone is referred as the jihadist mindset. 457 Devidas B. Lohaleker. U.S. Arms to Pakistan: A Study in Alliance Relationship (New Delhi: Anish Publishing House, 1991), 116-17. 458 Chari, P. R, Cheema, Pervez Iqbal and Stephen Philip Cohen. Perception, Politics, and Security in South Asia the Compound Crisis of 1990 (New York: Routledge Curzon, 2003), 19. 459 Samina Ahmed, “Pakistan’s Nuclear Weapons Program: Turning Points and Nuclear Choices,” International Security 23, no. 4 (1999): 178–204.

89 advised Congress to show some flexibility and Pakistan could stop its fissile production in response. In 1998 the US paid $464.6 million to Pakistan. The US pressure on the Pakistani nuclear program was taken negatively by the people of Pakistan and it resulted in spreading anti- Americanism in Pakistan.460

4.8 Pak-US Relations from 1998 to 2001: Prospects and Pressure

During 1990s the US had exerted political pressure on Pakistan for suspension of its nuclear program, but Pakistan had continued covertly to achieve the capability which was important for the country to counter the Indian threat. India after its first nuclear test in 1974, second time conducted its nuclear tests on May 11 and 13, 1998. After the Indian initiative to test the nuclear weapons, the US and the other Western countries, put political pressure on Pakistan for restraining response to Indian nuclear tests. Despite the heavy pressures of the world, Pakistan carried out the nuclear test on May 28, 1998.

James Woolsey, the CIA Director stated that there would be possibilities in the future for use of nuclear weapons in the subcontinents by Pakistan and India.461 Pakistan and India would create a likely chance of use of nuclear weapons in the region if the arm race between both the countries continued.462 The US did not exert much pressure on India who conducted the nuclear tests prior to Pakistan and Pakistan got the justified excuse to respond to the Indian aggression. The US biased policy towards Pakistan, compelled the public to possess the anti-American sentiments in Pakistan.

The US mostly used the aid as the tool to stop Pakistani nuclear program which was Pakistan’s requirement to safeguard its national security.463 The US maintained its policy that Pakistan and India would resolve their issue by mutual dialogues and non military confidence building measures (CBMs).464 During the Kargil issue465 between Pakistan and India, the US had clearly opposed Pakistani stand and Clinton had asked Pakistan to immediately withdraw its

460 M. H. Masud et al., “Pakistan: On the Way to Be Failed State,” Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (2013): 63– 70. 461 Najam Rafique, “Rethinking Pakistan–US Relations,” Strategic Studies, 2012. 462 Ruth Richert, “Friend or Foe? Deconstructing the US-Pakistan Alliance” (University of Calgary, 2012). 463 Syed Abdul Siraj and Jyotika Ramaprasad, “Pak-US Relations before 9/11,” n.d. 464 Chari, Cheema, and Cohen. Perception, Politics and Security in South Asia, 87. 465 Kargil issue is known for the limited war between India and Pakistan. Kargil is a place in northern areas of Pakistan, in 1999 Pakistani military and freedom fighters occupied the ridges and Indian retaliated to take those hights back from Pakistan

90 troops otherwise United States would support India instead Pakistan.466 After the military coup in Pakistan on October 12, 1999, the US further to the restriction imposed after the nuclear tests, imposed more sanction on Pakistan.467

The US policy to use the aid for Pakistan as the tool in regard to the non-proliferation issue had failed when Pakistan carried out its nuclear trials on May 28, 1998. Pakistan had also refused signing the CTBT. The United States also revisited its policy after the end of democratic regime on October 12, 1999. During President Clinton short visit to Pakistan after the detailed visit to India, he stated that his visit would not approve the political situation of Pakistan. The US exerted pressure on Musharraf to conduct elections to restore the democracy in Pakistan. Before the 9/11 event Pakistan was under the US sanctions and the nature of Pak-US relations were weak at that time.468

4.9 Forced Coalition in WOT: Expectation and Contribution

Initially, US has criticized the military coup in Pakistan on October 12, 1999 later on the same was appreciated by President Bush, who stated that Musharraf’s regime would bring stability in the region. Even the US administration endorsed the military coup in Pakistan, but yet the relationships were towards the negative side. Before the event of the 9/11, Pak-US relations were tensed mostly on two issues, firstly the nuclear program and secondly, the economic sanctions imposed by US on Pakistan. After the event of 9/11, the US revisited its policy towards Pakistan. On September 22, 2001 President Bush approved the new package for Pakistan in which all sanctions imposed on Pakistan were removed.469 United States, besides her claim of being the best democracy of the world her support for the dictator regimes in Pakistan and many other countries in the Middle East, Africa and other regions are widely criticized.470

Kinne critically viewed that the US provided more support to dictator regimes of Pakistan than that of during the democratic regimes. During Musharraf regime, especially after 9/11,

466 Taylor Branch, “The Clinton Tapes: Conversations with a President, 1993-2001,” 2009. 467 Stephen M. Walt, “Beyond Bin Laden: Reshaping US Foreign Policy,” 2006. 468 Douglas Kellner, From 9/11 to Terror War: The Dangers of the Bush Legacy (Lanhan Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003). 469 Dianne E. Rennack, “India and Pakistan: Current US Economic Sanctions” (Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 2001). 470 Syed F. Ali Shah, “The Importance of Enduring Partnership Between the US and Pakistan in Combating Terrorism” (DTIC Document, 2008).

Pakistan got the maximum support from the US.471 The United States supported dictator regime of Musharraf, with the thinking that, Nawaz Sharif government was weak and the strong government of Musharraf in Pakistan was in the interest of United States at that time.472

The UN passed the resolution number 1363, on July 30, 2001, in light of the UN decision, Pakistan allowed UN observers to monitor Pak-Afghan border to observe the transportations of the weapons from Pakistan to Afghanistan and vice versa. After 9/11, Pakistan initially played a vital role in dialogues between Afghan Taliban and NATO officials. But when Taliban refused to hand over OBL to the US on Pakistani request, then Pakistani government officially decided to disconnect from Afghan government of that time. On the US demand, Pakistan opted to join the international coalition led by US to fight the WOT in the region.473

Pakistan also accepted the demands of the US and agreed to support coalition forces, in term of intelligence sharing, logistic support and other assistance to the NATO forces. Katzman stated that one of the concerns of Pakistan for the US support was to deny the Indian coalition with the NATO and US. Partnership of India with the US was against the interest of Pakistan.474 Musharraf decision to opt for US partnership was made in haste and lacked a political consensus of Pakistani politics. Although later on mostly the decision was granted as the right move of Musharraf, but it affected the foreign policy of Pakistan badly. The Musharraf hasty decision to extend the support to the US was considered to get the US support that was needed after the lifting of sanctions on Pakistan.475

There were serious allegations on Pakistan that Pakistan had provided the nuclear technology to some other states. There were some underground deals for the proliferation of Pakistan nuclear technology, but such secret deals did not have evidence to prove it as true. However, under the US pressure, Dr AQ Khan was initially removed from the appointment and later on February 4, 2004, he was compelled to give the statement and he was put under house arrest. This act of the impeachment against the well respected scientist of Pakistan was openly

471 Robert Jervis, American Foreign Policy in a New Era (Routledge, 2013). 472 Brandon J. Kinne, “Decision Making in Autocratic Regimes: A Poliheuristic Perspective,” International Studies Perspectives 6, no. 1 (2005): 114–28. 473 J. Newman Giger and R. Davidhizar, “Culturally Competent Care: Emphasis on Understanding the People of Afghanistan, Afghanistan Americans, and Islamic Culture and Religion,” International Nursing Review 49, no. 2 (2002): 79–86. 474 Kenneth Katzman, “Afghanistan: Current Issues and US Policy” (DTIC Document, 2003). 475 Robert G. Wirsing, “Precarious Partnership: Pakistan’s Response to US Security Policies,” Asian Affairs: An American Review 30, no. 2 (2003): 70–78.

92 condemned and criticized by the all segments of society including politicians, civil society, scholars and the media.476

General Musharraf was not fully satisfying the US administration and in 2008, Musharraf grip on politics of Pakistan was weakening. There were allegations from US on Musharraf regime that Pakistan government was still providing shelter to the terrorists in the country.477 Musharraf was compelled by political forces of Pakistan to step down from the office of the Presidency under the threat of potential impeachment. Despite being the close ally, US did not support Musharraf and after the General Elections of 2008, President Asif Ali Zardari took over as the President of Pakistan. The US warmly welcomed the new elected government in Pakistan and declared it as the ‘democratic transition in Pakistan’.478

Pak-US relations during respective regimes of Musharraf and Bush remained in the mixed mode of the cooperation, suspicions and expectations but even then during the Musharraf regime, Pakistan enjoyed the best ever relations with the US.479 Obama administration initially was very confident with Pakistani contributions in war on terror, and the US president repeatedly recognized it in his statements but afterward, there was a trust deficit between both the states especially the mutual cooperation of CIA and ISI was full of doubts. United States repeatedly blamed that Pakistan was providing safe shelters to the selected terrorists groups.480

The Pak-US relations in the WOT are believed as the strategic partnership but Pakistan have confronted with more losses and fewer gains in the entire episode of the war. The US released $ 5 billion in year 2010, ever highest aid at one time in Pakistan. This package was the part of the overall agreed deal of $ 2 billion per year as the coalition support fund for Pakistan during the war on terror. Pakistan has sacrificed thousands of lives of the people and over $ 107 billion loss to its economy. Apparently it seems that US provided significant financial support to Pakistan, but the overall losses of Pakistan are much more as compared to what Pakistan got from the US.481

476 Gordon Corera, Shopping for Bombs: Nuclear Proliferation, Global Insecurity, and the Rise and Fall of the A.Q. Khan Network, 1 edition (Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 2006). 477 Ayesha Siddiqa, “Jihadism in Pakistan: The Expanding Frontier,” Journal of International Affairs 63, no. 1 (2009): 57–71. 478 Mark Mazzetti and David Rohde, “Amid US Policy Disputes, Qaeda Grows in Pakistan,” New York Times 30 (2008). 479 Kenneth Katzman, “Afghanistan: Post-War Governance, Security, and US Policy” (DTIC Document, 2004). 480 Nasreen Akhtar, “Pakistan and US Partnership: Cost or Benefit?,” International Journal on World Peace, 2011, 7–31. 481 Nishant Atal, “More Harm Than Good?,” US News & World Report, November 25, 2015.

Besides the joint efforts to defeat the terrorists in year 2011, Pak-US relations reached to the ever lowest due to many events, including, US drone attacks in the territory of Pakistan, Raymond Davis case, the Abbottabad Operation, Salala check post Attack, stoppage of the supply route of NATO by Pakistan for ground logistics from Pakistan to Afghanistan. The events of the year of 2011 left deep rooted effects on Pak-US relations.482 The US objectives were not fully accomplished and Pakistan’s expectations were also not met as desired. The phase of the WOT is considered as the strategic cooperation of Pakistan with the US but the history of Pak- US relations is overall full of expectations, suspects and contributions from both the sides.483

Although there was throughout trust deficit between ISI and CIA when Pak-US were fighting a global war against terrorism in the region but in the case of Raymond Davis and the Abbottabad Operation, the mutual trust level was the worst in the history of the war on terror. The Pakistani intelligence agency (ISI) played a key role to capture many of the Al-Qaeda leaders. CIA played a smart game by deceiving ISI in Raymond Davis and the Abbottabad incidents. At the same times, the CIA also expressed her dissatisfaction over the performance of ISI in the WOT. The Pakistan Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gillani accepted that the trust deficit between both the intelligence agencies was significant in the critical period of WOT.484 Bob Woodward identified that ISI and CIA while working on a joint mechanism in Pakistan and Afghanistan had reservations about each others during the war on terror; both the agencies, many times, blamed each other. There was also a division in thinking of civil and military leadership of the Obama administration about the War on Terror in Afghanistan.485

Pak-US partnership was the significant factor to fight the war on terror in Afghanistan. In 2014, US started reducing the strength of combat force in Afghanistan but the situation in Afghanistan could not become as peaceful as it was desired by the regional countries. The US involved in the strategic dialogue initiative with Afghan Taliban and other stakeholders in Afghanistan. Pakistan a key ally to the coalition states is playing its role to achieve the viable solution to the prevailing security situation in Afghanistan.486

482 Steve Clemons, “Pakistan-U.S. Relations: The Worst in Co-Dependency,” The Atlantic, July 11, 2011. 483 Shehzad H. Qazi, “US-Pakistan Relations: Common and Clashing Interests,” World Affairs 175, no. 1 (2012): 71–79. 484 Huma Yusuf, “Conspiracy Fever: The US, Pakistan and Its Media,” Survival 53, no. 4 (2011): 95–118. 485 Bob Woodward, Obama’s Wars (New York City: Simon and Schuster, 2011). 486 Rajendra M. Abhyankar, “Afghanistan after the 2014 US Drawdown,” Asian Survey 55, no. 2 (2015): 371–97.

4.10 Pak-US Relations Post 2014 and Way Forward

Pakistan is struggling to rehabilitate its economy after the heavy losses during the war on terror. Pakistan is engaged in regional cooperation to boost its economy and Pakistan has contributed a lot in the war on terror and confronted thousands of life casualties and billions of financial losses to its economy.487 Pakistan and United States are looking forward to bring stability in Afghanistan that is important for the region and especially for the peace in Pakistan. The US and NATO forces have reduced the combat strength in Afghanistan as part of their drawdown policy. Pakistan and United States have started the process of strategic dialogues with the domestic and regional stakeholders to bring stability in Afghanistan. Pakistan is yet playing its vital role in the talks of Afghan government, the US and Afghanistan Taliban.488

In the post war on terror scenario, the reconstruction of Afghanistan would be very crucial for the regional stability, security and peace of the region. The poor law and order situation of Afghanistan would adversely affect the regional politics in the future.489 The US policy of the new ‘Silk Road’ and its other strategic national interests in the region are major determinants of the global politics. This emerging political situation of the region provides the justification for Pakistan to frame its viable foreign policy in the future. Pakistan has started consolidating its relations with Russia and other regional countries, but Pak-US relations would still remain the prime focus of Pakistan policy.490

Pakistan, besides its commitment to United States would like to avail the opportunity to have good relations with other states to pursue its foreign policy goals. Pakistan is confronted with the energy crisis and to address this challenge Pakistan would like to have the economic connectivity with regional countries. The future of Pak-US relations would be determined on the basis of the national interests of both the states; Pakistan would like to acquire its energy needs from the US and various other regional countries and the US would follow its strategic national interests in the region. The United States has shown its concerns over the China, Pakistan

487 Lauren Carasik, “Americans Have Yet to Grasp the Horrific Magnitude of the ‘War on Terror,’” 2015. 488 Zachary Laub, “The Taliban in Afghanistan,” Council on Foreign Relations, 2014. 489 William Maley and Susanne Schmeidl, Reconstructing Afghanistan (Abingdon: Taylor & Francis, 2014). 490 Kenneth Katzman, “Afghanistan: Post-Taliban Governance, Security, and US Policy” (DTIC Document, 2010).

Economic Corridor (CPEC) and Iran, Pakistan Gas pipeline projects, but these projects are in the interests of Pakistan and the US acknowledged the energy requirements of Pakistan.491

Pakistan’s foreign policy on the Afghanistan situation mostly remained affected from the contemporary global politics and the interests of the superpower in the region. As the Pakistani government, initially faced stiff criticism on policy shift called “U Turn Policy “on Taliban after 9/11, again Pakistan is involved in the dialogue process led by the US, with the Afghan Taliban. The contemporary challenges of the regional security environment necessitate concrete steps to create secure and stable environment in the region and Pakistan can play a key role in this regard. The Pak-US relations in the context of the post 2014 scenario are important to tackle the fears and emerging challenges in the region as an outcome of the Afghan situation.492

As a nutshell, Pakistan had passed through various levels of relationships with the US. The regional issues had remained the independent variable in determining the nature of the relations between both the states. Within regional policies, US involvement had always been the main determinant of the policy decisions of Pakistan. Since the start, Pakistan had been expecting lot from the US and that demand might not have been justified in all the cases. The US had partially accepted Pakistani demands subjected to the conditions suitable for United States. In light of Pak-US relations, the important phases of the bilateral engagement are explained by the following graph:-

491 Muhammad Saqib Irshad, “One Belt and One Road: Dose China-Pakistan Economic Corridor Benefit for Pakistan’s Economy?,” Journal of Economics and Sustainable Development 6, no. 24 (2015). 492 Razia Sultana, “Major Threats to Pakistan in the Wake of US Withdrawal from Afghanistan: The Case of FATA and KP,” FWU Journal of Social Sciences 1 (2015).

Graph 4.1 Phases of Pak-US Engagement

The Choice of Relationship(right or wrong)

Phase of Regional Alliances(other’s interests)

Disappointment and Testing(US Betrayal)

Capability and Sustainance(Pressure and Hindrances)

Common Interests(Planting seeds of Terrorism)

Suspicions and Reliance(Forced Coalition of WOT)

Alternative Options (Hunt for the Opportunity)

4.11 Conclusion

Besides many ups and downs in the nature of Pak-US diplomatic ties have remained active in mutual cooperation of the regional matters. The United States have the global and regional interests and strategic relations of Pakistan to the United States are very important for the regional stability and peace. Without compromising on its own security objectives, Pakistan’s cooperation with the US would be in the interests of the US, Pakistan and the region. In future, Pakistan is likely to continue its diplomatic efforts for cordial relations with the US and its relations with the regional countries, like China, Russia and Iran would also be very important for the economic activities in the region. The immediate challenge for Pakistan and the United States are to tackle Afghan security situation that may affect the entire region if not resolved in near future.

CHAPTER 5 CAUSES AND IMPACT OF ANTI-AMERICANISM ON PAK-US RELATIONS Anti-Americanism is a worldwide phenomenon and the manifestation of feelings against United States. It has grossly affected the intellectual discourse and it is widely existed public opinion in the world of politics. The global, regional and Pakistan centric causes of anti- Americanism also have the bearings on the global politics and the phenomenon has impacted Pak-US relations since the beginning. In the subsequent parts of the chapter, there is a detailed coverage of the causes of anti-Americanism and its impact on Pak-US relations. Anti-American would be better comprehend if it is analyzed at various levels to see the impact of the phenomenon. Each level has some direct or indirect casual relationship with each other. Following diagram explains the four dimensions of the discourse dimensions as explained in a diagram below:-

Graph 5.1 Four Dimensions of the anti-Americanism

Global Context

Specific to Anti- Regional Pakistani Context Context Americanism

In the Cotext of Islamic World

5.1 Global Context

The use of military power by the US, in the World Wars, Cold Wars, Iraq and Afghanistan is alarming for the regional states. The use of hard core military power was the display of an aggression which was is a serious concern for the world. This concern creates anti- Americanism across the globe including Pakistan. Unmatchable military power of US is taken as the threat to many other states of the world. Roy argued that the hardcore military of US had the most superior weapons of the world; resultantly US has the capacity to undermine the security of many states.493

The US defense budget alone is equal to total defence budgets of China, Russia, Saudi Arabia, France, UK, Germany, Japan, India and South Korea. The US spent $ 1.7 trillion as the defence budget of the year 2013 including discretionary powers of the President.494 The supreme military power tends to take political decisions in the contemporary world with the help of its military strength. The US hardcore military power has the deeper implications in the policy making mechanism of the states.495 Many new states have emerged on the world map and some states have been Balkanized since World War II. The US and Russia have been considered responsible for the disintegrations and Balkanizations of the states since the start of Cold War era.496

After the Gulf and Afghan wars many smaller and weaker states felt security threat to their sovereignty. This security threat from the supreme power transformed the anti-American sentiments at the global level.497 Exploitations of the resources of the weaker states by US are the source of spreading anti-Americanism in many parts of the world. Predominantly the weaker states act like peripheries for US and it exploits the resources of these states. The military operations conducted by the US in Afghanistan and Middle east were conducted in hunt of the resources of oil and carbon.498

493 Arundhati Roy, Public Power in the Age of Empire (New York City: Seven Stories Press, 2011). 494 George W. Bush, “The National Security Strategy of the United States of America” (DTIC Document, 2002). 495 Lisa Blaydes and Drew A. Linzer, “Elite Competition, Religiosity, and Anti-Americanism in the Islamic World,” American Political Science Review 106, no. 02 (2012): 225–43. 496 Thomas E. Ricks, The Generals: American Military Command from World War II to Today (City of West Minister, London: Penguin, 2012). 497 Jeffrey W. Taliaferro, “Security Seeking under Anarchy: Defensive Realism Revisited,” 2006. 498 Flynt Leverett and Jeffrey Bader, “Managing China-US Energy Competition in the Middle East,” The Washington Quarterly 29, no. 1 (2005): 187–201.

During Kennedy era, it was declared that the international trade would be in US currency dollar and dollar became the global currency. The US currency dominated the currencies of other countries. The phenomenon of the uniform currency emerged as the economic symbol of the hegemony of US. The supremacy of the currency created jealousy against US among other states. Many countries believe that the strong US currency has been affecting their economy.499

United States have the history of bloody wars since WW1 and during the last 100 years the US fought more wars than any state else in the world.500 The US nuclear strikes on Nagasaki and Hiroshima are the acts that created highest grievances in the world. The element of hatred still exists globally against the US for its war hysteria that compels the people to think negative about her501 The use of military force and the lethal weapons including ‘Dizzy Cutter’ bombs in recent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan are condemned worldwide. The people developed anti- American sentiments over the US cruel killings of humanity in wars.502

It is assumed that the 21st century belongs to Asia, and China would be a new economic superpower of the world. The US shows the fears over the pro China policy of several nations including Pakistan.503 The US criticism over the pro China policies of the states results in anti- American feelings among the populace in regional countries.504 Another reason of anti-American feeling is the gap between the thinking of the people of the states and the governments.505 There are certain countries including Saudi Arabia, Japan and Pakistan where the governments are mostly pro-Americans but the general public is anti-Americans. The US policy to contain China seems aggressive by seeing the US military asset deployment in Asia Pacific near the South China Sea. People fear that this aggressive military posture may result into another World War in

499 Patrick McGuire and Goetz Von Peter, “The US Dollar Shortage in Global Banking and the International Policy Response,” 2009. 500 John F. Kragh Jr et al., “US Military Experience From 2001 to 2010 With Extremity Fasciotomy in War Surgery,” Military Medicine 181, no. 5 (2016): 463–68. 501 Olav Stokke, Aid and Political Conditionality (Abingdon, Vale of White Horse: Routledge, 2013). 502 Elizabeth Scannell-Desch and Mary Ellen Doherty, “Experiences of US Military Nurses in the Iraq and Afghanistan Wars, 2003–2009,” Journal of Nursing Scholarship 42, no. 1 (2010): 3–12. 503 Yang Zixiao and David Zweig, “Does Anti-Americanism Correlate to pro-China Sentiments?,” The Chinese Journal of International Politics 2, no. 4 (2009): 457–86. 504 Fareed Zakaria, Melinda Liu, Christian Caryl, Karen L. Miller, Rukhmini Punoose, and John Barry. "Does the future belong to China." Newsweek145, no. 19 (2005): 25-40. 505 Mao Lin, “Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy: From Nixon to GW Bush. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2005. Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 4 (2011): 246–48.

100 the future.506 China Containment Policy of the US affects the interests of the certain states of the region and people criticize US policy when it affects their interests.507

The presence of US navel fleets in Asia Pacific near the South China Sea is considered as a grave threat for the regional states. Any political move by the US against China would likely enhance the feelings of anti-Americanism in the region including Pakistan.508

The US became the sole superpower after the disintegration of the USSR. Now Russia is consolidating its military strength and resurging under the leadership of Putin. The confrontation between Russia and the US is also creating security threats to the peaceful environment of the region. Pakistan is in the process of establishing a cordial relationship with Russia and it would be against the political interests of the United States, if Russia gets more influence in the region.509

The US influence in Asia Pacific started during the cold war era and at present the US has the significant military power present in Asia Pacific. Barak Obama stated in one of his speeches in 2012 that till 2020 over 60 % naval assets would be deployed in Asia Pacific.510 The US heavy presence in Asia Pacific clearly indicates the US hegemony over the world especially in Asia Pacific. The states and the people are developing the element of anti-Americanism in the region.511 The transpacific interests of the US are becoming a serious concern for the regional states. The emerging political phenomenon in the Asia Pacific region may bring a new integration and disintegration of the regional states.512

The US declared some states like North Korea, Iran and Iraq as the axis of evil in the world and Israel is mostly excluded from such a negative construct. The focussed US policy to protect the Israeli aggressive designs is condemned in many literatures of the international

506 Henry Kissinger, “China: Containment Won’t Work,” Washington Post 13 (2005). 507 Kimberly Field and Stephan Pikner, “The Role of US Land Forces in the Asia-Pacific,” accessed April 25, 2015. 508 Robert Litwak, Rogue States and US Foreign Policy: Containment after the Cold War (Washington DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2000). 509 Joy Mitra, “Russia, China and Pakistan: An Emerging New Axis?,” The Diplomat (2015). 510 Mark E. Manyin et al., “Pivot to the Pacific? The Obama Administration’s Rebalancing Toward Asia” (DTIC Document, 2012). 511 Mark E. Manyin et al., “Pivot to the Pacific? 512 Sheng Bin, “American New Strategy of Asia-Pacific Regional Integration and China’s Policy: An Insight of Development of Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership [J],” Nankai Journal (Philosophy, Literature and Social Science Edition) 4 (2010): 014.

101 relations.513 The US justifications to attack the states which possess the weapons of mass destruction have no check and balance to verify that which state actually has the weapons. In the case of Iraq the US went to the war even against the opinion of the majority of the people.514

The US policy on weapons of mass destructions (WMDs) is an aggressive and one-sided approach. Besides domestic pressure of not allowing the US to go to Iraq war. The most of the states are compelled to draft their policies as per the political designs of the superpower.515 The US has the right to claim and attack on states with the pretext of possession of the WMDs with those states, but no other country has the right to claim that the US possesses the lethal weapons. This aggressive US approach indicates the double standard in its foreign policy. The US policy of WMDs was to punish various Muslim states and it created worldwide hatred against US, especially in the Muslim world including Pakistan.516

The US claim to fight against the terrorism in Iraq during the first Gulf War of 1990s, was beyond the necessity of defeating Sadam Husain and its terrorism. If the US had accepted the world opinion of avoiding Iraq war, the image of the US had not become so negative in the eyes of the world.517 The US took aggressive and strong military steps against Iraq, Afghanistan and other Muslim countries in the pretext of combating terrorism; whereas; the Israeli and Indian state terrorism against the innocent Muslims have been ignored by the US. The biased and double standard stance of the US has increased the element of hatred in many Muslim countries including Pakistan.518

The cold war era was considered as the period of confrontation between Communism and Capitalism; the defeat of the USSR was granted as the defeat of Communism. The US is considered responsible to make the world economy favourable for the Western countries. This feeling prevails in the developing and underdeveloped countries.519 In the contemporary unipolar

513 John R. Bolton, Beyond the Axis of Evil: Additional Threats from Weapons of Mass Destruction (Washington DC: Heritage Foundation, 2002). 514 Joseph Cirincione et al., “WMD in Iraq: Evidence and Implications,” Biosecurity and Bioterrorism: Biodefense Strategy, Practice, and Science 2, no. 1 (2004): 51–55. 515 John Ikenberry, “Illusions of Empire-Defining the New American Order,” Foreign Aff. 83 (2004): 144. 516 Joseph Cirincione et al., “WMD in Iraq: Evidence and Implications,” Biosecurity and Bioterrorism: Biodefense Strategy, Practice, and Science 2, no. 1 (2004): 51–55. 517 Stephen G. Brooks and William C. Wohlforth, “American Primacy in Perspective,” Foreign Affairs-New York- 81, no. 4 (2002): 20–33. 518 “Speaking out on Kashmir and Palestine in the US | Arab Resource & Organizing Center (AROC),” accessed May 9, 2015. 519 Muhammad Zakaria, “Jonathon Porritt. Capitalism as If the World Matters,” Pakistan Development Review 48, no. 3 (2009): 324–25.

102 world Capitalism mostly dominates the world market economy, but China, Russia, some Central Asian States and few European countries are still under the influence of Socialism or Communism.520 This divergence in financial matters of various states creates some sort of competition and the anti-Capitalist bloc possesses the negative view about the Capitalist world.521

The East West division has been identified more significantly since the US became the sole superpower of the world. The term East and West have its historical roots, but it was strongly used during the Cold War. The policy of “Look East or Look West” emerged as the part of popular political discourse during recent global politics. Anti-Americanism in the contemporary global politics has widened the division among the East and the West.522 In the Eastern world the phenomenon of the anti-Americanism seems more significant than in the rest of the world.523 This division has become a popular factor of anti-Americanism in the Eastern world including Pakistan.524

Another popular division of the world is poor and rich division. After the WWII, 50 % of the world resources were possessed by 40 % people of the world, BBC News reports says that the wealth of the 1 % richest persons of the world is equal to the rest of the wealth of the 99 % peoples of the world. At present, world’s 90% wealth is possessed by 10 % people of the world.525 The US is the richest state of the world having highest foreign exchange reserves and it has control over huge oil and gold reserves. Pakistan is also facing socioeconomic disparity problems in the society; a few individuals are the so rich that they are considered in top ranking of the richest persons of the world. Poorer nations who are struggling for the food energy and health needs have the anti-American feelings for the American dominance on the wealth and resources.526

520 Janos Kornai, “What the Change of System from Socialism to Capitalism Does and Does Not Mean,” The Journal of Economic Perspectives 14, no. 1 (2000): 27–42. 521 Fred Block, “Capitalism versus Socialism in World-Systems Theory,” Review (Fernand Braudel Center), 1990, 265–71. 522 Alberto Alesina, Edward L. Glaeser, and others, Fighting Poverty in the US and Europe: A World of Difference, vol. 26 (Online Liberary: JSTOR, 2004). 523 There are some states in Eastern world where governments are pro-Americans but the public possess the element of anti- Americanism, such examples include Japan, Indonesia and Turkey etc. 524 Eugenio Chahuan, “An East-West Dichotomy: Islamophobia,” Palestine-Israel Journal of Politics, Economics, and Culture 12, no. 2–3 (2005): 47. 525 Alvin Z. Rubinstein and Donald Eugene Smith, Anti-Americanism in the Third World: Implications for US Foreign Policy (Connecticut: Praeger Publishers, 1985). 526 Thomas Piketty, Capital in the Twenty-First Century (Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2014).

103

American history is quite different as compared to that of the other great powers in relation to its social and cultural values. While comparing the US culture with the Eastern culture there are huge differences and these differences become the most significant if comparison is drawn between the US and the Islamic culture. There are many contrasting cultures in the US and the Muslim world like the recent issue of the same sex marriages (Male to Male or Female to Female). Such cultural and ideological differences in the societies create the sentiments of disliking each other. Mostly in the Muslim societies an anti-Islamic culture is disliked and people of the Islamic countries develop anti-Americanism in their perceptions.527

The anti-Americanism in the various parts of the Muslim world including Pakistan exists because of the political threat of the US culture to the Muslim societies.528 The US official legitimacy of gay and lesbian sex and other such laws are taken as the defiance to Muslim societies. Pakistani public also expresses its feelings against the anti-Islam laws of the US. Anti- Americanism in the Muslim youth is increasing on such account.529 The Afro-Americans are mostly poor and there is a lot of hatred in the Black community of the US against the White Americans. The Black and White differences have prevailed in the Europe especially since WWII. People have criticized the American society for its biased approach sometimes on the basis of the racism.530

The US follows English language as the dominating mode of communication with the rest of the world. The English has become the global language and US is managing English language as one of the strongest the modes of communication with rest of the world. Due to reliance on single language there is some division in opinion of the people. The division is more significant in the US as compared to that of in the Europe and other region because most of the European and non European states have alternative languages as well but the US has no

527 Richard A. Lobban Jr, Fawaz A. Gerges, America and Political Islam: Clash of Cultures or Clash of Interests?(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). Pp. 295. (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ Press, 2002). 528 Andrew J. Perrin, “National Threat and Political Culture: Authoritarianism, Antiauthoritarianism, and the September 11 Attacks,” Political Psychology 26, no. 2 (2005): 167–94. 529 Louise Cainkar, “Post 9/11 Domestic Policies Affecting US Arabs and Muslims: A Brief Review,” Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 24, no. 1 (2005): 245–48. 530 Jennifer L. Hochschild, Facing up to the American Dream: Race, Class, and the Soul of the Nation (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1996).

104 secondary language531 to interact with the world at large. Some scholars like Pennycook believe that the situation is creating isolation for the US.532

The US is considered to have maximum access to global resources by depriving many other states. The US dominance on maximum world resources enhances anti-Americanism worldwide. This is the popular thinking in the developing and underdeveloped countries that the US has the aggressive tendency to dominate and control the resources of other states.533 After the cold war era US developed massive military power and in the Gulf Wars and Afghanistan, there was a significant display of US hardcore power. There is another popular thinking that the US is the superpower of the world and tackles most of the global political affairs through its military hard power instead using soft power of democracy and technology. With its incomparable military power, the US interferes into political matters of other states to further enhance its own political and military power.534

The US military actions during the cold war era were so devastating and its political and military shocks were felt across the globe. The cold war era created new friends and new enemies of the United Sates and anti-Americanism became the popular political discourse in the intellectual writings.535 After the disintegration of USSR, Anti-Americanism in Central Asia and Eastern Europe geared up but after the Balkanization of Yugoslavia the hatred against the US increased in most part of the European world.536

Despite the marvelous progress of US in the field of technology, some segments of the societies criticize America for the negative use of the technology. The US used hardcore military power to decide most of the global political matters, instead using its soft power of the technology. The use of cyber technology to monitor own people by recording the telephone calls

531 In US Spanish speaking population is increasing and now Spanish is becoming the second language of US.But most of the people of US are not ready to accept the second language. 532 Alastair Pennycook, The Cultural Politics of English as an International Language (Abingdon, Vale of White Horse: Routledge, 2014). 533 Denali Marsh, “Why Is the United States the World’s Most Powerful Country?,” accessed March 11, 2015. 534 W. Andrew Terrill, “Arab Threat Perceptions and the Future of the US Military Presence in the Middle East” (DTIC Document, 2015). 535 Pierangelo Isernia, “Anti-Americanism in Europe during the Cold War,” Anti-Americanisms in World Politics, 2007, 57–92. 536 Roman Szporluk, “The Fall of the Tsarist Empire and the USSR: The Russian Question and Imperial Overextension,” The End of Empire, 1997, 65–95.

105 and social media messages is immensely criticized by the people of United States. The people also dislike the use of cyber and other technologies for spying purposes against other states.537

5.2 Regional Context

Pakistan and the United States have diplomatic relations since the independence of Pakistan. The US mostly preferred her national interests during the process of its relationship with Pakistan. The US has the option to provide military and financial support to India to contain China. Pakistan has been expressing the serious concerns over the US growing relations with India.538 The US civil nuclear deal and other financial aid to India create regional instability when Pakistan does not get the equivalent aid.539 On growing ties of US with India, Pakistan has its security concerns. China also sees growing Indo-US relations with suspects, because the US policy to contain China by Indian becomes a serious concern for China. There is resentment and anti-Americanism in China and on this regard. Pakistan and China have the convergence of the interests on Indian factor used by US.540 Russia also has shown concerns over the military engagements of the US in Asia Pacific. Central Asian States have been in a complex political environment since the disintegration of USSR. The regional states especially central Asian States would seek the political balance with United States or Russia. In this complex situation, the peoples of the region tend to develop anti-American sentiments, because the dominance of the US in the region has created a security situation in the certain states.541

The Gulf region has the anti-American feelings, for US influence in the region. The people of region believe that in the pretext of wars against the terrorism, US is controlling the resources of the countries. For US Middle East policy, anti-American feelings prevail in many countries especially in the Muslim world.542 The US has imposed different embargos and

537 Kristin M. Lord, Travis Sharp, and Robert E. Kahn, America’s Cyber Future: Security and Prosperity in the Information Age (Washington DC: Center for a New American Security Washington, DC, 2011). 538 Umair Jamal Diplomat, “All Pakistan Wants Is the Same Nuclear Deal the US Gave India,” The Diplomat, accessed June 11, 2015. 539 Kulwant Rai Gupta, Indo-US Civil Nuclear Deal, vol. 1 (Daryaganj, New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers & Dist, 2007). 540 Geoffrey Kemp, The East Moves West: India, China, and Asia’s Growing Presence in the Middle East (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2012). 541 Richard WT Pomfret, The Central Asian Economies since Independence (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2006). 542 Epic Encounters, Culture, Media, and US Interests in the Middle East, 1945–2000 (Oakland, California: Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2001).

106 sanctions on Iran and in reactionary mode anti-Americanism increased in Iran and other countries of the region.543

Presence of US military in South Asia, Central Asia and Middle East is one of the core causes of the anti-Americanism in the entire region. The people after seeing the bloody consequences of wars developed the feelings of anti-Americanism and the feelings were expressed through literature and street processions across the globe. The militant organization successfully exploited the anti-American sentiment and the US presence in the region was their main slogan to mobilize the youth against US.544

It is a popular feeling in the world that Jewish lobby has the influence on US policies. The economy of US also has deep roots with Israeli Investors.545 Pakistan is among the top of the lists of countries that hate Israel and Pakistan have not accepted the Jewish state so far.546 The United States confronts the worldwide criticism for her pro-Israeli policies, especially on the issues of the Muslim countries including the issue of the Palestine.547 The Muslim countries in general and Pakistan in particular has criticized the US pro-Israel policies that had badly affected the interests of the Muslim world. The Israeli aggression against the Palestinians has been condemned largely in the Muslim world.548 Worldwide the people, overtly or covertly have criticized US pro-Israel policies especially since the end of cold war.549 The pro-Israel policies of US are considered against the national interests of the regional countries, particularly the Gulf States including Iran.550 United Nations has also criticized the US pro-Israel policies. Israel managed to infiltrate into the world economy and her political influence on US policy making increased.551 The people around the world have perceived that the US had supported an

543 M.Robert Entman, Projections of power: Framing news, public opinion, and US foreign policy. University of Chicago Press, 2004. Bartholomew H. Sparrow, “Projections of Power: Framing News, Public Opinion, and US Foreign Policy,” Perspectives on Politics 2, no. 04 (2004): 839–40. 544 Fawaz A. Gerges, America and Political Islam: Clash of Cultures or Clash of Interests? (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). 545 Edward Tivnan, The Lobby: Jewish Political Power and American Foreign Policy (Simon & Schuster, 1987). 546 P. R. Kumaraswamy, Beyond the Veil: Israel-Pakistan Relations (Brighton: Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, 2000). 547 Banu Eligür, “The ‘Arab Spring’: Implications for US–Israeli Relations,” Israel Affairs 20, no. 3 (2014): 281–301. 548 Mitchell Plitnick, “The Cold Realities of US Policy in Israel-Palestine,” accessed April 26, 2016. 549 Gilbert Achcar and Noam Chomsky, “Perilous Power: The Middle East and US Foreign Policy. Dialogues on Terror, Democracy, War, and Justice.[2nd Augmented Edition.],” 2009. 550 Marver H. Bernstein and Edward Tivnan, The Lobby: Jewish Political Power and American Foreign Policy (Online Liberary: JSTOR, 1989). 551 Noam Chomsky, Achcar Gilbert and Shalom R. Shalom. Perilous Power: The Middle East and US Foreign Policy Dialogues on Terror, Democracy, War, and Justice. Routledge, 2015.

107 illegitimate cause of the Israel by ignoring the Palestinians the core issue that was of the central concern of the Muslim world.552

The militant organizations of the region, including Hamas and Hezbollah are provoking the combined feelings of hatred against Israel and United States. These organizations got momentum when US started pro-Israel policies and non-supportive approach towards the Palestine issue.553 During the Arab Israel conflicts, US remained tilted towards Israeli side and the militant organizations adopted the hostile mode to take the revenge of the Israeli atrocities. Militant groups and non-state actors (NSAs) exploit the legitimate feelings of the people especially when there is no ‘state actor’ to address the issue.554

5.3 In the Context of Muslim World

Anti-Americanism in global and regional context has become a commonly used political discourse but this phenomenon is more pronounced in the Muslim world, because of many political reasons.555 After the World War II, United States identified two major challenges in her way to become a sole superpower of the world. Firstly the Communism was the major threat and secondly Islam was also perceived as a threat. New construct of the discourses like New World Order, Global Terrorism, Islamophobia and Great Game emerged after the end of cold war era.556

The US-Iran relations were cordial before the Islamic Revolution of 1979.557 The US had its interests with Iran who was a major exporter of oil at that time. After the Iran revolution, Saudi Arabia became the close ally of the US when Saudi Arabia opposed the Iranian Islamic Revolution. Iran and Saudi Arabia have ideological differences since the beginning and the US exploits the differences of both the states. Popular anti-American thinking prevails in Muslim world because the people believe that the US is responsible for the Iran and Saudi Arabia

552 Ussama Makdisi, “‘Anti-Americanism’ in the Arab World: An Interpretation of a Brief History,” The Journal of American History 89, no. 2 (2002): 538–57. 553 Joshua L. Gleis and Benedetta Berti, Hezbollah and Hamas: A Comparative Study (Baltimore, Maryland: JHU Press, 2012). 554 Stephen C. Pelletiere and others, Hamas and Hizbollah: The Radical Challenge to Israel in the Occupied Territories (Collingdale, Pennsylvania: DIANE Publishing, 1994). 555 Paul Ekins, A New World Order: Grassroots Movements for Global Change (Abingdon, Vale of White Horse: Routledge, 2005). 556 David W. Kennedy, “New World Order: Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow, A,” Transnat’l L. & Comtemp. Probs. 4 (1994): 329. 557 Bartholomew H. Sparrow, “Projections of Power: Framing News, Public Opinion, and US Foreign Policy,” Perspectives on Politics 2, no. 04 (2004): 839–40.

108 differences that have divided the Muslim world in interfaith confrontations of Sunni, Shia divide.558 The US policy in Iraq-Iran war criticized in literary discourses and it enhanced the anti-American feelings of the Muslims of the region. During Iraq, Iran war of 1985 the US could not play its timely and potential role to avert the war, although the US played a role, but the damage was already done in both the states due to prolonged war.559

The US managed to establish cordial relations with Saudi Arabia after the Iranian Revolution; Iran and the other Shia Islamic states developed strong element of anti-Americanism due to the US-Saudi close partnership in the region.560 Saudi embassies were attacked in Tehran and Baghdad to register the strong feelings of Shia segments of the Islamic world, against pro- American state of Saudi Arabia. The US close relations with Saudi Arabia not only increased anti-Americanism in Shia Muslim states but sectarian and political differences of Shia and Sunni segments also enhanced in many Muslim countries.561

The intentions of US were more intensely exposed by Samuel Huntington’s thesis on clash of civilization. The hypothesis was given less importance initially, but, the Gulf Wars and WOT provided the significant importance of Huntington arguments.562 After the fall of Communism, US tackled the Islamic world intelligently but severely. The construct of the discourse of terrorism was justified and the Islamic states including Iraq, Syria, Afghanistan, Iran, Egypt and Libya were dealt militarily or politically.563 Huntington’s study has provoked the already prevailing phenomenon of anti-Americanism in the Muslim world. Pakistan is an ideological Islamic state and the people are emotionally attached to the political events that impact the Islamic world.564

There are many political and military events that have boosted the anti-American feelings in the Muslim world; especially ‘clash of civilization’ has been the leading political cause. The emerging political theatre in the region would bring serious effects on the politics in

558 Ziad A. Memish et al., “Middle East Respiratory Syndrome Coronavirus in Bats, Saudi Arabia,” Emerg Infect Dis 19, no. 11 (2013). 559 Thomas Naff, “Gulf Security and the Iran-Iraq War” (DTIC Document, 1985). 560 Nirode Mohanty, Radicalism in Islam: Resurgence and Ramifications (Lanhan Maryland: University Press of America, 2012). 561 Shahram Chubin and Charles Tripp, Iran-Saudi Arabia Relations and Regional Order, 304 (Abingdon, Vale of White Horse: Routledge, 2014). 562 Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (Haryana: Penguin Books, 1997). 563 Roy P. Mottahedeh, “The Clash of Civilizations: An Islamicist’s Critique,” Harvard Middle Eastern and Islamic Review 2, no. 2 (1995): 1–26. 564 David Skidmore, “Review of‘ The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order,’ by Samuel P. Huntington,” Journal of World-Systems Research 4, no. 2 (2015): 181–88.

109 future. The contemporary political situation going on in the Middle East seems complex and transformed mode of global politics to fight against the terrorism.565 The people believe that the US policy framework does not have any consideration to protect the interests of Muslim states, rather many political interests and policies of United States are anti-Muslim interests. It is also popular perception that the United States for her global and regional political gains has created the divergences in the Islamic world.566

The oil rich region of the Middle East has the immense economic potential to further grow but the conflicts are negatively impacting its economy.567 The Muslim people across the globe possess the feelings of disliking against the US. The Muslim believes that the US is not playing its positive political role to resolve the issues of the region especially related to the Muslim world. The military option of the US would further enhance the anti-Americanism in the Muslim youth.568 The US policy of Iran and Saudi Arabia has been criticized globally, especially in literary discourses.569 The US has used Iran and Saudi Arabia to keep her options open to remain present in the region for its greater strategic national interests.570 The fluctuating political behavior of the United States especially in the Middle East, have further provoked anti- Americanism in Iran and other regional countries.571

The US policy has been different in the case of South Sudan and East Timor. The new states were accepted and the issue was resolved within short span of the time.572 In both the cases, the solution was against the interests of Muslim states of Indonesia and Sudan respectively. In case of the issues related to the interests of the Muslim states like Palestine, Kashmir and Cyprus are pending since long. The US fluctuating political response and double

565 David Skidmore, "Review of" The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order," by Samuel P.Huntington." Journal of World-Systems Research 4, no. 2 (2015): 181-188. 566 Madeleine Korbel Albright, William Woodward and Bill Clinton, The mighty and the Almighty: Reflections on America, God, and world affairs. New York: HarperCollins, 2006.

567 Kenneth M. Pollack, The Persian Puzzle: The Conflict between Iran and America (Crawfordsville: Random House Incorporated, 2005). 568 Noam Chomsky, Gilbert Achcar and Stephan R. Shalom, Perilous Power: The Middle East and US Foreign Policy Dialogues on Terror, Democracy, War, and Justice. Routledge, 2015. 569 Belgica Marisol Cucalon, “The US Department of State Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives: What Does the US Engage When They Engagereligion’?,” 2014. 570 Marc Lynch, “Anti-Americanisms in the Arab World,” Anti-Americanisms in World Politics, 2007, 196–224. 571 Kelly Kennedy, “Still Innocents Abroad: the Relationship between anti–Americanism and American Foreign Policy in the Middle East” (The University of Mississippi, 2015). 572 Brad Simpson, “Solidarity in an Age of Globalization: The Transnational Movement for East Timor and US Foreign Policy,” Peace & Change 29, no. 3–4 (2004): 453–82.

110 standards in tackling of the political matters of the world have created resentment in the Muslim world.573

Undoubtedly the terrorism is the security threat to the world. All the terrorist organizations like the Taliban, Al-Qaeda and ISIS are condemned by all segments of the society including the Muslims.574 People do ask the questions that are there no other terrorist groups or organizations in the entire world? Is not Indian and Israeli state terrorism against the Kashmiri and Palestinians respectively? There are certain organized groups in India who are killing the Indian Muslims but the construct of the discourse terrorism does not cover them.575 In Burma the Muslims were murdered but the US did not show the desired concerns. The people critically observe and develop the element of the anti-Americanism.576

The construct of the discourse ‘Islamophobia’ and ‘Political Islam’ is significantly referred in the Muslim countries, where the phenomenon of the anti-Americanism is on higher side. The people from the Muslim countries think that the West is against Islam and the discourses are used to defame the religion of Islam. Although the research has not yet established the relationship between the Islamophobia and anti-Americanism and both the discourses have different approaches towards global and regional politics, but some cause and effect relationship is visible in Islamophobia and anti-Americanism.577

5.4 Specific to Pakistani Context

The US image problem is seen in many parts of the world and it is also felt in Pakistan with significant political impact. The growing quantum of the anti-US feelings in the Muslim world has also negatively affected the Pak-US relations. There are certain particular aspects of anti-Americanism which are either exclusively related to Pakistan or have the close importance foe Pakistani political matters.578 The anti-Americanism emerged as one of the political cards of

573 Richard A. Lobban Jr, Fawaz A. Gerges, America and Political Islam: Clash of Cultures or Clash of Interests?(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). Pp. 295. (Cambridge Univ Press, 2002). 574 Edward P. Djerejian, Changing Minds, Winning Peace: A New Strategic Direction for US Public Diplomacy in the Arab & Muslim World (Online Publication: Lulu. com, 2007). 575Sufia Banu, “10 Non-Islamic Terrorist Organisations in the World,” WondersList, July 6, 2014. 576 Gerard Clarke, “Faith-Based Organizations and International Development: An Overview,” in Development, Civil Society and Faith-Based Organizations (New York City: Springer, 2008), 17–45. 577 Mohamed Nimer and Khalil Shadeed, Islamophobia and Anti-Americanism: Causes and Remedies (Beltsville, Maryland: Amana publications, 2007). 578 Janani Ramachandran, “Determinants of Anti-Americanism in Pakistan,” Undergraduate Thesis, Center for Democracy, Development, and Rule of Law. Stanford University, 2014.

111 the political parties during the general election of 2002 in Pakistan. Anti-Americanism transformed into a new dimension of political discourse in Pakistan after the start of the WOT.579 During the Musharraf regime, an alliance of religious parties known as Muthidda Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) won the elections in one of the four provinces of Pakistan. The anti-Americanism was the main political card for the victory of the religious parties in the Khyber Pakhtunkhaw province of Pakistan.580

The prevailing atmosphere of anti-Americanism in Pakistan brought much negative impact on the Pak-US relations. The trust deficit between Pakistan and US has increased, especially after Raymond Davis issue, Abbottabad operation and Salala post attack.581 The foreign policy balance of Pakistan has started shifting towards China, especially in the case of strategic regional cooperation of CPEC and the Gawadar port projects.582 V. Pant believes that the Pakistan and China regional economic connectivity would make China, rather the US, as a more reliable ally of Pakistan in future.583 The US has shown its concerns over Pakistan and China’s regional connectivity and Pakistani people have a negative image of the US in their thinking.584

Pakistan has signed the Iran-Pakistan-India (IPI) gas pipeline agreement with Iran to meet its energy requirements. The US policy shift towards India also provided justification to Pakistan to engage with different regional countries like China, Iran and Russia to seek alternative policy options in the future.585 One of the impacts of the anti-Americanism is visible in policy shift of the Pakistani government towards China and Russia. Pakistani government thinks that there are certain areas, especially in the field of energy and development, where China can play the vital role in the region especially in Pakistan. China, Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), is the strategic economic initiative of Pakistan and China for the regional connectivity and development. At the time of independence, although there were initial diplomatic engagements of Pakistan to the United States, Pakistan has remained non-aligned for a few years.

579 Aqil Shah, “Democracy on Hold in Pakistan,” Journal of Democracy 13, no. 1 (2002): 67–75. 580 James F. Petras, Rulers and Ruled in the US Empire: Bankers, Zionists, Militants, vol. 978 (Atlanta, Georgia: Clarity Press, 2007). 581 Naeem Ahmed, “Re-Defining US-Pakistan Relations,” Dialogue 7, no. 3 (2012): 212. 582 Muhammad Saqib Irshad, “One Belt and One Road: Dose China-Pakistan Economic Corridor Benefit for Pakistan’s Economy?,” Journal of Economics and Sustainable Development 6, no. 24 (2015). 583 Harsh V. Pant, “The Pakistan Thorn in China–India–US Relations,” The Washington Quarterly 35, no. 1 (2012): 83–95. 584 Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy: From Nixon to GW Bush (Boulder Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers Boulder and London, 2005). 585 Harsh V. Pant, “The Pakistan Thorn in China–India–US Relations,” The Washington Quarterly 35, no. 1 (2012): 83–95.

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Although for last one decade, there has been significant progress in educational cultural exchange programs between Pakistan and the US, but yet the quantum of mutual cooperation in this field is still at lower side. The mutual trust deficit and anti-American atmosphere in Pakistan could not create the encouraging environment for the exchange programs. The visa laws and immigration policy of US is tougher for Pakistan.586 The initial engagement of Pakistan with US instead USSR was better option but some people in Pakistan were against this option at that time and people still believe that Pakistan could have struck a balance in the relationship with USSR and the US.587 The US seems reluctant to support the regional engagements of Pakistan with China in case of China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and Iran Pakistan India (IPI) Gas pipeline.588 In contemporary regional politics Pakistan enjoys friendly relations with China and desires to establish good relations with Russia, Iran and other regional countries as well. Pakistani people criticize the US policy mode and feel that US should not create hindrances for Pakistan in its ‘Look East Policy’.589

Anti-Americanism at the public level in Pakistan mostly affected the Pak-US bilateral relations. The tense relations among the two states some time have resulted in the imposition of the US sanctions on Pakistan.590 Akhtar and Imam believe that US can easily pursue its national interests in the region without jeopardizing the interest of Pakistan and other regional states. The US provided handsome financial and military aid to Pakistan but yet the public in Pakistan possessed the anti-US feelings. This mode of US policy is the reason behind the unusual response of anti-Americanism in Pakistan.591

Besides the close relationship US considers herself as ‘master’ instead ‘friend’ to Pakistan. At the Pakistani leadership level first time, Ayub Khan identified the US intentions and he later gave a detailed account in his literary expression.592 It became the mild political culture of Pakistan leadership to criticize US policies; ZA Bhutto and Zia also expressed their feelings,

586 Komal Afzaal and Maleeha Kiyani, “Impacts of Cultural Exchange Programs on Students of Pakistan; a Case Study of GCU U-GRADS,” International Journal of Research 1, no. 7 (2014): 662–95. 587 K. Alan Kronstadt, "Pakistan-US Relations." Library of Congress Washington DC Congressional Research Service, 2009. 588 Dhrubajyoti Bhattacharjee, “China Pakistan Economic Corridor,” Available at SSRN 2608927, 2015. 589 Mukhtar H. Sahir and Arshad H. Qureshi, “Specific Concerns of Pakistan in the Context of Energy Security Issues and Geopolitics of the Region,” Energy Policy 35, no. 4 (2007): 2031–37. 590 Naeem Ahmed, “Re-Defining US-Pakistan Relations,” Dialogue 7, no. 3 (2012): 212. 591 C. Christine Fair, Clay Ramsay, and Steve Kull, “Pakistani Public Opinion on Democracy, Islamist Militancy, and Relations with the US,” Washington DC: USIP/PIPA Report, 2008. 592 MOHAMMAD AYUB KHAN. Friends Not Masters: A Political Autobiography.” The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 377, no. 1 (1968): 184–85.

113 especially on the US efforts to disengage Pakistan from its nuclear program. Undoubtedly, the US is the supreme power and Pakistan does not have the comparison with her, but in a state to state relation the national interests of both the counterpart state are important.593

The war history of the United States has the negative track record for poor post operation rehabilitation plans, starting from the World Wars, the Cold Wars, Iraq War and WOT in Afghanistan. Pakistan came under heavy financial burdens, when over 3 million refuges migrated from Afghanistan to Pakistan during the war against the Russians and later on the War on Terror. Pakistani people believe that the US could not provide the requisite support to Pakistan to rehabilitate Afghan refugees and internally displaced person (IDPs). Afghan refugees were not only a financial burden on the already poor economy of Pakistan, but many militants and criminal people also infiltrated to Pakistan in the garb of the refugees. The post wars policy of US in the region has the negative image in the minds of the people; especially people of Pakistan possessed the anti-American sentiments.594

The Pakistan nuclear program has been labelled as the ‘Islamic Bomb’ and the negative phrases like rogue state or irresponsible state has also been constructed in Pakistan in the West. People of Pakistan mostly raise the question that why the terms like Christian, Hindu or Jewish Bombs are not used in the nuclear programs of United States, India and Israel respectively. The Pakistani public retrieve negative image of US and the West for their biased views on Pakistani nuclear program. The US policy on Pakistan nuclear program has a negative impact on Pak-US relations. 595 The trust deficit in Pak-US relationship created more vulnerability for the feelings of anti-Americanism among the people of Pakistan. Nuclear progression in Pakistan has been suspicious for United States but during the phases of war against Russia and WOT, the US kept herself calm on the issue because of the strategic cooperation extended by Pakistan to United States.596

The US could not stop India to conduct its nuclear tests in 1974 and on contrary to its policy on Indian nuclear program, US pressed hard Pakistan to stop pursuing its nuclear program

593 Adnan Sarwar Khan, “Pakistan’s Foreign Policy in the Changing International Scenario,” The Muslim World 96, no. 2 (2006): 233–50. 594 Shehzad H. Qazi, “A War without Bombs: Civil Society Initiatives against Radicalisation in Pakistan,” Policy Brief 60 (2013). 595 Shehzad H. Qazi and Feroz H. Khan, Making the Bomb: Pakistan’s Nuclear Journey (Online Liberary: JSTOR, 2013). 596 Daniel S. Markey, Reorienting US Pakistan Strategy: From Af-Pak to Asia, 68 (New York City: Council on Foreign Relations, 2014).

114 which was necessary for the political balance in the region.597 The people of Pakistan developed anti-Americanism on the dichotomous response of US in case of the nuclear programs. ZA Bhutto once was cautioned by Henry Kissinger for “serious consequences” for pursuing nuclear capability.598 Initially Zia regime has also remained under the US pressure to suspend the nuclear program but Pakistan continued its struggles to achieve nuclear capability. The US had remained critical on Pakistan nuclear program and its softer corner on the Indian nuclear program was disliked by the public of Pakistan.599

In the process of Pakistan relationship with the superpower, there are certain convergences and divergences of the interests and the superpower gets the advantages over Pakistan. In case of Kerry Luger Bill during the Zardari regime in Pakistan, there were more anti-American sentiments in the public; especially the military leadership was more annoyed. The poor governance, corruption and energy crisis of Pakistan provides US more opportunities to dictate her term and conditions, even by ignoring the national interests of the state.600

During the 1965 war, Pakistan was running short of weapons and ammunitions, the US could not provide the military assistance (agreed in the treaties) to Pakistan during the crucial stage of the war. After the war, the balance of the US relations in South Asia started shifting towards India instead of Pakistan.601 The feelings of anti-Americanism spread in Pakistani society and Pakistan started its foreign policy towards China with more vigor and aspirations.602 In Indo-Pak war of 1971, the US role was again disappointing for Pakistan. The US against its assurances, stopped its 7th naval fleet when Pakistan was looking for this military aid of US. Besides many other reasons for the disintegration of Pakistan, the Pakistani people possess the significant anti-American feelings for her betrayal to Pakistan during the war of 1971.603

597 Abdul Ghafoor Bhurgri, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the Falcon of Pakistan (Karachi: Szabist, 2002). 598 Iftikhar H. Malik, “The Pakistan-US Security Relationship: Testing Bilateralism,” Asian Survey 30, no. 3 (1990): 284–99. 599 Khalid Mahmud Arif, Working with Zia: Pakistan’s Power Politics 1977-1988 (Oxford University Press, 1995). 600 Shehzad H. Qazi, “US-Pakistan Relations: Common and Clashing Interests,” World Affairs 175, no. 1 (2012): 71–79. 601 Gary Bertsch, Seema Gahlaut, and Anupam Srivastava, Engaging India: US Strategic Relations with the World’s Largest Democracy (Abingdon, Vale of White Horse: Routledge, 2013). 602 Waheguru Pal Singh Sidhu, Enhancing Indo-US Strategic Cooperation, 313 (Abingdon, Vale of White Horse: Routledge, 2013). 603 Dennis Kux, India and the United States: Estranged Democracies, 1941-1991 (Collingdale, Pennsylvania: DIANE Publishing, 1992).

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After the defeat of the USSR, the militant groups of Afghan war sponsored by US became the security threat to Pakistan.604 The US policies at the time were responsible for the subsequent spread of terrorism and extremism in Pakistan especially in the FATA region. After the war against the USSR, militant organizations, like Sipaha e Sahaba, Lashkar e Jhangvi, Tehreek e Taliban Pakistan, Jaish e Mohammad and Lashkar e Tayyaba emerged in Pakistan. The dangerous tide of terrorism badly impacted the society of Pakistan and there had been significant criticism on US for creating a culture of terrorism and extremism in Pakistani society.605 The terrorists, who became the enemy of US in WOT, were mostly those who were the heroes of United States in Afghan war against Russians.606

After the successful war, neither United States nor Pakistani government planned any strategy or settlement plan for militants who spread in various parts of the country and started the extremism. Saudi Arabia continued to support the certain militant groups (Jihadist) and religious institutions (madaras) to promote hatred against Shia sect. The menace of terrorism started after the Russian defeat in Afghanistan, and that still prevails in the society of Pakistan. The public has the strong anti-American sentiments because of the emergence of terrorism in Pakistan as a result of the US war against the Russians.607 The people of Pakistan criticize the post Afghan war policies of US for Pakistan.608

The US mostly changed its political stand towards Pakistan when it felt that Pakistan was no more important for its national interest. Same happened to Pakistan when Afghan war against the Russians was over. Pressler amendments and other US policies which proved financially harsh in Pakistan were introduced by US and those were condemned by the people of Pakistan.609 After the Afghan war, US once again started exerting pressure on Pakistan Nuclear program.610 The public in Pakistan had the anti-American sentiments for its harsh stand on the

604 Rizwan Hussain and others, Pakistan and the Emergence of Islamic Militancy in Afghanistan (Farnham,Surrey: Ashgate Publishing Ltd, 2005). 605 Jessica Stern, “Pakistan’s Jihad Culture,” Foreign Affairs-New York- 79, no. 6 (2000): 115–26. 606 C. Christine Fair, “Militant Recruitment in Pakistan: A New Look at the Militancy-Madrasah Connection,” Asia Policy 4, no. 1 (2007): 107–34. 607 M. Chris Mason, “No Sign until the Burst of Fire,” International Security 32, no. 4 (2008): 41–77. 608 “Conspiracy Theories about the Death of Zia-Ul-Haq | Project Gutenberg Self-Publishing - eBooks | Read eBooks Online,” accessed November 14, 2015. 609 Dianne E. Rennack, “India and Pakistan: US Economic Sanctions” (Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 2003). 610 Marvin G. Weinbaum, Pakistan and Afghanistan: Resistance and Reconstruction (Boulder Colorado: Westview Pr, 1994).

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Pakistan nuclear program.611 Initially the US stand on Pakistan and India nuclear programs was linked to the concern of security of South Asia. Later on the Pakistan’s nuclear program was the main focus of US to deny the access of nuclear weapons to the non-state actors (NSAs) and irresponsible states.612

After 9/11 event, Pakistan’s decision to act as the key partner of the coalition forces to fight against the terrorism was criticized by the public and it was considered as the “U Turn” policy of Pakistan.613 There was a heavy criticism on the US to use Pakistan once again for its own national interest in the region. During the WOT, Pakistan contributed massively, but the US gave less recognition of the sacrifices made by Pakistan. The US kept on demanding “do more” from Pakistan. This behavior of US during WOT hurt the feelings of the people of Pakistan. It was a strange and new dimension of anti-Americanism in Pakistan that Pakistan was the key partner of US in WOT but a high level of criticism against US existed in Pakistan. 614

Pakistan started its nuclear program covertly in the Bhutto regime and Pakistan successfully followed it onward. It became strong during Musharraf regime and onward.615 There were strong allegations on Pakistan regarding nuclear proliferation. President Musharraf tackled the situation at Pakistan level when Dr. AQ Khan was compelled to appear in the public media for the confession and he did so.616 There were significant feelings of anti-Americanism in Pakistan over the issue of Dr AQ Khan who was considered the hero of the Pakistani nation.617

Pakistan’s role in WOT and its efforts to defeat the menace of terrorism was acknowledged globally, but the people of Pakistan think that the US failed to give due recognition to Pakistan. It was the prevailing feeling inside the US as well that the drone attacks strategy was backfiring and the US efforts would strongly be criticized in the world.618 The US

611 Hasan-Askari Rizvi, “Pakistan in 1998: The Polity under Pressure,” Asian Survey 39, no. 1 (1999): 177–84. 612 Terry C. Wallace, “The May 1998 India and Pakistan Nuclear Tests,” Seismological Research Letters 69, no. 5 (1998): 386– 93. 613 Gilles Dorronsoro, Pakistan and the Taliban: State Policy, Religious Networks and Political Connections (Kings Cross, London: New York: Zed Books, 2002). 614 Dr Hidayat Khan, “Pakistan’s Contribution to Global War on Terror After 9/11,” IPRI Journal 13, no. 01 (2013): 37–56. 615 Jonathan HC Kelman, “Sourcing the Mail Order Bomb: The Evolution of the AQ Khan Network and Its Implications,” Comparative Strategy 34, no. 1 (2015): 44–63. 616 Gordon Corera, Shopping for Bombs: Nuclear Proliferation, Global Insecurity, and the Rise and Fall of the AQ Khan Network: Nuclear Proliferation, Global Insecurity, and the Rise and Fall of the AQ Khan Network (Oxford University Press, 2006). 617 Robert S. Norris and Hans Kristensen, “Pakistani Nuclear Forces, 2009,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 65, no. 5 (2009): 82–89. 618 Doyle McManus, “US Drone Attacks in Pakistan Backfiring, Congress Told,” Los Angeles Times 3 (2009).

117 drone attacks on the Pakistani territory were openly condemned by all segments of Pakistani society. The drone attacks were considered as the most unwanted act of US against Pakistan. The people of Pakistan developed the most significant level of anti-Americanism because people considered drone attacks as the violation of Pakistani sovereignty. The UN also declared the drone attacks in Pakistan as the violation of international laws.619

Pakistan repeatedly asked the US for the provision of drone technology to Pakistan instead using herself against the terrorists in Pakistani territory. Although the US remained successful to kill many terrorists in Pakistan with the help of its drone strategy, but the policy resulted into heavy criticism of the people against the US. The aim of killing of terrorists could have been more result oriented if the US had given the technology to Pakistani forces. Pakistani military and political leadership wanted the technology, but the US declined to transfer the technology. Pakistan people possessed the element of hatred against US for taking the law into their own hands instead empowering Pakistan to tackle the terrorists hidden in the FATA region of Pakistan.620 There were certain actions of US, especially since the start of WOT, which emerged as the major cause of generating anti-Americanism in Pakistan.621 The most criticized acts of the US in Pakistan were the drone attacks in Pakistani territory during WOT. The drone attacks were the leading cause anti-Americanism in the region and became the power tool of the militant groups to motivate the local youth against the US.622

During the phase of WOT, the Indian influence inside Afghanistan increased. This influence provided her the opportunity to do anti-Pakistan activities in Baluchistan, Karachi and FATA. Indian intelligence agency RAW officials admitted that India was involved in such activities against Pakistan. The US did not take care of the Pakistani national interest in this regard and facilitated Indian role in Afghanistan. The Pakistani people have the anti-American feelings for providing Indian an opportunity to act against the interest of Pakistan.623

The US and NATO forces while operating in Afghanistan sometimes violated the international border laws and attacked Pakistani border posts inside Pakistani territory. Most

619 Owen Bowcott, “Drone Strikes Threaten 50 Years of International Law, Says UN Rapporteur,” The Guardian 21 (2012): 12. 620 Lovisa Örming, “Drone Strikes and the Spread of Al-Qaeda: Process Tracing from Pakistan to Yemen,” 2014. 621 Jamshed Khan, "Combating Militancy: A Case of Pakistan Military Operations." 622 Muhammad Rafique, "US image in Pakistani print media: A case study of pre and post Abbottabad operation. “ NDU Journal (2013): 197-214. 623 Qandeel Siddique, Pakistan's future policy towards Afghanistan: A look at strategic depth, militant movements and the role of India and the US. No. 2011: 08. DIIS Reports/Danish Institute for International Studies, 2011.

118 such actions were apologized by the US or NATO officials, considering that such actions happened due to lack of mutual coordination in the border area. But the NATO attack of November 26, 2011, on Salala post was the most unjustified act, in which 24 Pakistani soldiers including Major Akbar were killed. The Pakistani society unanimously condemned the US led NATO military action on Pakistani troops. There was a strong reaction by the military and political leadership of Pakistan who publicly and diplomatically condemned US action. The US attack on Salala post badly affected the Pak-US relations and anti-Americanism increased significantly in Pakistan.624

Raymond Davis killed two persons in Lahore on January 27, 2011 and the issue became more significant and negative event in the history of Pak-US relations. The issue was conceived seriously by the public and this event turned the minds of the Pakistani populace against US.625 The Pakistani media and political analysts overtly criticized the role of CIA in Pakistan, especially after the start of the WOT. There had been some stories of the media about the presence of the unauthorized CIA officials in Pakistan. There were a few incidents when local police at Islamabad, Lahore and Peshawar checked the vehicles having suspicious number plates driven by US citizens and later on with the diplomatic and official involvement of the US Embassy those were released. Such secret activities of US in Pakistan created the negative image of US in Pakistani public.626 The element of trust deficit was there between CIA and ISI during the joint mechanism of intelligence sharing for the WOT. The US covert spy activities in the region without taking ISI into confidence enhanced the gulf between both the agencies. During the year of 2011 some historical events like Raymond Davis case, Abbottabad operation and Salala post attack significantly highlighted the drift in ISI and CIA.627

The US led operation of May 2, 2011 at Abbotabad against the top most Al-Qaeda militant leader had significantly increased the level of anti-Americanism in Pakistan. Although the Abbottabad operation was considered the key success of the WOT but the vast majority of Pakistan condemned the act, the way it was conducted. Pakistani political and military leadership, Pakistani media and civil society expressed its deepest concerns over US act of

624 Faizullah Jan, “Conceptualizing Image of the United States in Pakistani Print Media: A Case Study of Daily the Nation,” Global Media Journal: Pakistan Edition 7, no. 2 (2014). 625 Mark Mazzetti, “How a Single Spy Helped Turn Pakistan against the United States,” The New York Times Magazine 9 (2013). 626 Jeremy Scahill, “The Secret US War in Pakistan,” The Nation 23 (2009). 627 B. N. Mehrish, “US-Pakistan Relations under the Obama Administration: Recent Scenario,” IUP Journal of International Relations 6, no. 4 (2012): 19.

119 violation of sovereignty of Pakistan. Besides the criticism of US action from various international forums, there was an overt and countrywide expression of anti-Americanism.628

The character of Dr Shakeel Afridi, the alleged agent of the US was the symbol of hatred for the public of Pakistan. Pakistani people condemned the covert role of the individual and the agencies that were operating against the national interest of Pakistan. The negative image of Shakeel Afridi was conceived as the negative picture of US in Pakistan. Such spy activities of US in Pakistan resulted into more anti-Americanism in Pakistan.629

During the first half of the year 2011, inflated visas were issued to US diplomats. In the month of April 2011 alone, over 3000 visas were issued to the US citizens and it is assumed that many US officials including CIA and Black-water flew to Pakistan during the period. The presence of the large number of undesired US citizens in Pakistan provoked the feelings of anti- Americanism in Pakistan; especially during the year 2011 when many unwanted incidents happened in Pakistan.630

The use of the air bases in Pakistan was in the interests of the US, but the Pakistani national interests were contrasting because the US. Pakistani public did not like the decision of Pakistani government to hand over the air basis to US use against Afghanistan. 631 Use of Pakistan military basis, for the combat operations in Afghanistan by the US forces, was broadly criticized in Pakistan. The basis was provided only for the logistic support to the operation, but US used the basis for military combat operations. The public expressed its anger against the US aggressive designs. The control of the US on the certain air bases in Pakistan provided yet another reason for the people of Pakistan to possess the element of the anti-Americanism.632

During the War on Terror, Pakistani agencies arrested many suspects of Al-Qaeda and the prisoners were handed over to the US for further investigations. The international human rights organizations, NGOs and many other forums criticized the US troops who mistreated the prisoners in Abugharaib and Gawatanamobay cells. Aafia Siddiqi on the allegations of terrorism acts was arrested from Afghanistan on July 17, 2008 and the case is yet seen critically in the

628 Noam Chomsky, Noam Chomsky: My Reaction to Osama Bin Laden’s Death (Montreal, Quebec: Guernica, 2011). 629 Declan Walsh, “Fallout of Bin Laden Raid: Aid Groups in Pakistan Are Suspect,” New York Times [Internet], 2012. 630 Humeira Iqtidar, “Conspiracy Theory as Political Imaginary: Blackwater in Pakistan,” Political Studies, 2014. 631 Dale Sprusansky, “Coalition Calls for the Release of Imprisoned Women,” The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 32, no. 4 (2013): 55. 632 Shehzad H. Qazi, “US-Pakistan Relations: Common and Clashing Interests,” World Affairs 175, no. 1 (2012): 71–79.

120 society of Pakistan. The International Humanitarian organizations, the non-government organizations (NGOs) and civil society of Pakistan condemn the US inhuman behaviour in dealing with the case of Aafia Siddiqi. The people of Pakistan ‘hate’ such inhuman acts of US and anti-American are further enhanced in Pakistan.633 The prisoners were physically tortured, sexually harassed, psychologically mistreated and some were even killed or seriously injured in the cells. There was a popular anti-Americanism in Pakistan for the inhumanly treatment of prisoners by US troops.634

The freedom of expression is the fundamental right of the people, but at the same time religion is also the core right of every individual. The individuals and the societies are expected to respect the religions and faith of the other communities.635 There were some incidents in the Western world in which some people or organizations published the contents which were seen in the Muslim world as the disrespect to the Holy Prophet and religion of Islam. There were also some events of the burning of Holy Quran, making of insulting cartoon and movies against the Muslims to such acts of anti-Muslim groups, the people of the Muslim world were angry.636 Most anti-Muslim acts mostly happened in the Europe including Denmark, Norway and France. Although such acts were condemned by many people from the Western world, but no legal action was taken against the responsible persons. The People of the Muslim world, including Pakistani public have the feelings of disliking against the West including the US.637

Pakistani people believe that if the US had sincerely used its political role in the region, the issue of Kashmir could have resolved according to the desires of the people. Pakistan has remained the US ally since the beginning, but US did not give the desired focus to the Pakistani core issue of Kashmir. The Pakistani public has anti-Americanism on showing cold shoulder on the issues related to the national security of Pakistan.638

633 Peter A. Clark, “Medical Ethics at Guantanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib: The Problem of Dual Loyalty,” The Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 34, no. 3 (2006): 570–80. 634 Avery F. Gordon, “Abu Ghraib: Imprisonment and the War on Terror,” Race & Class 48, no. 1 (2006): 42–59. 635 George M. Marsden, Fundamentalism and American Culture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006). 636 Evelyn M. Aswad, Rashad Hussan, and M. Arsalan Suleman, “Why the United States Cannot Agree To Disagree on Blasphemy Laws,” BU Int’l LJ 32 (2014): 119. 637 Aijaz A. Khan, "Controversies over the provocative Portraits of Prophet Muhammad (Peace be upon Him) in Western media and Its Impacts." 638 Wajahat Habibullah, Political Economy of the Kashmir Conflict: Opportunities for Economic Peacebuilding and for US Policy (Collingdale, Pennsylvania: DIANE Publishing, 2009).

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The current focus of the US in the regional ‘Great Game’ and ‘New Silk Route’ has created worries for Pakistan especially when US would withdraw its troops from Afghanistan. Pakistan believes that the United States comes closer to Pakistan when it needs Pakistani help, but when there is some regional and economic opportunity, Pakistan is either left alone or given negligible importance. Pakistan has played vital role in the past for the regional security and Pakistan is still in position to play key role. The US focus to unilaterally or with other regional states in the region by sidelining Pakistan would bring negative impact on Pak-US relations.639

Since the start of the military operations against terrorists in Pakistan, many terrorists have flown away to the other countries including India, Switzerland, France, Germany, England, UAE and Afghanistan; these states are providing shelter or asylum to the terrorist who are required to be trailed according to the law in Pakistani courts. The terrorists wanted in the state of Pakistan, like Mulla Fazalullah, Brahmdagh Bugti, Hyerbiar Murree are living abroad under the legal or forced asylum. Pakistani people feel that provision of shelter or asylum to such criminals is against the interest of Pakistan and the people criticize the US for not playing its role to bring the culprits in front of law of the land.640

Historically Pakistan’s Western Border was considered peaceful, but after the 9/11, the Western Border also became hostile for Pakistan. India was involved in Afghanistan and it got the opportunity to further worsen the security situation of Pakistan, especially in the bordering regions of Pakistan and Afghanistan.641 The role of the media and religious scholars in spreading anti-Americanism in the society of Pakistan has been significantly active especially after 9/11.642 Pakistani people believe that the US led WOT is the main cause of converting a peaceful situation into the serious security situation in the region, especially for Pakistan. 643 Exceptional and uni-lateral approach of the US to deal with the rest of the world has double faceted implications on the global politics and it faced heavy criticisms in the world including

639 Younkyoo Kim and Fabio Indeo, “The New Great Game in Central Asia Post 2014: The US ‘New Silk Road’ Strategy and Sino-Russian Rivalry,” Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, no. 2 (2013): 275–86. 640 Marvin G. Weinbaum, “Militancy and Extremism in Pakistan,” Pakistan’s Counterterrorism Challenge, 2014, 47. 641 Siobhán McEvoy-Levy, “Conclusion: American Exceptionalism and US Foreign Policy,” in American Exceptionalism and US Foreign Policy (New York City: Springer, 2001), 143–64. 642 Huma Yusuf, “Conspiracy Fever: The US, Pakistan and Its Media,” Survival 53, no. 4 (2011): 95–118. 643 M. Chris Mason, “No Sign until the Burst of Fire,” International Security 32, no. 4 (2008): 41–77.

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Pakistan.644 The US takes it as her right to tackle the global political issues, but public condemns the US involvement in other state affair.645

5.5 Conclusion

In the light of the above discussed causes of the anti-Americanism in Pakistan, salient impact was significantly observed in the study. Besides the Pakistani desire to continue the relations with the US, Pakistan opted for the new alliances in the region, including China, Russia, Iran and other regional countries. Pakistan felt betrayed from the US side, during the time of the crises, thus Pakistan opted for the alternative foreign policy option to achieve its national objectives. But an alternative policy option of Pakistan would not side line US in the future. The parallel increasing element of the anti-Americanism in Pakistan and the US growing ties with India depicts the existence of the relationship between the two variables. There are many global and regional causes of anti-Americanism and those causes have the implications on the world politics. The smaller states in various regions are also affected politically due to the phenomenon of the anti-Americanism.

Anti-Americanism covers the global aspects of the politics, but the expression of the phenomenon is more significant in the Muslim world and there are specific reasons that the Islamic world is the more anti-American as compared to the other world. Pakistan is prominent Muslim state that has the nuclear capability and holds the significant Geo-strategic location in the region. The element of the anti-Americanism prevails in Pakistan due to many reasons have badly affected Pak-US relations since the beginning, especially after 9/11. Anti-Americanism and its transformation into the new dimension created an innovative political culture in Pakistan and the discourse became the popular political card during the election campaigns in Pakistan. The Pakistan society was already polluted with terrorism and extremism due to the Afghan wars led by the US, but the religious, political parties also took advantage of the situation and exploited the public with anti-American sentiments.

644 Siobhan McEvoy-Levy, American Exceptionalism and US Foreign Policy (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001). 645 David Malone and Yuen Foong Khong, Unilateralism and US Foreign Policy: International Perspectives (Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2003).

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CHAPTER 6 CONSTRUCTING ANTI-AMERICANISM: CONTENT ANALYSIS OF PAKISTANI PRINT MEDIA The media has played a significant part in international affairs especially the portrayal of political issues in state to state relations is important driving factor in the policy matters of state.646 The role of the media in Pak-US relations have been very significantly since the beginning of the bilateral ties.647 Besides the highlighting of the positive political aspects of Pak- US relations, the Pakistan media also remained active in the portrayal of the negative image of US.648 The element of anti-Americanism in Pakistan has been covered comprehensively in the print media of Pakistan since the start of Pak-US relations.649 The Pakistani media after the globalized effect has become an effective tool of the politics; the objectivity of the Pakistani media yet needs to be enhanced for the national security concerns of Pakistan. The media plays vital role in the society to highlight the weaknesses of the governments. The media policies and the ethics are followed for the betterment of media and to safeguard national interest of the state. The media contents are filtered in a professional manner to achieve objectivity.650

The media sometimes have a diverse role to highlight the global political issues. The media focus on the issues which are more related to the particular decision making mechanism of a state. 651 The fundamental roles of the media are to inform, educate, entertain and advertise. The value of the fairness of the information is more important than the personal views of the journalists. The representation of information on the media should not become the voice of a particular group or party, rather it should remain as the source of information.652 It is a popular intellectual debate that whether media set the agenda of the public or society decides the agenda of the media? However, setting of the agenda for the media is the complex issue. The media have a powerful effect to frame the beliefs and opinions of the audience.653 The news framing

646 Geoffrey Craig, the Media, Politics and Public Life (Allen & Unwin, 2004). 647 Huma Yusuf and Emrys Schoemaker, “The Media of Pakistan,” BBC Media Action, (September), 2013. 648 Noshina Saleem, “US Image in Pakistani English Dailies,‘Dawn’,‘The Nation’ and ‘The News’ with Special Reference to Pakistan-United States Relationship during Post Cold War Era (1991-2004).” (University of the Punjab, Lahore, 2008). 649 Huma Yusuf, “Conspiracy Fever: The US, Pakistan and Its Media,” Survival 53, no. 4 (2011): 95–118. 650 Clifford G. Christians et al., Media Ethics: Cases and Moral Reasoning (Abingdon, Vale of White Horse: Routledge, 2015). 651 “Issues in Contemporary Global Media - ICOM811 - 2015 Course Handbook - Macquarie University,” accessed April 10, 2015. 652 Dennis Schmidt, “Media and Objectivity and Their Relation and Effects towards War,” 2013. 653 Maxwell McCombs, Setting the Agenda: The Mass Media and Public Opinion (John Wiley & Sons, 2013).

124 techniques of the media alters the contents according to the media policies. It becomes the psychological effect on the political thinking of the audience.654 The media act the role of watchdog for the society by keeping an eye on the society and governments. The media not only highlights the responsibilities and rights of the public, but also provides options to improve the institutions of a state.655 The role Pakistani media in observing the national interests have become prominent, especially after the international focus of the world on terrorism in Pakistan.656 The Pak-US relations have the strategic importance, especially in Pakistan, to tackle the regional challenges of the contemporary political era. The media should realize the depth and importance of the relations of Pakistan and United States.657

The unbiased approach of the media channel brings credibility for the respective media groups. The controversial role of media is against the interest of the state and the public.658 The media with its strong influence on public contribute an imperative part in the matters of a state. The media’s influence has been increasing with the passage of time in decision making on the domestic, regional and global issues of the respective states.659 The media have an immense power to shape the mindset of public and government officials. The Pakistani media cover the issues related to the Pak-US relations, but the mode of coverage mostly becomes critical.660 Criticizing political matters is the common practice of the media and this practice mostly becomes useful evidence to improve the political process of a state. Pakistani media occasionally use the discourse of anti-Americanism for the particular political aims by following the conspiracy theories to damage Pak-US relations.661 The media have created a significant place in the contemporary global politics and now it is recognized as ‘the fourth pillar of the state’. Agenda setting role and news framing techniques have transformed the new roles in the media.

654 Sophie Lecheler and Claes H. de Vreese, “News Framing and Public Opinion a Mediation Analysis of Framing Effects on Political Attitudes,” Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 89, no. 2 (2012): 185–204. 655 Minabere Ibelema, “The Press as a Watchdog of the People: Revisiting a Theoretical Triad,” Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies 33, no. 2 (July 1, 2012): 4–19. 656 Abdul Rehman Qaiser et al., “Role of Pakistani Media in Disseminating Core National Issues and Viewers Perception,” Asian Journal of Empirical Research 3, no. 4 (2014): 196–208. 657 Faiza Bashir and Muhammad Ayub Jan, “Pak-US Relations: Convergence of Interests,” PUTAJ Humanities and Social Sciences 21, no. 2 (2014). 658 Marco Mezzera and Safdar Sial, “Media and Governance in Pakistan: A Controversial yet Essential Relationship,” Initiative for Peace Building, 2010. 659 Chanan Naveh, “The Role of the Media in Foreign Policy Decision-Making: A Theoretical Framework,” Conflict & Communication Online 1, no. 2 (2002): 1–14. 660 Muhammad Ashraf Khan and A. Safdar, “Image of US in Pakistani Elite Newspaper Editorials after 9/11 Incident: A Comparative Study of The Dawn and Nawa-I-Waqt with Special Regard to Media Conformity Theory,” Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences 30, no. 2 (2010): 325–39. 661 Huma Yusuf, “Conspiracy Fever: The US, Pakistan and Its Media,” Survival 53, no. 4 (2011): 95–118.

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The media have to play an effective role of watchdog and gatekeeper for the society. The role of the media has become more significant in the intellectual discourses and research.662

6.1 Content Analysis

The content analysis of the selected print media of Pakistan to assess the quantum of anti- Americanism in Pakistan is the unique experience in the field of the research in Pakistan. Besides the comprehensive literature review and analyses for the study, it was also considered appropriate to evaluate the media perspectives for the balanced approach of research. Content analysis of the selected print media of Pakistan provided comprehensive results to approve or disapprove the hypothesis of the study. The content analysis was conducted to analyze the extent of anti-Americanism in Pakistani print media. The data were collected from editorials of the selected four Pakistani newspapers. The period of the study was comprised of 30 years from 1985 to 2014. The data were statistically analyzed with the help of the software known as “Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS).”

The content analysis is the manual or software oriented technique to interpret and analyze the media contents or other documents to get the data and information related to the study.663 The mixed approach of qualitative and quantitative methods of the study is considered as the balanced methodology. Data analysis and content analysis with the help of statistical tools provide the more scientific results for the studies. Jeegadeesh and Wu explain the importance of the content analysis and claim that the construct and discourses are the powerful tools to establish the opinion and these are research tool to evaluate the contextual opinion of the content or document.664 Content analysis is the base of the analysis in the quantitative method of a research.665 The content analysis was a time consuming and tough research exercise but it was fruitful and provided a vast range of data that was relevant and useful for the study. The content analysis was successfully conducted, huge data were collected. The result on the basis of collected has bridged the existing gaps in the literature.

662 Michael O’shaughnessy and Jane Stadler, Media and Society (Ketting Northampton shire: Oxford University Press, 2012). 663 Daniel Riff, Stephen Lacy, and Frederick Fico, Analyzing Media Messages: Using Quantitative Content Analysis in Research (Abingdon, Vale of White Horse: Routledge, 2014). 664 Narasimhan Jegadeesh and Di Wu, “Word Power: A New Approach for Content Analysis,” Journal of Financial Economics 110, no. 3 (2013): 712–29. 665 Daniel Riff, Stephen Lacy, and Frederick Fico, Analyzing Media Messages: Using Quantitative Content Analysis in Research (Routledge, 2014).

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6.2 Selection of the Print Media

The contents of the print media are more reliable as compared to that of the electronic media.666 The contents of the peer reviewed journals and the print media are the sources of data collection for the studies.667 In Pakistan, there are divergences in the coverage and the contents of electronic and print media. Media analysts believe that the electronic media of Pakistan, especially the privately owned television channels are less professional in its approach and coverage. The private TV channels in Pakistan are less followers of objectivity and professionalism, rather these are much focussed on commercialism and popularity. As compared to the electric media in Pakistan, the print media are comparatively more professional and its contents, especially the editorials are considered balanced opinion generated documents of the media group. The print media is one of the strongest research tools for the studies of the social sciences.668 Due to the importance, reliability and its priority over the other media, the print media were selected for the content analysis for this study.

6.3 Print Media of Pakistan: Population of the Study

The topic of the study was related to Pak-US relations and in the process of the literature review, the worldwide opinion of the scholars, including international media was accordingly analyzed in the initial chapters (Chapter 1 to 5 of the study). In this part of the study, the content analysis based research was mainly focused to get the Pakistani perspective of the media and for this purpose, only leading Pakistan media was selected. In future research into this topic would provide concrete information to draw the comparison between the US media perspective and the perspectives of Pakistani media. The print media comprised of the leading selected newspapers of Pakistan was chosen as the population of the research. Following four newspapers were selected for the content analysis:-

 Dawn  The Frontier Post

666 T. Caulfield and others, “Do the Print Media Hype Genetic Research? A Comparison of Newspaper Stories and Peer- Reviewed Research Papers,” 2007. 667 Tania M. Bubela and Timothy A. Caulfield. "Do the print media “hype” genetic research? A comparison of newspaper stories and peer-reviewed research papers." Canadian Medical Association Journal 170, no. 9 (2004): 1399-1407. 668 Ghulam Shabir et al., “Maintaining Print Media in Modern Age: A Case Study of Pakistan,” Asian Journal of Social Sciences & Humanities Vol 4 (2015): 2.

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 Nawa-i-Waqt  The Daily Jang 6.4 Justification for the Selected Newspapers

The selection of the newspapers was made after a deliberate thought process. Necessary aspects were kept in mind during the study. An effort was made to collect unbiased and relevant data. The parameters of the selection of papers were determined. The circulation values of the papers, various media groups in the countries, balance perspectives of the various media groups, language wise balance of the papers, period of the study, the research indicators and variables were the main consideration for the sample of the study.

6.5 Profiles of the Selected Newspapers

The selected newspapers for the content analysis are the prominent and leading newspapers of Pakistan. The brief profile of the newspaper is given below:-

6.5.1 Dawn

The paper was launched in 1942 and now it is published from Karachi. Muhammad Ali Jinnah (Quaid-i-Azam) was the founder of the newspaper. At present its head office is in Islamabad and it has a third largest circulation of 109000 copies per day. The paper is also published from various overseas countries as well. The Dawn is a media group and other segments of the group included the Star evening newspaper, a monthly current affair magazine Herald, a monthly online magazine Spider, a bi-monthly advertizing and marketing journal Aurora. The group has the electronic broadcasting channels included 24/7 news channel Dawn News and a music radio FM channel City FM 89. The Dawn group has the websites of dawn.com and urdu.dawn.com. This group organizes annual educational festivals and exhibitions on a regular basis. The areas of the main focus of the group are socioeconomic situation of the country and political issues of Pakistan. The paper is considered as the most credible newspaper of Pakistan.669

669 “Daily Dawn Epaper Today News,” accessed March 30, 2015 28 January 2015 English Newspaper,” Newstvplus, n.d.

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6.5.2 The Frontier Post

The paper was launched in 1985, and now it is published from Peshawar, Quetta and Lahore. Rehmat Shahid Afridi is known as the founder of the newspaper. At present its head office is in Peshawar and it has a 9th largest circulation ranking in the country. Although the Frontier Post is a comparatively small media group in Pakistan, but it has sound credibility among the analysts and readers of the political issues. The paper has a special focus on Pak-US relations, the situation of FATA, Afghanistan and political issues of Pakistan. The group also publishes smaller journals and newsletters on various occasions.670

6.5.3 Nawa-i-Waqt

The paper was launched before the independence of Pakistan in 1941 and now it is published from Lahore, Karachi, Rawalpindi, Multan, Peshawar and Quatta. Hameed Nizami was the founder of the newspaper. At present its offices are in over 50 cities of the countries and it has overseas publications as well. The paper has a 2nd largest circulation ranking in the country, with 500000 circulations per day. The group has more publication included a monthly family magazine, a weekly magazine, Nida-i-Millat weekly and the Nation daily English newspaper. The Nawa-i-Waqt News group has the 7/24 electronic TV news channel Waqt News. The group enjoys sound credibility among the analysts and readers of the media in Pakistan. The paper focuses on domestic affairs, including political issues of Pakistan.671

6.5.4 The daily Jang

The paper was launched just a year before the independence of Pakistan, in1946. At present, the paper is published from Lahore, Karachi, Rawalpindi, Multan, Peshawar, Sheikhupura, Bahawalpur, Gujarat, Sialkot, Gujranwala, Sargodha, Sukhar, Faisalabad, Dera Ghazi Khan and Quetta. Hameed Nizami was the founder of the newspaper. The paper has also its overseas publication from Birmingham, UK and other countries as well. At present its offices are in over 55 cities of the countries and abroad. It has the number 1 ranking in Pakistan, with 850000 circulations per day. The group has more publications included weekly magazine Akhbar-i-Jahan and famous English daily newspaper the News. The Jang group also has the 7/24

670 “Daily Frontier Post ePaper Today News,” accessed March 31, 2015. 671 “Nawaiwaqt Epaper | Daily Nawaiwaqt Urdu Newspaper & E-Paper Online,” accessed March 31, 2015.

129 electronic TV news channel Geo News and other entertainment channels of Geo TV channel series. The group enjoys maximum numbers of readership and viewership. The paper has a special focus on Socioeconomic and political issues of Pakistan.672

6.6 Selection of the Language

Pakistan is a developing country and according to a UNESCO report of 2015, the literacy rate of Pakistan is 55% and Pakistan stands in the 160th position in the world in the list of ranking of literacy.673 Urdu is the national language of Pakistan and a sizeable population of Pakistan can read, speak and understand the English language as well.674 Majority of Pakistan people has the access to the media; the print media is easily accessible to the most part of Pakistani populace. Daily Jang and Nawa-I-Waqt are top two leading Urdu newspapers of Pakistan and these are most popular in the urban and rural areas of the country. The English language newspapers, Dawn and the Frontier Post are also very popular, especially in the urban areas of Pakistan. To collect the balanced opinion of the print media of Pakistan about the phenomenon of the anti-Americanism, the selected four newspapers were selected and balanced out between two Urdu and two English newspapers.

6.7 Selection of the Editorials as Sample of the Study

In print media, the news headlines, columns, editorials and other stories are published. Columns are based on the individual’s observations and other news stories are reported by reporters and field journalists. The stories are mostly on day to day social and political issues. Editorials are part of the policy of respective media groups who are mostly free to express their opinions. Mostly the print media Pakistan is privately owned and from the platform of the editorials, news media groups freely discuss public policies, political issues and government policies are critically analyzed. The editorial represents the vast scope of the views and opinions. In a newspaper, the editorial is the most powerful research tool to access the opinion of the paper. The relevant editorials of the selected newspapers have been selected as the sample of the study.

672 “Daily Jang Newspaper Web Directory of Pakistan,” accessed April 2, 2015. 673 UNESCO report 2015 674 Alastair Pennycook, The cultural politics of English as an international language. Routledge, 2014.

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6.8 Period of Study

To find the quantum of anti-Americanism in Pakistan and to get the comprehensive and concrete data for the study, the thirty year period for the content analysis was selected. The selected period was divided into two phases, first phase comprised of pre 21st century period of 15 years, from January 1, 1985 to December 31, 1999, and second phase starts after the start of 21st century which again comprised of 15 years, from January 1, 2000 to December 31, 2014. The justification for the selection of the period was to see the difference in the quantum and nature of anti-Americanism during the study. To find out the balanced opinion of the editorials both the phases were divided into 15 years each. The start of the 21st century was selected keeping in view the equal time for both the phases, and to determine the change in the nature of the discourse.

6.9 Research Indicators-Variables of the Study

A content analysis of the selected editorials of the four leading newspapers of Pakistan, which comprised of 30 years was the most challenging research assignments and was successfully completed. To select the relevant content was the most difficult part of the content analysis during the research. Research indicator and variables were predetermined to remain focused on the relevant contents and to set the measurement parameters. The selection of the research indicators makes the study viable and comprehensive social sciences.675 Research indicators for the content analysis were kept as the parameter for the selection of the content; the only editorials that have the content pertaining to the research indicators were analyzed. To make the study more comprehensive and relevant, following five research indicators was selected as the variables for the content analysis:-

 US Regional Policies  US Interference in Pakistani Affairs  US Violation of Sovereignty of Pakistan  Pak-US Coalition in WOT  US Policies on Pakistan’s concerning Issues

675 Alan Bryman and Emma Bell, Business Research Methods (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2015).

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6.10 Slants of Study

It is the common practice in media content analysis to measure the image of a state or group with the help of slants.676 Many scholars has used slant in their studies with three category based scale of favorable, unfavorable and neutral. Khan and Bokhari in their study during 2002 to 2008 have used the slant of favorable, unfavorable and neutral for the content analysis of media.677 Iqbal has used the slants for depicting the image of society by measuring feminist groups.678 Siraj has used the slants of favorable, unfavorable and neutral in his study of Pakistan image in US media. He has measured the image of Pakistan in US media with the same slant in his study. 679During content analysis, with the help of the pre-determined research indicators, the results were measured on the basis of the following slants:-

 Favourable  Unfavourable  Neutral

Since the aim of the study was to observe the opinion of the content of the editorials about the US, so all three slants i-e favourable, unfavourable and neutral were determined to assess the US image. The editorials comprised of the selected indicator or indicators, having more pro- American content was considered as, ‘favourable’ for US, and the more anti-American content was declared as ‘unfavourable’ for US. The content having an almost equal opinion of pro- American and anti-American was considered as the ‘neutral’ for US.

676 Media responses are usually measured by frames and slants. Frames mostly comprise of two prong response like friend or foe, good or bad, positive or negative. Likewise slants mostly comprise of three pronged response of media content like favorable, unfavorable and neutral. To assess the further details variables and research indicators are predetermined as in case of this study. 677 Muhammad Ashraf Khan & Syeda Zuria Bokhari. "Portrayal of Muslims in Indian Cinema: A Content Analysis of Movies during (2002-8)." Pakistan Journal of Islamic Research 8 (2011): 1-15. 678 Javed Iqbal, "Exploring Women image in Magazine Advertisements." PhD Thesis, Faculty of Social sciences, Allama Iqbal Open University, 2012. 679 Dr Syed Abdul Siraj, "Image of Pakistan in the US media: Exploring news framing." (2006).

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6.11 Frequency and Coverage

In the selected newspapers, the editorial containing the opinion oriented content about Pak-US relations and anti-Americanism was thoroughly analyzed. The frequency of the content remained different according to the relevance of the content with the research indicators during the years from 1985 to 2014. Total 2975 editorials, of the selected newspapers, according to the pre-determined variables, were selected for the study. The detail of the year wise frequencies and coverage is given in the subsequent interpretation and analysis part of the chapter.

6.12 Measurement and Scale

Measurement of the content is very important to determine that how much published material fall in the slants of favourable, unfavourable and neutral. The published content of each editorial was analyzed to determine the slants (favourable, unfavourable and neutral) to assess the US image in the print media of Pakistan. The editorials were evaluated by measuring the space and word count of the relevant subjects to decide the slants of the content accordingly.

6.13 Data Collection and Use of Software

The related editorials were selected one by one from the Newspapers and the content was assessed on the basis of the indicators of the study. The slants of each editorial were determined according to the measurement of the content. The collected data from the editorials was fed in the software. The use of the software was very helpful to organize the data for the analysis. The editorials of the selected newspapers were analyzed and the data were collected and organized according to the variables. The collected data were inserted in the software (SPSS). The graphs and tables were generated with the help of the software to draw the analysis. Statistical tests like chi square and t test were applied where appropriate to observe the significance value of the hypothesis. The representation of the research indicators in the graphs and the table was appropriately adjusted to interpret and analyze the subjects of the study.

6.14 Summary of the Data (Selected Editorials) The software generated summary of the data of the selected editorials is given in various tables of this chapter.

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6.15 Interpretations and Analysis

Representation of the data is given in the forms of the graphs and tables, in the subsequent part of the chapter. All indicators and variable are discussed to draw pertinent deductions and conclusions. There are interpretations and analysis of the collected data for the study. The tables and graphs have been generated with the help of the software (SPSS).

Graph 6.1 Newspapers wise Samples Representation of the selected Editorials

The above pie chart (graph 6.1) shows the total representation of the samples and the frequency of the editorials of the selected newspapers taken for the study. The graph also depicts that all four selected newspapers published comprehensive material and the difference in the frequencies remained insignificant. Out of total 2975 samples (editorials), the following was the representation of the newspapers:-

 Total Recorded Content 2975 (100% recorded content)

 Dawn Newspaper: 791 editorials (26.59% of the total recorded content)

 The Frontier Post: 701 editorials (23.56% of the total recorded content)

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 Nawa-e-Waqt: 757 editorials (25.45% of the total recorded content)

 The daily Jang Newspaper: 726 (24.40% of the total recorded content)

Graph 6.2 Slantwise Distribution of the Samples

The above graph 6.2 shows that 658 editorials (22.12 % samples) are favourable, 1839 editorials (61.62 % samples) are unfavourable and 478 editorials (16.07 % samples) are neutral for the US Image in Pakistan. The selected newspapers significantly portrayed the US image as the negative in the eyes of Pakistani public. The US image in Pakistan media, significantly remained negative as the maximum content (61.62%) was unfavourable for the US.

Graph 6.3 Period wise Distribution of the Samples

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Graph 6.3 indicated that 1190 editorials (40% samples) were published before the start of the 21st century and 1785 (60% samples) editorials were recorded after the start of the 21st century. It is therefore depicted that there was more content published after the start of the 21st century and ratio of recorded samples before and after the start of the century remained 2:3

Graph 6.4 Research Indicators wise Distribution of the Samples

Table 6.5 Research Indicators wise Distribution of the Samples

Research Indicators Frequency Percent

US Regional Polices 737 24.8

US Interference in Pakistani Affairs 735 24.7

US Violations of Sovereignty of Pakistan 509 17.1

Pak-US Coalition in WOT 332 11.2

US Policies on Pakistani concerned issues 662 22.3 Total 2975 100.0

Above graph 6.4 and table 6.5 depicted that 737 editorials (24.77% samples) appeared for indicator of US Regional Policies, 735 editorials (24.71% samples) for US Interference in Pakistani Affairs, 509 editorials (17.11% samples) for US Violation for the Sovereignty of Pakistan, 332 editorials (11.16% samples) for the Pak-US Coalition in WOT and 662 editorials (22.25% samples) for the US Policies on Pakistani concerned Issues. It is an obvious from the frequencies that ‘US Regional Policies’ and ‘US Interference in Pakistani Affairs’ are the variables that got more space in the editorials of the selected newspapers.

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Graph 6.6 Research Indicators and Period wise Distribution of the Samples

The study was divided into two phases of the period consisted of before and after the start of the 21st century to find the difference in the response of the samples. Graph 6.5 above, highlighted that the sample response on the research indicator of US Regional Policies, remained 35.46 % (422 editorials) during the pre 21st century, whereas in the century, the response was recorded as 17.65 % (315 editorials). The indicator got comparatively more representation in the editorials appeared during the first phase of the study. The indicator of US Interference in Pakistani Affairs also got more representation in the first phase of the study (1985 to 1999), and

137 the representation was 34.87% (415 editorials), in the second phase of the study, the representation of the research Variable, remained 17.93 % (320 editorials). The US Violation of the Sovereignty of Pakistan was negligibly found in the first phase of the study and its representation was just 2.52 % (only 30 editorials), whereas in the second phase of the study, the indicator got a maximum response of 26.83% (479 editorials). Since the research indicator of Pak-US Coalition in WOT did not prevail during the period of the study in the first phase, so it got no representation before the start of the 21st century, whereas the indicator received 18.60 % (332 editorials) coverage during the second part of the study (2000 to 2014). The indicator of ‘US policies on Pakistani concerned Issue’ got the response of 27.14% (323 editorials) before the start of the 21st century, whereas it got 18.99 % (339 editorials) response, after the start of the 21st century. Table 6.7 Response on the Research Indicators

Period of the Editorial Pre-Start of the Post-Start of the Research Indicator 21st century 21st century Total US Regional Polices Favorable 94 78 172 Unfavorable 261 182 443 Neutral 67 55 122 Total 422 315 737 US Interference in Pakistani Favorable 95 77 172 Affairs Unfavorable 255 186 441 Neutral 65 57 122 Total 415 320 735 US Violations of Favorable 5 79 84 Sovereignty of Pakistan Unfavorable 16 330 346 Neutral 9 70 79 Total 30 479 509 Pak-US Coalition in WOT Favorable 80 80 Unfavorable 196 196 Neutral 56 56 Total 332 332 US Policies on Pakistani Favorable 77 73 150 concerned issues Unfavorable 206 207 413 Neutral 40 59 99 Total 323 339 662 The response of the content in terms of the slants (favorable, unfavorable and neutral) was recorded during the entire period of 30 years, equally divided in the period of before and

138 after the start of the 21st century. The above table 6.7 indicated that the each research indicator got the response according to the nature of the topic during the particular phase of the study. The phenomenon of the WOT started after the 9/11, so the table indicates this indicator got the response of the media during the second phase of the study. Since the indicator was linked to the specific period, which became less than 50 % of the entire period of the study, so the response in terms of frequency was low as compared to the rest of the indicators. The responses on the above table clearly indicate that the significant response of the selected print media of Pakistan towards the US was ‘unfavorable’ Rest of the responses are self-explanatory on the above table.

Graph 6.8 Newspaper wise Response of Research Indicator (US Regional Policies)

During the study, all predetermined research indicators were tested one by one. In case of US Regional Policies, all the four newspapers significantly graded US unfavourable in Pakistan.

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Graph 6.8 indicated, that out of total 737 samples reported by all the selected newspapers for the indicator, 172 responses were graded favourable, 443 unfavourable and 122 neutral. Out of 443 unfavourable responses for the US Regional Policies, Dawn, Frontier Force, Nawa-i-Waqt and the Daily Jang represented 113, 94,127 and 109 samples. The result of the study for the indicator proved that the US Regional Policies are significantly disliked by the print media of Pakistan.

Graph 6.9 Newspaper wise Response of Research Indicator (US Interference in Pakistani Matters)

During the research, all four newspapers significantly graded the indicator of ‘US

Interference in Pakistan Affairs’ unfavourably in Pakistan. Graph 6.9 indicated, that out of total

735 samples reported by all the selected newspapers for the indicator, 172 responses were graded favourable, 441 unfavourable and 122 neutral. Out of 441 unfavourable responses for the ‘US

Interference in Pakistan Affairs’ Dawn, Frontier Force, Nawa-i-Waqt and the Daily Jang

140 represented 109, 96,138 and 98 samples. The result of the study for the indicator proved that the print media of Pakistan significantly disliked US Interference in Pakistan Affairs.

Graph 6.10 Newspaper wise Response of Research Indicator (US Violation of Sovereignty of Pakistan)

In the study, the selected newspapers significantly graded the indicator of ‘US Violation of Sovereignty of Pakistan’ unfavourably in Pakistan. Graph 6.10 indicated, that out of total 509 samples reported by all the selected newspapers for the indicator, 84 responses were reported favourable, 346 unfavourable and 79 neutral. Out of 346 unfavourable responses for the ‘US Violation of Sovereignty of Pakistan’ Dawn, Frontier Force, Nawa-i-Waqt and the Daily Jang responded 81, 77,111 and 77 samples. The result of the study for the indicator significantly portrayed disliking for the US Interference in Pakistan Affairs.

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Graph 6.11 Newspaper wise Response of Research Indicator (Pak-US Coalition in WOT)

During the research, all the four selected newspapers significantly portrayed the indicator of ‘Pak-US Coalition in WOT’ unfavourably in the Pakistani print media. Graph 6.11 indicated, that out of total 332 samples reported by all the selected newspapers for the indicator, 80 samples were graded favourable, 196 unfavourable and 56 neutral. Out of 196 unfavourable responses for the ‘Pak-US Coalition in WOT’ Dawn, Frontier Force, Nawa-i-Waqt and the Daily Jang represented 50, 38, 58 and 50 responses. The result of the study for the indicator proved that the print media of Pakistan significantly disliked ‘Pak-US Coalition in WOT’.

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Graph 6.12 Newspaper wise Response of Research Indicator (US Policies on Pakistani concerned Issues)

In the study, the selected newspapers significantly graded the indicator of ‘US Policies on Pakistani related Issues’ unfavourably in the Pakistani print media. Graph 6.12 indicated, that out of total 662 samples reported by all the selected newspapers for the indicator, 150 responses were reported favourable, 413 unfavourable and 99 neutral. Out of 413 unfavourable responses for the ‘US Policies on Pakistani related Issues’ Dawn, Frontier Force, Nawa-i-Waqt and the Daily Jang responded 103,94,118 and 98 samples. The result of the study the print media significantly portrayed disliking for the ‘US Policies on Pakistani related Issues’.

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Table 6.13 Year wise Responses of the Recorded Samples

Year Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent 1985 41 1.4 1.4 1986 50 1.7 3.1 1987 59 2.0 5.0 1988 63 2.1 7.2 1989 82 2.8 9.9 1990 82 2.8 12.7 1991 80 2.7 15.4 1992 83 2.8 18.2 1993 96 3.2 21.4 1994 91 3.1 24.4 1995 92 3.1 27.5 1996 86 2.9 30.4 1997 89 3.0 33.4 1998 93 3.1 36.5 1999 103 3.5 40.0 2000 96 3.2 43.2 2001 112 3.8 47.0 2002 124 4.2 51.2 2003 117 3.9 55.1 2004 116 3.9 59.0 2005 107 3.6 62.6 2006 112 3.8 66.4 2007 113 3.8 70.2 2008 113 3.8 73.9 2009 109 3.7 77.6 2010 119 4.0 81.6 2011 141 4.7 86.4 2012 133 4.5 90.8 2013 144 4.8 95.7 2014 129 4.3 100.0 Total 2975 100.0

The above table 6.13 presented the year wise responses to the selected research indicator with the percentages of the yearly samples and in the last column portrayed the cumulative percentages. The content of the subjects appeared in quite reasonable numbers, but in the years 2011 and 2013 maximum samples appeared in all the selected newspapers; the frequency of the editorials in these two years, remained 141 and 144 respectively. The representative responded

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in each year remained balanced in terms of frequencies, in all the selected newspapers. The statistical data indicated in the above table is self-explanatory.

Table 6.14 Period and Language wise Responses on the Research Indicators

Language Research Indicator English Urdu Total US Regional Polices Pre-Start of the 21st century 214 208 422

Post-Start of the 21st century 158 157 315 Total 372 365 737 US Interference in Pakistani Pre-Start of the 21st century 206 209 415 Affairs

Post-Start of the 21st century 171 149 320 Total 377 358 735 US Violations of Sovereignty of Pre-Start of the 21st century 14 16 30 Pakistan

Post-Start of the 21st century 232 247 479 Total 246 263 509 Pak-US Coalition in WOT Post-Start of the 21st century 161 171 332

Total 161 171 332 US Policies on Pakistani Pre-Start of the 21st century 161 162 323 concerned issues

Post-Start of the 21st century 175 164 339

The above table 6.14, indicated that the responses to all the indicators, during both the phases of the study, portrayed by the Urdu and English newspapers remained balanced. There was an insignificant difference in the portrayal of the Urdu and English newspapers. The response of the samples, on the indicator of ‘US Violation of Sovereignty of Pakistan’ before the start of the 21st century remained negligible, and after the start of the century, the response of the indicator became significant. The variation of the response, in both the periods of the study, indicated that there were more US acts that were considered as the violation of sovereignty of Pakistan, after the start of the 21ST century. The response on the indicator of ‘Pak-US Coalition in WOT’ was recorded in the second part of the study only as the indicator did not exist before the commencement of 21st century, these indicators are mostly related to the WOT that started in

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21st century after the event of 9/11. It is also revealed that there was significant variation in the last two indicators in terms of the period of the study, but there was a negligible variant in all the selected research indicators in term of the language.

Table 6.15 Ranking of the Research Indicators (Frequency wise)

Frequency Percent Ranking US Regional Polices 737 24.8 1 US Interference in Pakistani 735 24.7 2 Affairs US Policies on Pakistani 3 concerned Issues 662 22.2 US Violations of Sovereignty of 509 17.1 4 Pakistan Pak-US Coalition in WOT 332 11.2 5 Total 2975 100.0

The table 6.15 above indicated that the indicators were ranked number 1 to 5, as per the frequency responses, received during the entire period of the study. US Regional Policies and US

Interference in Pakistani matters were given more coverage in the print media of Pakistan and the indicators were ranked as number 1 and 2 respectively.

Table 6.16 Ranking of the Newspaper (Frequency wise)

Frequency Percent Ranking

Dawn 791 26.6 1

Nawa-i-Waqt 757 25.4 2

The Daily Jang 726 24.4 3

Frontier Post 701 23.6 4 Total 2975 100.0

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The above table 6.16, indicated that Dawn, Nawa-i-Waqt, the Daily Jang and Frontier Post were ranked number 1 to number 4, respectively, according to the frequency of the editorials recorded for the purpose of the study. The frequencies of the editorials appeared during the entire period of the study from 1985 to 2014.

Table 6.17 Ranking of the Newspapers (Languages wise)

Frequency Percent Ranking English 1492 50.2 1

Urdu 1483 49.8 2

Total 2975 100.0

The table 6.17 above indicated, that the sample editorials of English language newspapers

(Dawn and Frontier Post) were ranked number 1 and the samples of Urdu Language newspapers

(Nawa-i-Waqt and the daily Jang) were ranked number 2, according to the measurement of the frequencies. The difference in both the language as per the counting of frequencies, remained marginal and insignificant.

Table 6.18 Ranking of the Response (Slant wise)

Response Frequency Percent Ranking Unfavorable 1839 61.8 1

Favorable 658 22.1 2

Neutral 478 16.1 3 Total 2975 100.0

The table 6.18 above indicated that the responses measured as per the predetermined research indicators, in the study, graded US Unfavorable. The samples in the US image in the

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Pakistani media, according to the response of unfavorable, favorable and neutral were ranked number I to 3 respectively. The ranking of the responses reflected that the US image in the Pakistani media, remained significantly negative and 61.8 % content of the study declared US as the unfavorable for Pakistan.

Table 6.19 Ranking of the Response Research Indicator wise

Research Indicators Significant Percentage Ranking Response of Significant Response

US Violations of Sovereignty of Pakistan Unfavorable 68 % 1

US Policies on Pakistani concerned issues Unfavorable 62 % 2

US Regional Polices Unfavorable 60.1 % 3

US Interference in Pakistani Affairs Unfavorable 60 % 4

Pak-US Coalition in WOT Unfavorable 59 % 5

The table 6.19 above presented the severity of the issues of the research indicators that compelled the media to assess the US image accordingly. The indicator of the ‘US Violations of Sovereignty of Pakistan’ was ranked number 1 according to the response of unfavorable. The Pakistani print media most disliked the US act of violation of the sovereignty of Pakistan during the period of the study. Although the indicator appeared in the last 17 years of the study only, but the nature of the indicator was seen seriously by the media. In the indicator, the US acts like Abbottabad operation, drone attacks on Pakistani territory and NATO attacks on Salala post were taken, and the media content portrayed the US as the most unfavorable because of the serious violation of the sovereignty of Pakistan.

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Table 6.20 Language wise Responses on the Research Indicators, during both the Phases of the Study

Period of the Editorial

Pre-Start of the Post-Start of the Research Indicator Language 21st century 21st century Total

US Regional Polices English 214 158 372

Urdu 208 157 365

Total 422 315 737

US Interference in Pakistani English 206 171 377

Affairs Urdu 209 149 358

Total 415 320 735

US Violation of Sovereignty of English 14 232 246

Pakistan Urdu 16 247 263

Total 30 479 509

Pak-US Coalition in WOT English 161 161

Urdu 171 171

Total 332 332

US Policies on Pakistani English 161 175 336 concerned issues Urdu 162 164 326

Total 323 339 662

Table 6.20 above, indicated the responses, of the selected Urdu and English Language newspapers, on the research indicators during both the phases of the study. During the period of the study, which was divided into two phases comprised of 30 years, (15 years before the start of the 21st century and 15 years after the start of the 21st century) all the research indicators received the response of the selected editorials of Urdu and English newspapers. The details of the frequencies already discussed in the above sections of the chapter.

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Table 6.21 Year wise Response (Slants of the Editorials) on the Research Indicators

Slant of the Editorials

Research Indicators Years of Publication Favorable Unfavorable Neutral Total

US Regional Polices 1985 3 13 3 19

1986 4 15 2 21

1987 5 13 3 21

1988 5 17 4 26

1989 5 21 4 30

1990 4 15 4 23

1991 8 18 4 30

1992 6 17 5 28

1993 8 21 4 33

1994 7 22 6 35

1995 9 20 4 33

1996 9 16 5 30

1997 8 17 8 33

1998 7 16 6 29

1999 6 20 5 31

2000 7 18 6 31

2001 7 17 5 29

2002 6 17 6 29

2003 5 13 4 22

2004 5 14 3 22

2005 5 13 3 21

2006 3 9 4 16

2007 3 9 5 17

2008 4 10 3 17

2009 4 8 2 14

2010 6 12 2 20

2011 6 10 4 20

2012 4 9 4 17

2013 7 11 1 19

2014 6 12 3 21

150

Total 172 443 122 737

US Interference in Pakistani Year of Publication 1985 2 11 1 14

Affairs 1986 3 11 3 17 1987 3 15 4 22 1988 4 12 4 20 1989 6 19 4 29 1990 8 23 5 36 1991 8 15 4 27 1992 6 19 7 32

1993 9 21 5 35 1994 7 19 4 30 1995 9 20 4 33 1996 8 20 5 33 1997 7 17 6 30 1998 8 16 4 28 1999 7 17 5 29 2000 7 17 5 29 2001 7 20 4 31

2002 8 19 5 32 2003 5 15 3 23 2004 5 12 3 20 2005 3 10 3 16 2006 4 11 5 20 2007 5 10 3 18 2008 3 9 5 17 2009 5 13 2 20 2010 5 9 3 17

2011 4 9 4 17 2012 6 11 3 20 2013 5 11 5 21 2014 5 10 4 19

Total 172 441 122 735

US Violations of Sovereignty of 1998 2 6 4 12

Pakistan 1999 3 10 5 18

151

2000 1 5 4 10 2001 2 6 4 12 2002 2 7 4 13 2003 5 17 3 25 2004 5 16 6 27 2005 5 19 4 28 2006 7 17 6 30 2007 7 18 8 33 2008 5 21 4 30 2009 5 23 5 33

2010 5 30 4 39

2011 8 42 4 54 2012 6 40 4 50 2013 9 40 6 55 2014 7 29 4 40

Total 84 346 79 509

Pak-US Coalition in WOT 2001 3 8 4 15

2002 4 14 4 22 2003 7 14 7 28

2004 7 15 5 27 2005 7 14 3 24 2006 8 13 2 23 2007 6 15 4 25 2008 6 14 5 25 2009 4 13 4 21 2010 5 14 4 23 2011 6 16 4 26 2012 6 16 2 24

2013 6 14 5 25 2014 5 16 3 24

Total 80 196 56 332

US Policies on Pakistani 1985 1 7 0 8 concerned issues 1986 1 8 3 12

1987 3 11 2 16

1988 4 12 1 17

152

1989 6 15 2 23

1990 6 14 3 23

1991 6 13 4 23

1992 7 15 1 23

1993 7 18 3 28

1994 5 15 6 26

1995 7 17 2 26

1996 5 15 3 23

1997 6 16 4 26

1998 7 13 4 24

1999 6 17 2 25

2000 5 16 5 26

2001 6 14 5 25

2002 7 17 4 28

2003 3 12 4 19

2004 3 12 5 20

2005 4 12 2 18

2006 6 14 3 23

2007 4 12 4 20

2008 6 14 4 24

2009 4 13 4 21

2010 4 13 3 20

2011 5 14 5 24

2012 5 13 4 22

2013 5 16 3 24

2014 6 15 4 25

Total 150 413 99 662

The self explanatory table 6.21 indicated the frequency of the favorable, unfavorable and neutral responses to the each indicator during the entire period of the study. The US Violation of the Sovereignty of Pakistan appeared in the last 17 years of the study and the Pak-US coalition in WOT emerged during the last 14 years of the study. The remaining three indicators appeared in all 30 years of the study from 1985 to 2014.

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Table 6.22 Responses (Slants of the Editorials) of all the selected newspapers

Research Indicator Slant of the Editorial Newspaper Favorable Unfavorable Neutral Total US Regional Polices DAWN 52 113 33 198 Frontier Post 47 94 33 174 Nawa-e-Waqt 23 127 31 181 The Daily Jang 50 109 25 184 Total 172 443 122 737 US Interference in DAWN 54 109 37 200 Pakistani Affairs Frontier Post 49 96 32 177 Nawa-e-Waqt 29 138 21 188 The Daily Jang 40 98 32 170 Total 172 441 122 735 US Violation of DAWN 27 81 21 129 Sovereignty of Pakistan Frontier Post 23 77 17 117 Nawa-e-Waqt 9 111 21 141 The Daily Jang 25 77 20 122 Total 84 346 79 509 Pak-US Coalition in WOT DAWN 25 50 15 90 Frontier Post 18 38 15 71 Nawa-e-Waqt 15 58 13 86 The Daily Jang 22 50 13 85 80 196 56 332 Total US Policies on Pakistani DAWN 43 103 28 174 concerned issues Frontier Post 40 94 28 162 Nawa-e-Waqt 24 118 19 161 The Daily Jang 43 98 24 165 Total 150 413 99 662

The above table 6.22 indicated the favorable, unfavorable and neutral response of each the indicator in the all selected newspapers in the study. The details of the responses of the sample editorials already discussed in the above sections of the chapter.

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Table 6.23 Year wise Response (Slants of the Editorials) of the Selected Newspapers

Slant of the Editorial

Newspapers Years Favorable Unfavorable Neutral Total

DAWN 1985 2 10 1 13

1986 2 11 2 15

1987 3 11 3 17

1988 2 12 2 16

1989 5 14 3 22

1990 6 13 2 21

1991 7 11 3 21

1992 5 13 5 23

1993 7 15 4 26

1994 5 16 4 25

1995 8 13 3 24

1996 7 11 4 22

1997 9 14 4 27

1998 9 14 4 27

1999 7 16 4 27

2000 6 13 9 28

2001 8 16 5 29

2002 8 21 6 35

2003 7 15 6 28

2004 7 17 5 29

2005 6 17 4 27

2006 8 17 5 30

2007 8 16 7 31

2008 9 14 7 30

2009 6 15 6 27

2010 8 18 4 30

2011 9 22 4 35

2012 9 22 6 37

2013 9 19 8 36

2014 9 20 4 33

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Total 201 456 134 791

Frontier Post 1985 1 5 2 8

1986 2 6 2 10 1987 2 7 3 12 1988 3 9 2 14 1989 5 13 2 20 1990 2 13 4 19 1991 6 9 3 18 1992 6 10 3 19

1993 6 10 3 19 1994 5 13 4 22

1995 7 11 2 20 1996 6 11 4 21 1997 5 11 5 21 1998 6 11 6 23 1999 6 14 3 23 2000 6 13 3 22 2001 6 14 7 27 2002 8 16 5 29

2003 7 16 5 28 2004 7 17 6 30 2005 8 15 5 28 2006 7 15 7 29 2007 6 13 5 24 2008 7 15 5 27 2009 6 15 5 26 2010 7 16 5 28 2011 7 20 7 34

2012 9 19 3 31 2013 10 24 3 37 2014 8 18 6 32

Total 177 399 125 701

Nawa-e-Waqt 1985 2 10 0 12

1986 1 9 2 12 1987 2 11 2 15

156

1988 3 11 3 17 1989 2 16 2 20 1990 4 14 3 21 1991 3 16 3 22 1992 3 17 2 22 1993 4 18 2 24 1994 3 17 4 24 1995 3 17 3 23 1996 3 17 2 22 1997 3 16 3 22

1998 3 14 4 21

1999 3 19 3 25 2000 3 17 4 24 2001 4 21 5 30 2002 5 22 6 33 2003 4 23 5 32 2004 3 18 5 26 2005 3 19 4 26 2006 6 18 3 27

2007 4 21 6 31 2008 3 21 4 28 2009 4 21 3 28 2010 3 23 4 30 2011 3 27 6 36 2012 4 26 3 33 2013 5 28 5 38 2014 4 25 4 33

Total 100 552 105 757

The Daily Jang 1985 1 6 1 8

1986 3 8 2 13

1987 4 10 1 15

1988 5 9 2 16

1989 5 12 3 20

1990 6 12 3 21

1991 6 10 3 19

157

1992 5 11 3 19

1993 7 17 3 27

1994 6 10 4 20

1995 7 16 2 25

1996 6 12 3 21

1997 4 9 6 19

1998 6 12 4 22

1999 6 15 7 28

2000 5 13 4 22

2001 7 14 5 26

2002 6 15 6 27

2003 7 17 5 29

2004 8 17 6 31

2005 7 17 2 26

2006 7 14 5 26

2007 7 14 6 27

2008 5 18 5 28

2009 6 19 3 28

2010 7 21 3 31

2011 10 22 4 36

2012 5 22 5 32

2013 8 21 4 33

2014 8 19 4 31

Total 180 432 114 726

The table 6.23 indicated the year wise responses (favorable, unfavorable and neutral) of the selected newspapers, during the entire period of the study. The responses of the sample of the study highlighted that the print media of Pakistan, portrayed a negative image of the US in Pakistan.

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Table 6.24 Language wise response (slants of the editorials) during the period of the study

Period of the Study Pre-Start of the 21st Post-Start of the 21st Slant of the Editorial Language century century Total Favorable English 152 226 378

Urdu 119 161 280 Total 271 387 658 Unfavorable English 347 508 855

Urdu 391 593 984 Total 738 1101 1839 Neutral English 96 163 259

Urdu 85 134 219 Total 181 297 478

The table 6.24 above indicated that how the English and Urdu newspapers portrayed the US image in the both phases of the study. 6.16 Statistical Testing

Chi square test was applied to observe the significance value of the US image with different angles. The result of all the categories remained “significant” as shown in the table below:-

Table 6.25 Statistical Test

Test Research Slant of the Period of the Year of Newspaper Language Indicator Editorial Editorial Publication Chi-Square 203.055 1102.347 119.000 188.412 6.119 .027 Df 4 2 1 29 3 1 Asymp. Sig. .000 .000 .000 .000 .000 .000

The table 6.25 above indicated the results of the statistical test (chi square test); applied to the categories of the research indicators, slants, period, years, newspapers and language of the study. In the chi square test significance level is denoted as ‘p’ and p value less than.5 is considered significant. The most significant result, remains .000 (p=.000). All the categories

159 provided significant result (p=.000) and it indicated that the response of the samples of the study was clearly depicted as unfavorable in the US. The research indicators significantly presented the US image as “unfavorable” in the selected media.

The slants result was also recorded significant the “unfavorable” content was the most significant. The samples of the editorials remained significant in presenting “unfavorable” portrayal of the US. In both the periods of the study the result significantly presented the US as “unfavorable” in the media. The analysis of the content on a yearly basis also indicated the US as significantly “unfavorable”. All the selected newspapers presented the US as significantly unfavorable during each year from 1985 to 2014. The newspapers of both the languages (English and Urdu) portrayed the US image as significantly “unfavorable”.

Research Question 3 (What is the extent of the discourse of anti-Americanism in Pakistan?) was comprehensively answered in tables 6.18, 6.19, 6.21, and 6.23 above and was significantly proved that anti-Americanism prevailed during the period of the study. Question 4 (Has anti-Americanism increased and transformed into new dimensions in the 21st century?) was answered in the results of the study highlighted in table 6.20 and 6.24 above and was revealed that anti-Americanism was increased after 9/11 and violation of the sovereignty of Pakistan was significantly noticed as the new dimension of the anti-Americanism. Question 5 and 6 (What are the major causes and impact of anti-Americanism in Pakistan?) were answered with the research indicators represented the main causes of the discourse. However chapter 5 of the study provided the detailed causes and the impact of the phenomenon of the anti-Americanism.

Question 6 (What is the impact of anti-Americanism on Pak-US relations?) was addressed with a sense that media content depicted the response of the public that showed the poor nature of the bilateral level of the relations especially due the indicator of the US violation of the sovereignty of Pakistan. The severity of the feelings of anti-Americanism was conceived as the new dimension of the discourse, in the case of the US drone attack on Pakistani territory. Then the complex nature of the alliance of the ISI and CIA was seen as the new dimension that besides the strategic coalition in WOT the levels of trust deficit were also seen in the contents of the media. Question 7 (How media shapes anti-Americanism in Pakistan?) was the main focus of the content analysis and it was significantly visible in the table 6.7 and graph 6.9 above clearly

160 indicated that the selected print media had significant levels of the anti-Americanism; Nawa-i- Waqt remained the most anti-American newspaper.

6.17 Conclusion

The study comprised of 30 years of content analysis of the selected newspapers of Pakistan, revealed a vast range of information. The selected editorials of the newspapers published during the period of 30 years (from January 1, 1985 to December 31, 2014), were analyzed with the help of the pre-determined research indicator. The media plays the role of the watchdog for the society, the gatekeeper for the government affairs, and opinion builder of the public, through its contents. The Pakistani media, has also emerged as an effective instrument of all the segments of the society, especially after the start of WOT in the region. The agenda setting role of the print media of Pakistan, have always played a vital role in shaping the beliefs of the people about the domestic, regional and global issues. The role of the print media in Pakistan, regarding the political matters remained significant since the independence of Pakistan. Like many other political affairs, the Pak-US relation has been the popular subject of the print media in Pakistan.

In the content analysis the Pakistani media explored some of the new dimensions of the ant-Americanism in Pakistan. The severity of the discourse was seen as the fully agreed cause in case of the US violation of sovereignty of Pakistan, including the US drone attack, the Abbottabad operation and the attack on Salala post in the territory of Pakistan. The issue of the violation of the sovereignty of Pakistan by the US was taken so seriously by the media that maximum contents were on the issue, especially during the last 10 years of the period of the study. The ISI and CIA, (both the intelligence agencies) were working in close coordination with the strategic coalition in the WOT, but it was quite strange and new dimension, that significant trust deficit was observed in case of the trust deficit between the both. The Americans were seen friends like the enemy as it was depicted by the contents of the media.

The print media of Pakistan highlighted the issues related to the aspects which were taken seriously in the interests of the state. Pak-US relations and the element of anti-Americanism became the popular media discourse during the last few decades in Pakistan. Some new

161 dimensions were revealed in the media discourse of anti-Americanism, during the study. The study provided the pattern of the opinion making in the print media.

The study also testified that the media perceptions were closely associated with the existing public opinion in Pakistan. As the popular perception of the Pakistani people, the media also proved that there were many US acts in the region, that were disliked by the media as well. The media focused on the issues, and deduced the feelings of anti-Americanism out the content of the study. US engagement with China, Central Asian States, Afghanistan, Iran, India and other countries of South Asia, were critically observed during the study. The US image significantly emerged as “unfavourable” in Pakistan. The presence of more US diplomats in Pakistan, Abbottabad operation against OBL, drone attacks by the US forces on Pakistani territory, the ground attacks of NATO Forces on Salala Post, Raymond Davis issue and Shakeel Afridi case were the subjects of the study, which played the vital role in judging the US image during the study.

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CHAPTER 7 SURVEY, DATA ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATIONS

Collection of the relevant data for the study is the important research practice of the scholars and Survey is the common and reliable tool for gathering the concrete information for the research work. Interviews, discussions, questionnaires and observations are the popular techniques of the survey. The data, collected with the help of surveys, facilitate the researcher to find the answer to the research questions and to test the hypothesis. In the social sciences research, data collection is the deliberate exercise for the research works and survey provides the opportunity to access the relevant information. The questionnaire is prepared to obtain the specific answers for the study and the response of the respondents is measured by some scale. The set of questions in a questionnaire, cover all the desired dimensions of the study. The selection of the population and the samples for the study is very important for the study. In the intellectual discourses, the expert opinion of the relevant selected samples would provide the appropriate answers to the research questions of the study. The samples are usually selected from the relevant categories of the people who have the knowledge and grip on the topic of the study.

After the collection of the data, organization of the collected data is also important for the study. The use of the software like SPSS, is useful to organize, interpret and analyze the data. In the study, the survey was conducted, a questionnaire was prepared and responses of the respondents were measured with the help of the Likert scale. The selection of the experienced categories of the sample was vital for the study. The software was used to feed, interpret and analyze the data. The research questions and the hypothesis were tested by the statistical tests with the help of the software.

7.1 Justification of the Survey

Questionnaire and the interviews are considered as the popular techniques of the survey and these techniques are also called as the instrumentation survey.680 The questionnaire is the simple but comprehensive form of the survey Questionnaire which is the best form of knowing

680 Arlene Fink, How to Conduct Surveys: A Step-by-Step Guide: A Step-by-Step Guide (New York City: Sage Publications, 2012).

163 the responses of the sample audience. The measurement of the responses and answers of the participants are measured through some scale. Likert scale is one of the forms to find the opinion of the respondents.681 To ensure the reliability and validity, gender, demographic, academic qualifications and other aspects are incorporated in the Questionnaires. For obtaining the reliable data, the questionnaire of the surveys was prepared according to the research topic, hypothesis and research questions of the study.

Since the topic of the study was the intellectual discourse related to the domestic, regional and global political aspects, the samples were accordingly selected with the gender, demography, academic qualification and category balance of the respondents. The discourse of the anti-Americanism was present in Pakistan since the independence of Pakistan, in the study the effort to explore the nature of the phenomenon was made. The study was focused to see the dimensions of anti-Americanism and its impacts on Pak-US relations in the 21st century.

The response obtained through questionnaire from representative samples, selected according to the nature of the topic of the study, strengthen the research.682 Besides the comprehensive literature review and the analysis of the historical perspective, the topic of the study was also considered appropriate for the survey. An intellectual and scholarly opinion was felt necessary and the questionnaires were structured for the purpose of the study. The expert and scholarly opinions, were suitable to find the nature of the anti-Americanism and its impact on the Pak-US relations with the intention to find some concrete recommendations for the future policy making of both the states The Questionnaires for the survey provided a wider range of the expert samples and it was difficult to collect the comprehensive response without the survey. The primary sources are the valid evidence for the study and the survey is the best way to get the concrete information on primary sources from the balanced categories of the respondents.

681 Alan Bryman, Social Research Methods (Oxford: Oxford university press, 2015). 682 Ibid.

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7.2 Population and Samples of the Survey

Selection of the experienced sample is the best way of taking opinion on the topics of the study that fall in the paradigm of the intellectual discourse.683 Since the topic of the study was related to the popular intellectual discourse, hence the opinion was taken from the scholars and related researchers. Academicians and intellectuals were selected as the population for the study and the representative samples were taken from the student, researchers, the subject specialists, think tanks, analysts, government officials and the diplomats. The study was aimed to know the nature of anti-Americanism in Pakistan; Pakistani sample was taken as the respondent for the study.

7.3 Explanation of Categories of the Sample

The selection of the relevant sample, strengthen the credibility of the data, the different categories of the sample also make the balanced approach towards the analysis and deductions of the study.684 For the study the samples were taken from the experienced categories to assess the particular opinion on the selected research indicator. The student category was selected from the students of the various subjects of Social Sciences, mostly from International Relations, Political Science and American Studies. The student of higher education category was taken and the level of education of the students was from the Master degree programs to PhD scholars. The category of the student was the majority of the samples.

The category of the researchers on the Social Science subjects having same educational qualification was kept in the same category of student and researchers. The category of the subject specialists was selected out of the serving and retired professors and specialist researchers on the subject. The think tanks category was comprised of the researchers working in various think tanks of Pakistan and the media and freelance analysts were also kept in the same category of the think tanks and researchers. The government officials and the diplomats were consisted of the government departments and ministries of Pakistan, the Embassy of the US in Islamabad and Embassy of Pakistan in Washington DC. The available opportunity, to interact with the Pakistani scholars and officials of the Embassy of Pakistan at Washington, DC, USA,

683 Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi and Reed Larson. "Validity and reliability of the experience-sampling method." In Flow and the Foundations of Positive Psychology, pp. 35-54. Springer Netherlands, 2014. 684 John W. Creswell, Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods approaches. Sage publications, 2013.

165 facilitated in obtaining valuable data for the study.685 The hallmarks of the study, was that the educational qualification was considered in all the categories of the respondent samples.

7.4 Gender

The gender diversity in the universal social phenomenon has the impact on the opinion generating and the decision making. In the social science research, the gender balance increases the credibility of the collected data.686 To strike the gender balance in the opinion, the response of all categories was taken from male and female samples for the study. It was assumed prior to the study that gender imbalance in opinion making could affect the validity of the research, but during the study it was revealed that the encouraging number of female samples participated to respond to the selected questions. The gender balance enhanced the credibility of the data.

7.5 Qualification of the respondents (Samples)

The academic standard and experience, strength of the samples especially for the online survey extend more reliability to the data. The respondents who know the field of the study can contribute better for the research.687 The reason for the selection of the highly literate sample was to obtain the opinion from the samples who actually know the subjects and have the areas of experience related to the topic of the study. Access to the various local universities was easily available and the variety of the literary personalities visiting to the workplace was the opportunity to obtain the response from the highly literate respondents.688

7.6 Justification of the experienced sample

For the intellectual discourses like anti-Americanism and Pak-US relations the opinion of the representative, literary and experienced category of the sample is more appropriate to obtain the expert opinion. Moreover, the balanced selection of the gender, demography, age group from young to mature persons, and survey based on various parts of Pakistan and the Pakistani citizens

685 The scholars spent six months in Georgetown University Washington DC, for the research purpose; a handsome response was obtained from the Pakistani researchers working in the US and Pakistani officials of the Embassy at Washington DC, and others residing in the US. 686 Victoria Bergvall, Rethinking Language and Gender Research: Theory and Practice (Abingdon, Vale of White Horse: Routledge, 2014). 687 George Terhanian and John Bremer, “A Smarter Way to Select Respondents for Surveys,” International Journal of Market Research 54, no. 6 (2012): 751–80. 688 The researcher is working in a national think tank that frequently host the vast number of intellectual activity related to national and international affairs.

166 in the US was made in the study that justified the representativeness of the sample from all over the society of Pakistan.

7.7 Questionnaire

In the social sciences research, the questionnaire provides the focussed information to support the central argument and hypothesis of the study.689 The set of the questions in the shape of the questionnaire was prepared to find answers to the research questions and approve or disapprove the hypothesis of the study. For the study, the set of questions was prepared to get the response of the people who possess the adequate knowledge on the subjects. The questionnaire focused on the relevant subjects like the US regional policies, the level of anti-Americanism in Pakistan, the US stand on Pakistani concerned issues, increase in anti-Americanism, after the start of the 21st century, gains and losses in Pakistan during WOT, the causes of the anti- Americanism, the US interference in Pakistani matters and the negative impact of the anti- Americanism on Pak-US relations during the 21st century. The expert opinions of the respondents remained useful for the study. The format of the Questionnaire is attached as Appendix A.

7.8 Likert Scale

Scales are used for the measurement of the responses or opinion for the study and there are various types of the scales; the Likert Scale is considered more appropriate, especially to measure the response to the topics that represent the thinking of the liking and disliking of the public.690 The scale was suitable to measure the response of the literary samples of the element of the anti-Americanism in relation to Pak-US relations. The set of the questions was circulated to the respondents and their response was measured on the following Likert scale:-

1 2 3 4 5 Strongly Disagree Uncertain Agree Strongly Disagree Agree

689 Sotirios Sarantakos, Social Research (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012). 690 Elaine Allen and Christopher A. Seaman. "Likert scales and data analyses." Quality Progress 40, no. 7 (2007): 64.

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7.9 Use of the Software (SPSS)

The collected data from the samples is difficult to organize as per the requirement of the study.691 The use of the SPSS enables the researcher to interpret, analyze and statistically test the data according to the variables.692 Feeding of the data in the software is quite hectic and time consuming exercise, but it helps in carrying out the analysis of the data bank collected for the study.693 The data were collected through comprehensive survey, and it was fed in the software.

The graphs and the tables were generated with the help of the software and hypothesis was tested by the non-parametric tests of the software like a chai square with the help of the software

(SPSS). The statistical test and data supported the hypothesis.

7.10 Summary of the Data of Survey (Collected through Questionnaires)

Summary of the data of the survey, collected through Questionnaire is given in various tables of this chapter.

691 Perry R. Hinton, Isabella McMurray and Charlotte Brownlow. SPSS explained. Routledge, 2014. 692 Norman H Nie, Dale H. Bent and C. Hadlai Hull. SPSS: Statistical package for the social sciences. Vol. 227. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1975. 693 Perry R. Hinton, Isabella McMurray, and Charlotte Brownlow, SPSS Explained (Abingdon, Vale of White Horse: Routledge, 2014).

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7.11 Explanation and Analysis of the Survey Data

The sets of graphs and tables generated with the help of the statistical software are explained below:-

Graph.7.1 the Representations of the Respondents for the Study

A total number of 1080 literary respondents participated in the study. The above graph

7.1 indicated the numbers of respondents in each category. The maximum representation of the category of students cum researchers remained 302 (27.96%). The subject specialists represented

284 (26.30%) samples. The representation of think tanks cum analysts remained 268 (24.81%).

The government officials cum diplomats contribution was recorded as 226 (20.93%) samples. Al the categories of the samples presented the adequate range of the responses for the study.

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Graph 7.2 The Gender Balance of the Samples

The above graph 7.2 indicated the division of gender from whom the responses were collected. The male respondent's representation remained 598 in numbers (55.37%) and female number of samples were recorded 482 (44.63%). A marginal differences (slightly more males than females) as indicated in the graph, was found in the representation of the male and female category. Keeping in view the low literacy rate of female in Pakistan and social social constraints, the gender balance remained encouraging and the proportionate participation produced comprehensive data for the study.

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Graph.7.3 Representation of the Respondents Qualification wise

The above graph 7.3 highlighted that the participation of the respondent samples on the basis of educational qualifications were divided into Masters, M.Phil and PhD categories. Out of the total 1080 participants, the representation of the category of Master, remained 292 in number (27.04%), M.Phil, 470 in numbers (43.52%) and PhD, 318 in numbers (29.44%). M.Phil category of the sample was ranked number 1, as per the number of the responses. The qualification strength of the samples depicted that the data received from the survey was the useful addition in the study. The response was measured according to the questionnaire of the survey and response to each part of the questionnaire is further explained in the subsequent pages of the study.

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Graph 7.4 Response of the Sample on the Question number 1 of the Survey

The first Question asked of the respondents, was, “Do you agree that US Regional Policies are good for Pakistan?”. The majority of the responses received on the given question fell into the categories of disagree and strongly disagree. The study proved that 698, responses (64.63%) of the people were “disagree” and 270 (25 %) were “strongly disagree”. Only 46 samples (4.26%) remained “agree” and only 14 people (1.3%) were “strongly agree “people in disagreement that the U.S. Regional policies are good for Pakistan. While, 4.81% uncertain, 4.26% are agreed and 1.30% strongly agrees with this question. The responses of the category of

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“uncertain” were only 52 (4.81%). The graph clearly depicted that the significant majority of the respondents disagreed that US regional policies were good for Pakistan.

Graph 7.5 Response of the Sample on the Question number 2 of the Survey

The second Question asked of the respondents, was “Do you agree that the majority of the Pakistani populace possesses anti-American sentiments?” The significant majority of the responses received on the given question fell into the categories of “strongly agree” and “agree”. The study proved that 330, responses (30.56%) of the people were “strongly agree” and 622 (57.59 %) were “agree?” Only 48 samples (4.44%) remained “disagree”, 30 people (2.78%) were

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“strongly disagree” and 50 people (4.63%) remained “uncertain”. The graph clearly indicated that the significant majority of the respondents agreed and strongly agreed that the majority of the Pakistani populace possessed anti-American sentiments.

Graph 7.6 Response of the Sample on the Question number 3 of the Survey

The third Question asked of the respondents, was, “Do you agree that the US stand was in favor of Pakistan in Pakistani concerns and issues?” The majority of the responses received on the given question fell into the categories of disagree and strongly disagree. The study proved

174 that 596, responses (55.19%) of the people were “disagree” and 326 (30.19 %) were “strongly disagree”. Only 74 samples (6.85%) remained “agree”, 22 people (2.04%) were “strongly agree” and 62 samples (5.75%) were uncertain. The graph clearly depicted that the significant majority of the respondents disagreed and strongly disagreed that the US stand was in favor of Pakistan in Pakistani concerns and issues.

Graph 7.7 Response of the Sample on the Question number 4 of the Survey

The forth Question asked of the respondents, was “Do you agree that the anti-American sentiments increased significantly since the start of the 21st century?” The significant majority of the responses received on the given question fell into the categories of “strongly agree” and “agree”. The study proved that 586, responses (54.26%) of the people were “strongly agree” and

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412 (38.15%) were “agree?” Only 28 samples (2.59%) remained “disagree”, 22 people (2.04%) were “strongly disagree” and 32 people (2.96%) remained “uncertain”. The graph clearly indicated that the significant number of respondents has agreed and strongly agreed that the anti- American sentiments significantly increased in Pakistan, since the start of the 21st century.

Graph 7.8 Response of the Sample on the Question number 5 of the Survey

The Fifth Question asked of the respondents, was “Do you agree that Pakistan got less gains and more losses in WOT?” The significant majority of the responses received on the given question fell into the categories of “strongly agree” and “agree”. The study proved that 324, responses (30%) of the people were “strongly agree” and 546 (50.56%) were “agree”. Only 74 samples (6.85%) remained “disagree”, 64 people (5.93%) were “strongly disagree” and 72

176 people (6.67%) remained “uncertain”. The graph clearly indicated that the significant majority of the respondents agreed and strongly agreed that Pakistan got less gains and more losses in the WOT.

Graph 7.9 Response of the Sample on the Question number 6 of the Survey

The Sixth Question asked of the respondents, was “Do you agree that the US violation of sovereignty of Pakistan is one of the causes of the anti-Americanism in Pakistan?”. The significant majority of the responses received on the given question fell into the categories of “strongly agree” and “agree”. The study proved that 714, responses (66.11%) of the people were “strongly agree” and 312 (28.89%) were “agree?”. Only 18 samples (1.67%) remained

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“disagree”, 14 people (1.30%) were “strongly disagree” and 22 people (2.04%) remained “uncertain”. The graph clearly indicated that the significant majority of the respondents agreed and strongly agreed that the US violation of sovereignty of Pakistan is one of the causes of the anti-Americanism in Pakistan.

Graph 7.10 Response of the Sample on the Question number 7 of the Survey

The 7th Question asked of the respondents, was “Do you agree the US interference in Pakistani matters, is disliked by the majority of the people of Pakistan?” The significant majority of the responses received on the given question fell into the categories of “strongly agree” and

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“agree”. The study proved that 254, responses (23.52%) of the people were “strongly agree” and 536 (49.63%) were “agree”, 170 samples (15.74%) remained “disagree”, 68 people (6.30%) were “strongly disagree” and 52 people (4.81%) remained “uncertain”. The graph clearly indicated that the significant majority number of the respondents has agreed and strongly agreed that the US interference in Pakistani matters is disliked by the majority of the people of Pakistan.

Graph 7.11 Response of the Sample on the Question number 8 of the Survey

The 8th Question asked of the respondents, was “Do you agree that anti-Americanism negatively affects Pak-US relations since the start of the 21st century?” The significant majority of the responses received on the given question fell into the categories of “strongly agree” and “agree”. The study proved that 484, responses (44.81%) of the people were “strongly agree” and 498 (46.11%) were “agree”, 46 samples (4.26%) remained “disagree”, 22 people (2.04%) were

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“strongly disagree” and 30 people (2.78%) remained “uncertain”. The graph clearly indicated that the significant majority of the respondents agreed and strongly agreed that that anti- Americanism has negatively affected Pak-US relations since the start of the 21st century.

Graph 7.12 Gender wise Representation of the Samples of the Masters Level

The above graph indicated that in all the selected categories of the samples, the representation of the Masters level in males and females remained balanced. Out of 292 Masters level samples (27.04 % of overall respondents), in the students and researchers category, 64 and 54 responses were recorded respectively. The participations of male and female samples in the category of the subject specialist remained 12 and 8 respectively. In the category of the think tanks and analysts, 30 males and 24 female respondents shared the opinion. In the government officials and diplomats category, the representation of the male and female remained 54 and 46

180 respectively. The above graph also identified that the marginal difference was noticed in the participation of the male and female samples; the male samples were slightly more in all the categories of the samples.

Graph 7.13 Gender wise Representation of the Samples of the M.Phil Level

The above graph indicated that in all the selected categories of the samples, the representation of the M.Phil level in males and females remained balanced. Out of 470 M.Phil level samples (47.52 % of overall respondents), in the students and researchers category, 58 and 48 responses were recorded respectively. The participations of male and female samples in the category of the subject specialist remained 84 and 62 respectively. In the category of the think tanks and analysts, 76 males and 52 female respondents shared the opinion. In the government officials and diplomats category, the representation of the male and female remained 50 and 40

181 respectively. The above graph also identified that the marginal difference was noticed in the participation of the M.Phil level, male and female samples; the male samples were slightly more in all the categories of the samples.

Graph 7.14 Gender wise Representation of the Samples of the PhD Level

The above graph indicated that in all the selected categories of the samples, the representation of the PhD level in males and females remained balanced. Out of 318 PhD level samples (29.40 % of overall respondents), in the students and researchers category, 42 and 36 responses were recorded respectively. The participations of male and female PhD samples in the category of the subject specialist remained 62 and 56 respectively. In the category of the think tanks and analysts, 46 males and 40 female PhD respondents shared their opinion. In the government officials and diplomats’ category, the representation of the male and female, PhD

182 samples remained 20 and 16 respectively. The above graph also identified that the marginal difference was noticed in the participation of the PhD level, male and female samples; the male PhD samples were slightly more in all the categories of the samples.

Table 7.15 Academic Qualification, Category and Gender Representations of Samples

Gender

Qualification Category Male Female Total

Master Students / Researchers 64 54 118

Subject Specialists 12 8 20

Think Tanks / Analysts 30 24 54

Government Officials / 54 46 100 Diplomats

Total 160 132 292

M.Phil Students / Researchers 58 48 106

Subject Specialists 84 62 146 Think Tanks / Analysts 76 52 128 Government Officials / 50 40 90 Diplomats

Total 268 202 470

PhD Students / Researchers 42 36 78

Subject Specialists 62 56 118

Think Tanks / Analysts 46 40 86

Government Officials / 20 16 36 Diplomats

Total 170 148 318

The above table 7.15 indicated the category wise participations of the male and female genders in Masters, M.Phil and PhD levels of the respondents. The self-explanatory table identified the M.Phil samples were ranked number 1 in term of the quantity of the responses and PhD and Masters Respondents remained at number 2 and 3 respectively. In the categories, students and researchers were ranked number 1 in term of the quantity of samples. Likewise the male was ranked number 1 in the gender in term of participation in the survey.

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Table 7.16 Responses of the Categories on Question No. 1

Do you agree that US regional Policies are good for Pakistan?

Category Strongly Disagree Disagree Uncertain Agree Strongly Agree Total

Students / Researchers 74 196 12 18 2 302

Subject Specialists 42 206 20 12 4 284

Think Tanks / Analysts 78 168 10 10 2 268

Government Officials / 76 128 10 6 6 226 Diplomats

Total 270 698 52 46 14 1080

The table 7.16 above gave the details of the responses of each category in the case of the Question number 1. The result indicated that the US regional policies were considered significantly negative or bad for Pakistan and the argument of the question was clearly rejected by all the categories of the study.

Table 7.17 Responses of the Categories on Question No. 2

Category Do you agree that the majority of the Pakistani populace possesses anti- Total American sentiments?

Strongly Disagree Uncertain Agree Strongly Disagree Agree Students / Researchers 4 12 14 186 86 302 Subject Specialists 14 10 14 156 90 284

Think Tanks / Analysts 2 6 14 162 84 268 Government Officials / 10 20 8 118 70 226 Diplomats Total 30 48 50 622 330 1080

The table 7.17 above gave the details of the responses of each category in the case of the Question number 2. The result indicated that the argument of the Question that, the majority of the Pakistani populace possesses anti-Americanism was overwhelmingly accepted by all the categories of the study.

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Table 7.18 Responses of the Categories on Question No. 3

Do you agree that US stand was in favor of Pakistan on Pakistani concerns & issues? Category Strongly Strongly Disagree Disagree Uncertain Agree Agree Total Students / Researchers 108 148 14 28 4 302 Subject Specialists 78 178 2 18 8 284 Think Tanks / Analysts 76 148 22 12 10 268 Government Officials / 64 122 24 16 0 226 Diplomats Total 326 596 62 74 22 1080

The table 7.18 above gave the details of the responses of each category in the case of the Question number 3. The result indicated that the argument of the Question that, the US stands was in favor of Pakistani concerns and issues, was rejected by all the categories of the study.

Table 7.19 Responses of the Categories on Question No. 4

Category Do you agree that anti-American sentiment increased significantly since the start of the 21st century? Strongly Strongly Disagree Disagree Uncertain Agree Agree Total Students / 6 6 8 122 160 302 Researchers Subject 10 10 8 108 148 284 Specialists Think Tanks / 2 6 8 86 166 268 Analysts Government 4 6 8 96 112 226 Officials / Diplomats Total 22 28 32 412 586 1080

The table 7.19 above gave the details of the responses of each category in the case of the Question number 4. The result indicated that the argument of the Question that, the anti- American sentiments increased significantly, since the start of the 21st century, was overwhelmingly accepted by all the categories of the study.

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Table 7.20 Responses of the Categories on Question No. 5

Category Do you agree that Pakistan got less gains and more losses in the WOT? Strongly Strongly Disagree Disagree Uncertain Agree Agree Total Students / Researchers 12 8 12 188 82 302 Subject Specialists 18 30 10 140 86 284 Think Tanks / Analysts 26 26 32 86 98 268 Government Officials / 8 10 18 132 58 226 Diplomats Total 64 74 72 546 324 1080

The table 7.20 above gave the details of the responses of each category in the case of the Question number 5. The result indicated that the argument of the Question that, Pakistan got less gains and more losses in the WOT, was overwhelmingly accepted by all the categories of the study.

Table 7.21 Responses of the Categories on Question No. 6

Category Do you agree that US violation of sovereignty of Pakistan is one of the causes of anti-Americanism in Pakistan? Strongly Strongly Disagree Disagree Uncertain Agree Agree Total Students / 4 2 2 92 202 302 Researchers Subject Specialists 4 6 6 90 178 284 Think Tanks / 0 6 4 52 206 268 Analysts Government 6 4 10 78 128 226 Officials / Diplomats Total 14 18 22 312 714 1080

The table 7.21 above gave the details of the responses of each category in the case of the Question number 6. The result indicated that the argument of the Question that, the US violation of the sovereignty of Pakistan was one of the leading causes of anti-Americanism in Pakistan was overwhelmingly accepted by all the categories of the study.

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Table 7.22 Responses of the Categories on Question No. 7

Do you agree that US interference in Pakistani matters is disliked by the majority of people of Pakistan? Category Strongly Strongly Disagree Disagree Uncertain Agree Agree Total Students / 14 40 14 174 60 302 Researchers Subject Specialists 28 30 12 138 76 284 Think Tanks / 12 84 12 122 38 268 Analysts Government 14 16 14 102 80 226 Officials / Diplomats Total 68 170 52 536 254 1080

The table 7.22 above gave the details of the responses of each category in the case of the Question number 7. The result indicated that the argument of the Question that, the US interference in Pakistan matters was disliked by the majority of the people of Pakistan was overwhelmingly accepted by all the categories of the study.

Table 7.23 Responses of the Categories on Question No. 8 Do you agree that anti-Americanism is negatively affecting Pak-US relations since the start of the 21st century? Category Strongly Disagree Disagree Uncertain Agree Strongly Agree Total Students / 8 16 8 118 152 302 Researchers Subject Specialists 4 8 4 122 146 284 Think Tanks / 8 20 6 154 80 268 Analysts Government 2 2 12 104 106 226 Officials / Diplomats Total 22 46 30 498 484 1080

The table 7.23 above gave the details of the responses of each category in the case of the

Question number 8. The result indicated that the argument of the Question that, the anti-

Americanism was negatively affecting the Pak-US relations since the start of the 21st century was overwhelmingly accepted by all the categories of the study.

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7.12 Statistical Testing of the Questionnaire

The responses collected from 1080 samples, were comprised of Masters, M.Phil and PhD

levels of the respondents. The students, researchers, subject specialists, think tanks, analysts,

government officials and diplomats contributed the valuable opinion for the study. The gender

balance was also found in the respondents for the survey. The responses were measured through

the Likert Scale with the help of a set of a questionnaire consisted of 8 questions. The Chai

Square test was applied to observe the significance value and the each question received

significant result as indicated in the table below:-

Table 7.24 Test Statistics of Chi Square Test on the Questionnaire

Do you agree Do you agree Do you agree Do you agree Do you agree that anti- that US that US that anti- that the Do you agree American violation of interference in Americanism is Test Do you agree majority of that US stand sentiment Do you agree sovereignty of Pakistani negatively that US the Pakistani was in favor increased that Pakistan Pakistan is one matters is affecting Pak- regional populace of Pakistan on significantly got less gains of the causes of disliked by the US relations Policies are possesses anti- Pakistani since the start and more anti- majority of since the start good for American concerns & of the 21st losses in the Americanism people of of the 21st Pakistan? sentiments? issues? century? WOT? in Pakistan? Pakistan? century? Chi-Square 1536.296 1241.704 1101.926 1306.259 854.481 1735.481 716.481 1168.889 df 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 Asymp. Sig. .000 .000 .000 .000 .000 .000 .000 .000

The table 7.24 above indicated the result value of all the Questions asked of the respondents, remained significant (p =. 000), The significant result of the Chai Square means that the arguments asked in the questions was significantly accepted or rejected by the samples of the study. The set of Questions, asked in the Questionnaire, were comprehensively answered in the survey. Question No. 1 (Do you agree that US regional Policies are good for Pakistan?) and Question No. 3 (Do you agree that US stand was in favor of Pakistan on Pakistani concerns and

188 issues?) were rejected by the significant majority of the samples. The significance of the rejection of the Question No.1 and 3 was recorded as p=.000, in the statistical test.

The Questions No. 2 (Do you agree that the majority of Pakistani populace possess anti- American sentiments?), 4 (Do you agreed that anti-Americans sentiment increased significantly, since the start of the 21st century?), 5 (Do you agree that Pakistan got less gains and more losses in WOT?), 6 (Do you agree that US violation of the sovereignty of Pakistan is one of the causes of anti-Americanism in Pakistan?), 7 (Do you agree that US interference in Pakistani matters, is disliked by the majority of Pakistan?) and 8 (Do you agree that anti-Americanism is negatively, impacting Pak-US relations, since the start of the 21st century?) were clearly proved by significant numbers of the respondents of the study. The acceptance, to the Questions No. 2, 4,5,6,7 and 8 was proved and in the statistical tests, the significance value p= .000, indicated the ‘significant’ result of the study.

7.13 Conclusion

The survey provided substantial information required to answer to the research questions of the study. The sample size of 1080 responses in the study was selected from the four experienced categories of respondents that include senior students and researchers, subject specialists, think tanks and analyst, government officials and diplomats to obtain the reliable responses to answer the research questions. The Survey to determine the nature of the element of anti-Americanism in Pakistan and its impact on Pak-US relations were conducted and concrete results were retrieved. The study would be a valuable addition to chalk out the futuristic policy parameters of Pak-US relations and a guideline for the researchers of the international relations. The existential nature of anti-Americanism would also be useful in the study of US politics and its relations within the region.

The US acts like the drone attacks on the territory of a sovereign state, the unilateral action of Abbottabad operation against the OBL and attacks on the military post of a country would be seen critically not only in Pakistan but also in the global political discussions. The WOT has transformed the society of Pakistan since 9/11, and the contribution of Pakistan and the losses occurred as compared to cost benefit of the entire phase of counterterrorism efforts would be discussed as the case study in the future research of the social sciences. The Pakistani

189 populace comparatively became more anti-American after the start of the phase of WOT instead the positive results of the war against the terrorism on Pak-US relations. A balanced approach to safeguard the national interests of both the states would result in cordial relations in future. The US has the global interests in the region and Pakistan would be the best choice for the superpower to work jointly in regional affairs. Pakistan can take advantage of relations of the superpower, if divergences of the interests are addressed and element of anti-Americanism is reduced. It would be possible option only if both the sides are seriously involved in bilateral engagements in regional political affairs.

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CHAPTER 8

FINDINGS AND RESULTS It is the desire of each country that her relations with other countries should be based on equal and bilateral terms and conditions. But if state to state relations are seen in the context of the international political structure of the global politics, then bilateralism is compromised over other aspects. Pakistan’s relations with US would be seen in the context of a unipolar world. The sovereign states follow the national interest of their respective nation, but the superpower has some exceptions. Long term national objective oriented policies are made to develop as a sovereign nation. The growth of the democratic systems of the states took place with the domestic political structure of a state. The growth of the states becomes the dependable variable and the democratic system of the states remains the independent variable. The Research upgrades the existing concepts by exploring new information; it is an ongoing process that opens the new windows of the opportunity to explore the new phenomena.

8.1 An Overview of the Study

The research on the political matters of Pakistan would provide the policy guideline for the future engagement of state with the other states. The phenomenon of anti-Americanism has transformed beyond the criticism of United States and has reached to the radical level of ‘hatred’.694 There are the areas of convergences and divergences of national interests of United States and the Muslim countries but yet the Muslims states are significant in holding the anti- American feelings.695 United States has the strategic interests in Asia Pacific, South Asia and Central Asia and Pakistan is likely to play a key role in US policy of South Asia.696

Pakistan opted to have a strategic partnership with United States during the WOT but besides immense contributions of Pakistan, the trust deficit has prevailed in the relations. In the United States, there are many institutional segments like Foreign Ministry, State Department, diplomats and bureaucrats that supplement the foreign policy. Pakistan is endeavoring to improve, economy, governance and political stability. It would be a strategic foreign policy

694 Merryl Wyn Davies and Ziauddin Sardar, Why Do People Hate America? (London: Icon Books Limited, 2003). 695 Giacomo Chiozza, “Love and Hate: Anti-Americanism in the Islamic World,” Presentation in the Department of Politics, New York University, 2004, 1–58. 696 Shirin Tahir-Kheli, The United States and Pakistan: The Evolution of an Influence Relationship (Praeger Publishers, 1982).

191 agenda of Pakistan to establish cordial relations with United States in regional and global political matters. There would be efforts at government level to improve the relations between Pakistan and United States.

The recent Pakistan and China’s relations especially after signing of the CPEC project have transformed into the strategic economic partnership in the region.697 The US policy to contain China would impact the political balance in Asia Pacific698 but Pakistan should seek opportunities to establish equally good relations with US and China. Regional countries would adjust its alliances with the great powers according to the suitability of respective national interests. Pakistan’s pro-China stance should not transform into anti-Americanism. The US would show its concerns over the overwhelming Chinese role in the regional economic activity, especially the future role of China in the CPEC would be important in the region.699 The US role in the regional development and connectivity would be the better for the region. The joint economic ventures of Pakistan, US, China, Afghanistan, Iran and other regional countries would be more suitable for the regional peace and development. The development in the field of energy is the core priority of Pakistan and US would get the positive response of the governments and public in Pakistan for its economic cooperation with Pakistan.700 The US investment in the region would increase the image of soft power of US The superpower’s image of the soft power in the world would bring positive impact on the foreign policy of US as well.701

After the event of 9/11, United States asked Pakistan to join in WOT against Afghan regime. It was the difficult decision, but Pakistan accepted the decision of the superpower without the consensus at the national level. Even the decision was justified, but the people of Pakistan have widely criticised the decision by the Pakistani government for accepting US demand without taking the nation into confidence.702Anti-Americanism has become a popular thinking of the general public in Pakistan, especially after the event of 9/11. There are some

697 Muhammad Saqib Irshad, “One Belt and One Road: Dose China-Pakistan Economic Corridor Benefit for Pakistan’s Economy?,” Journal of Economics and Sustainable Development 6, no. 24 (2015). 698 Evan S. Medeiros, “Strategic Hedging and the Future of Asia-Pacific Stability,” The Washington Quarterly 29, no. 1 (2005): 145–67. 699 Ziad Haider, “Sino-Pakistan Relations and Xinjiang’s Uighurs: Politics, Trade, and Islam along the Karakoram Highway,” Asian Survey 45, no. 4 (2005): 522–45. 700 Rabia Komal and Faisal Abbas, “Linking Financial Development, Economic Growth and Energy Consumption in Pakistan,” Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews 44 (2015): 211–20. 701 Benjamin E. Goldsmith and Yusaku Horiuchi, “In Search of Soft Power: Does Foreign Public Opinion Matter for US Foreign Policy?,” World Politics 64, no. 03 (2012): 555–85. 702 Noam Chomsky, 9-11: Was There an Alternative? (New York City: Seven Stories Press, 2011).

192 justified and some unjustified criticisms on the superpower.703 The use of the advanced technologies of the US would minimize the confrontations in the world.704 The puppet regimes created by US in various countries compel the public to have the element of anti-Americanism in their thought process.705 The decision making process of the state is important segment of a sovereign state. The global and the regional powers exert its influence on the policy matters of the other state.706 Pakistani people perceive that the US plays its political role in making of the government of her choices in Pakistan.707

The good governance and strong political system is one of the primary goals of the state. Pakistan unfortunately could not achieve the desired level of the stability in the country so far. The irritants in the process of Pak-US relations are also linked with political growth of Pakistan. In the global and regional challenges of the political environment Pakistan should improve its governance and political system to develop into a strong state of the region.708 The foreign debts become security threats to the states if the economic growth rate is not healthy in the respective states.709 The self-reliance is considered as one of the essential segments of a sovereign state.710 The US concern about the nuclear proliferation of Pakistani is a serious political aspect related to the national security of Pakistan.711

Pak-US relations have mostly remained volatile since the beginning of diplomatic ties between Pakistan and the US.712 The element of anti-Americanism has made the relations more complicated for both the states. The decision making at the government level matters a lot in state to state relations but the public opinion has also significant impact on policy matters. The

703 Daniel S. Markey, No Exit from Pakistan: America’s Tortured Relationship with Islamabad (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013). 704 Joseph S. Nye, “Soft Power,” Foreign Policy, no. 80 (1990): 153–71. 705 Amaney A. Jamal, Of Empires and Citizens: Pro-American Democracy or No Democracy at All? (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2012). 706 Richard C. Snyder, Henry W. Bruck, and Burton Sapin, “Decision-Making as an Approach to the Study of International Politics,” in Foreign Policy Decision-Making (Revisited) (New York City: Springer, 2002), 21–152. 707 Bessma Momani, “The IMF, the US War on Terrorism, and Pakistan,” Asian Affairs: An American Review 31, no. 1 (2004): 41–51. 708 Shahrukh Rafi Khan, “Promoting Democratic Governance: The Case of Pakistan,” The European Journal of Development Research 13, no. 2 (2001): 81–96. 709 Eric L. Hargreaves, The National Debt (Abingdon, Vale of White Horse: Routledge, 2013). 710 K. Subramanyam, Self-Reliance and National Resilience (Buldana,Maharashtra: Abhinav Publications, 2003). 711 Moeed Yusuf, Predicting Proliferation: The History of the Future of Nuclear Weapons (Washington DC: Brookings Institution, 2009). 712 M. Usman A. Siddiqi, “Pak-US Relations: A Roller Coaster Ride,” The Journal of Political Science 27 (2009): 27.

193 balanced approach towards the foreign policy especially in case of the relations with superpower reduces the existing gaps between the thinking of people and the government.713

The US policy makers should evaluate the past policies of US in the region and to consider some of the measures to improve its image in the region especially in Pakistan. The US acts like the Abbottabad Operation, the US drone attacks and NATO attack on Salala Post were seriously taken by the public of Pakistan and such acts have increased the quantum of anti- Americanism in Pakistan.714 The US drone attacks on the territory of Pakistan have been heavily criticized worldwide and Pakistan governments asked the US for the transfer of the drone technology to Pakistan instead violating international laws.715

The United States has the top quality environment of education for the other nations. There are many research and academic institution in the US which can be beneficial for the international researchers.716 The top ranked universities of the US has the great research facilities for the international scholars; especially Pakistani scholars would get the advantages of the global studies on terrorism, extremism and other contemporary subjects.717 The education is the top priority of a developing and developed nation718 and Pakistan is the low literacy nation, needs to focus more on this aspect. Improved literacy standard in Pakistan would present better political environment for the world community. The scholar exchange programs are also one of the useful options for both the states and such initiative would bring the positive impacts on the Pak-US relations in the future. The strict visa laws of the US, especially for the Pakistani people are a matter of concerns for many Pakistani who desire to go to US for the business or study purpose.719

713 Michael Cox, US Foreign Policy after the Cold War: Superpower without a Mission? (Virginia: Pinter Pub Ltd, 1995). 714 Ashley S. Deeks, “Pakistan’s Sovereignty and the Killing of Osama Bin Laden,” ASIL Insights (5 May 2011) Available at Http://www. Asil. org/insights110505. Cfm, 2011. 715 Micah Zenko, Reforming US Drone Strike Policies, 65 (New York City: Council on Foreign Relations, 2013). 716 Philip Altbach, “The Costs and Benefits of World-Class Universities,” International Higher Education, no. 33 (2015). 717 The researcher himself remained in Center of Muslim and Christian Understanding, Georgetown, University Washington DC, for the research purpose of his PhD thesis. The research facilities were observed as the most appropriate for the scholars of developing contries like Pakistan. 718 George Psacharopoulos and Maureen Woodhall, Education for Development (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993). 719 “Pakistani Passport among Worst for Travel: Visa Restriction Index 2013,” The Express Tribune, October 2, 2013.

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The US has exerted lot of political pressure on Pakistan to suspend its nuclear program but Pakistan has successfully achieved the nuclear capability.720 Western world especially US expressed the concerns about the proliferation and Pakistani public have condemned US response.721 Pakistan has shown its concern over the strategic imbalance in South Asia and the issue has gone more serious after US civil nuclear deal with India.722 The US regional policy in the South Asia has been a serious concern for Pakistan. Because of the past regional political policy initiatives of the US, Pakistan has confronted many challenges.723

The phrase of the “Islamophobia” was first time used in 1985 in Europe, but now the Islamophobia has become the popular intellectual discourse in US and Europe especially after the event of 9/11.724 The fear of the discourse Islamophobia would create divergences in the followers of the faith across the globe.725 The people across the globe are worried about the threat of extremist Islam and even the Muslims fear the same threats.726 In the US some of the anti-Islamic laws like same sex marriages have been criticised in the Muslim world including Pakistan.727 Such laws would further widen the gulf between US and Muslim world. Any law that affects the ideology of another civilization becomes controversial at global level. The blasphemy acts of making insulting movies and cartoon against the ‘Holy Prophet’ have been done mostly in Europe, but people from the Muslim world feel that the US, had not played its role to condemn the individuals and countries responsible for such actions.728

The Pakistani public has widely criticised Raymond Davis case of 2011, and some other incidents in which CIA’s role was doubted and considered against the national interest of Pakistan.729 It might be a mere conspiracy theory or the assumption of the media that the US is

720 Samina Ahmed, “Pakistan’s Nuclear Weapons Program: Turning Points and Nuclear Choices,” International Security 23, no. 4 (1999): 178–204. 721 Paul K. Kerr, Pakistan’s Nuclear Weapons: Proliferation and Security Issues (DIANE Publishing, 2010). 722 “Pakistan Cautions US against Tipping South Asia Balance,” The Express Tribune, October 18, 2015. 723 C. Raja Mohan, “India and the Balance of Power,” Foreign Affairs-New York- 85, no. 4 (2006): 17. 724 Abdul Rashid Moten, “Islamophobia: The Challenges of Pluralism in the 21st Century. Edited by John Esposito and Ibrahim Kalin,” Intellectual Discourse 20, no. 2 (2012). 725 Abdul Rashid Moten, “Islamophobia: The Challenges of Pluralism in the 21st Century. Edited by John Esposito and Ibrahim Kalin,” Intellectual Discourse 20, no. 2 (2012). 726 John L. Esposito and Ibrahim Kalin, Islamophobia: The Challenge of Pluralism in the 21st Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011). 727 Craig A. Rimmerman, the Lesbian and Gay Movements: Assimilation or Liberation? (Boulder Colorado: Westview Press, 2014). 728 Evelyn M. Aswad, Rashad Hussan, and M. Arsalan Suleman, “Why the United States Cannot Agree To Disagree on Blasphemy Laws,” BU Int’l LJ 32 (2014): 119. 729 Humeira Iqtidar, “Conspiracy Theory as Political Imaginary: Blackwater in Pakistan,” Political Studies, 2014.

195 involved in secret activities in the region especially in Pakistan for its own great game plans.730 The new great game of the international political theatre has increased the concerns of states across the globe.731 The US great game plans and its greater national interests in the region has modified the foreign policy choices in the region.732 The US policy to contain China is considered the strategic national interests of US in the future.

Kissinger expressed his concerns that US would not get the desired goals if power of China expanded beyond Asia Pacific.733 Pak-US relations are still very important for the region and US should not harm the Pakistani vital interests with China. The China, Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) project would be seen with serious concern in US especially in relation to containing China.734 The US fluctuating policy of Iran also created compulsions for Pakistan’s policy towards Iran. Pakistan would be beneficial to finalize its deal with Iran and in case of her long term nuclear deal with US, and Pakistan would also be in better position to establish relations with Iran.735 The growing Indo-US relations are seen critically in Pakistan foreign policy United State especially the concerns of Pakistan are related to the balance of power in South Asia.736

8.2 Findings of the Study

In the process of the study, a comprehensive literature review was done to analyze the discourse. The pragmatic theoretical approach was adopted for conceptual understanding of the research topic. An historical analysis was carried out to have a clear picture of the phenomena. The causes of anti-Americanism and its impact on Pak-US relations were determined to see the cause and effect relationships of an independent and dependent variables of the study. Comprehensive content analysis of the selected Pakistani print media was undertaken to see the media perspective on topic of the study. A detailed survey was accomplished to get

730 Andrew Hobbs, Kelsea Arnold,Brittney Gates,Voltaire Network, “Blackwater (Xe): The Secret US War in Pakistan, by Andrew Hobbs, Brittney Gates, Kelsea Arnold,” Voltaire Network, accessed April 7, 2015. 731 Younkyoo Kim and Fabio Indeo, “The New Great Game in Central Asia Post 2014: The US ‘New Silk Road’ Strategy and Sino-Russian Rivalry,” Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, no. 2 (2013): 275–86. 732 Lutz Kleveman, the New Great Game: Blood and Oil in Central Asia (New York City: Grove Press, 2004). 733 Henry Kissinger, “China: Containment Won’t Work,” Washington Post 13 (2005). 734 Sumita Kumar, “The China- Pakistan Strategic Relationship: Trade, Investment, Energy and Infrastructure,” Strategic Analysis 31, no. 5 (2007): 757–90. 735 Sabri Aydin, the Super Power Versus a Regional Power: A Game Theoretical Approach to the Current Nuclear Tension Between the US and Iran (Saabrucken: Lambert Academic Pub., 2010). 736 Nirode Mohanty, Indo–US Relations: Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Nuclear Energy (Lanhan Maryland: Lexington Books, 2014).

196 experienced737 and focused opinion for the study. In the light of the study, the salient findings are as given in subsequent sections.

The study has clearly revealed that high quantum of anti-Americanism has prevailed in Pakistan and the severity of anti-Americanism has increased since the start of the 21st century. It is also observed in the study that a new dimension of anti-Americanism exists in Pakistan. The discourse has emerged as a strong political card of all mainstream political parties of Pakistan. The US violation of sovereignty of Pakistan, in the acts of drone attacks on Pakistani territory, the Abbottabad operation and attack on ‘Salala’ post have created a new phase of anti- Americanism in of Pakistani society which unanimously possess the feelings against US.

There were more anti-Indian feelings in Pakistan before the start of 21st century but after the start of 21st century the feelings of the anti-Americanism overshadowed the anti-Indian feelings. The study has revealed that there is a significant gap in thinking of the people and the governments about the US. The populace of Pakistan significantly possessed the anti-American feelings, whereas the governments were seen mostly pro Americans. The US was considered as friend on most of the bilateral agreements of both the governments whereas the people considered the US as the enemy to Pakistan as per the result of the study.

The study related to Pak-US relations and anti-Americanism was comprehensively reviewed in the perspective of the pragmatism of theoretical framework. Triangulations of theories cover all the aspects of the study. Neorealist approach covered the relations of both states and quantum of anti-Americanism within the scope of the international relations. Neoclassical realism has indicated the domestic structural aspects and elite group of politicians in the state. The element of jealousy against the superpowers and the vulnerabilities of the unipolar power were highlighted in the lines of the super power syndrome and the dilemma of the superior. Agenda setting and news framing techniques of the media have been seen in the content analysis of the selected print media of Pakistan. All the theories were found relevant in the study during the process of the theoretical analysis.

All the research questions of the study have been comprehensively answered in the study and the data supported the hypothesis. During the process of the historical analysis of Pak-US

737 In the survey, representative sample of relevant experienced respondents was taken to have a focused response for the study, detail is given in research methodology at the beginning of chapter 7

197 relations it was found that Pakistani government have remained partially dependent on US and self-reliance policy of Pakistan was seldom observed during the study. After World War II, anti- Americanism was conceived by some quarters that it was a Russian propaganda against the US. It was also revealed that the element of anti-Americanism was initially found in the eleven European countries, afterward the discourse spread in the all other parts of the Europe as well. The phenomenon emerged as the popular thinking in European literature and afterward anti- Americanism has emerged as a global political and an intellectual discourse.

Anti-Americanism has expanded worldwide and after the Iranian Islamic Revolution in 1979, anti-Americanism has become the popular ideological culture in Iran and other Muslim countries. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, anti-Americanism has become even more significant in the entire Muslim world. The study has revealed some aspects of the relationship of the discourses of ‘anti-Americanism’ with the ‘Islamophobia’. The countries about whom the discourse of the Islamophobia was used in the literature, have emerged as the prominent countries where anti-Americanism is significant.

In the Muslim world, people have the feelings against Israel because of the Palestinian issue and pro- Israel American foreign policy. During the study it was observed that the anti- Israel feelings in the Muslim world have some relationship with the discourse of the anti- Americanism. The study has revealed that after 9/11, the new dimensions of the anti- Americanism has emerged in the most part of the world, especially in the Muslim world including Pakistan. Political criticism of the US has converted into the feeling of ‘hatred’ across the globe and the discourse was used as the political cards in the Muslim world.

Terrorist organizations including Al-Qaeda, TTP, Afghan Taliban and others have used the discourse of the anti-Americanism as their primary political and the ideological card to motivate the people for the militancy. During the Ayub regime in Pakistan an overt anti- Americanism had started and it was increased with the passage of time. Western world has used the discourse of the ‘Islamic Bomb’ for the Pakistani nuclear program and the people of Pakistan have disliked the US resistance for the strategic interest of the state. Pakistani nuclear program besides the US threats had continued till its completion in 1998.

The study has explored that US started monitoring Pakistan’s nuclear program during the Bhutto regime in the 1970s and kept on exerting its political pressure on Pakistani governments

198 till 1998 to stop the nuclear program. The nuclear program of Pakistan has always remained the point of serious concerns for the US. When Pakistan became the first Islamic nuclear state of the world in 1998 it was revealed that the US concerns increased regarding the proliferation issues related to Pakistani nuclear program. Pakistani people had the deep desire to achieve the nuclear capability to balance the power against India; Pakistani people have developed the feelings against the US for creating obstacles in the way of the nuclear program.

During the Musharraf regime, the issue of the nuclear proliferation of Dr AQ Khan network was tackled by the government of Pakistan. The US mostly kept the issue of the Pakistani nuclear program at the backdrop and expressed less concern when Pakistan’s cooperation was required for the US during the war against Russia and the war against terrorism (WOT) in Afghanistan. It is also found that during the Zia regime, the Islamization of Pakistani society has created a new paradigm of political thinking.

Three pronged feelings of disliking had started in Pakistan when Pakistani public have expressed their feelings against India, Israel and US at the same time and these feelings were in all segments of the society. The US had successfully followed anti-Communist policy and Pakistan had joined in countering common threat of Communist power. Anti-American sentiments have been prevailing with high quantum in Pakistan before the start of the war against the Russians but it was transformed positively in the favor of US during the particular phase of the war. The people of Pakistan had perceived that the US and Pakistan were the “twin brothers” to fight the holy war (Jihad) against the Russians.

The US response was even harsher on the Pakistan nuclear program, after May 28, 1998, when Pakistan successfully conducted the nuclear test and achieved nuclear capability overtly. The US stand on the Indian nuclear program has remained softer as compared to the Pakistani program. On the issue of US violation of the sovereignty of Pakistan, all the segments of society became at one grid to criticize US. After the 1965 war, Pakistan had realized that the US was trying to use Pakistan against the Russians for its own national interests. The Pakistan perceiving less utility of the agreements with the US for its national interests, withdrew from the pact.

The nature of the Pak –US relations have been fluctuating since the start, but before start Indo-Pak war of 1965 the relations were comparatively better as compared to the relations in the post 1965. Pak-US relations during the 1965 war were unpredictable and the people and

199 government of Pakistan had believed that US could not meet the expectations of Pakistani nation during the war. The study has revealed that US in the 1971 war was again reluctant to provide the support to Pakistan during the crucial phase of the war. Pakistan was in need of the US support that was prior agreed between both the states.

After the Indo-Pak war of 1971, Pakistan had started developing its relations with China and USSR. In Zia regime, Islamization of the society was started in Pakistani. Resultantly the society was polluted with the menace of extremism and terrorism with the emergences of the militant groups who were created to fight against USSR. The US was not so harsh on the military takeover of the Musharraf on October 12, 1999 and the military coup was acceptable to the US.

The Muslim people across the globe including Pakistan people condemned the US wars against the Muslim states such as Afghanistan and Iraq. The rise in anti-Americanism was found after the US war against Muslim countries in the name of combating terrorism. The study has identified the causes of the anti-Americanism at global and regional level. There are some reasons which are particularly related to the Islamic world. There are some important causes of anti-Americanism which is specific to Pakistan. The causes at all levels have the direct or indirect impact on Pakistani public who possess anti-Americanism.

The study analyzed the global perspective of the causes of anti-Americanism. Growing Indo-US relations, the Middle East policy of the US, and the divergent US stand on India and Pakistani nuclear program has resulted in the increase of the anti-Americanism in Pakistan. It was assessed in the study that the anti-American feelings were more prominent in the Muslim world than other the world. The philosophy of the “clash of civilizations”, the US pro-Israel stand were determined the significant reasons of the anti-Americanism in the Muslim world. The US policies of Palestine, Kashmir, Bosnia, Somalia, Sudan, Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Iran, East Taimure, Cyprus, Libya, and related issues were also taken as the prominent causes of the discourse of anti-Americanism.

In the study the specific causes of the anti-Americanism in Pakistan were revealed. The US response to Pakistan during its war against India was disliked by the public who had more expectations from the US. The US stand on the Pakistani nuclear program, the spread of the extremism and terrorism after the Pak-US collaborated war against Russians, NPT issue, Dr AQ Khan case, WOT, the US regional policies and Aafia Siddiqi case were identified as some of the

200 causes of the anti-Americanism in Pakistan. The study has identified some issues that were taken seriously by the Pakistani public, especially the spy activities of CIA in Pakistan and Raymond Davis case has resulted in increase of anti-Americanism in Pakistan.

During the Pak-US relations trust deficit was observed between the CIA and ISI, especially after the Abbottabad Operation of the US Marine against OBL the level of trust between both the states was significantly lower. It is also revealed in the study that the Pakistani people have expressed the notions of anti-Americanism on perceiving the US involvement in the making and breaking of the Pakistani governments. The study has considered the US violation of the sovereignty of Pakistan as the most serious acts of the US that brought high quantum of anti- Americanism in Pakistan. The US violations of the sovereignty of Pakistan, included the Abbottabad operation, the US drone attacks on Pakistani territory and NATO attack on the Pakistani military post were the most serious acts of the US that resulted in a significant increase in the feelings of anti-Americanism in Pakistan.

The study has also proved that the US relations with Pakistan have remained unpredictable and the US was not founded as the reliable friend to Pakistan. The public has anti- American feelings for the unreliability of US for Pakistan, especially during the crucial phases of the Pakistani wars against India. It was observed in the study that the US economic and military sanctions and arms embargo in various times, Kerry Luger Bill, Presseler Amendments and few other US Congress decision for Pakistan has increased the feelings of anti-American in Pakistan. It was critically determined that Pakistani public has developed anti-American sentiments because the public think that Pakistan contributed a lot in the WOT, sacrificed thousands of lives of its citizens, and hundreds of billion financial losses to its economy but US did not acknowledge in an encouraging manner.

Before the start of the WOT, the Western border was friendly for Pakistan, and during the WOT, India got the opportunity to work with the US in Afghanistan. India has tried to destabilize Pakistan and involved in anti-Pakistan activities in FATA, Baluchistan and Karachi. The Pakistani public developed the feelings against India and US. The US divergent response on Aafia Siddiqi and Raymond Davis issue was also seen in the study, as one of the causes of the anti-Americanism in Pakistan. Likewise in Aimal Kansi and Shakeel Afridi case, the US duplicity was also observed as the source of anti-Americanism in Pakistan.

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The use of Pakistani land and space including air bases by US, during the WOT have been largely condemned. Combat operation against Afghanistan was also observed as the act that provoked anti-Americanism in Pakistan. Inhuman treatments of the suspects by US soldier were criticized and disliked in Pakistan. It was also identified that the incidents of insulting of the religion of Islam like, publishing of humiliating material against the Holy Prophet, burning of Quran verses and other ridiculous acts against the Islamic belief has significantly increased the feelings of disliking against West including US. These feelings are prominent in many parts of the Muslim world including Pakistan.

Pakistani public has possessed the feelings of anti-Americanism in Pakistan because of the aggressive policy approach of the US. After the Indo-US civil nuclear deal, Pakistan urged the US for the same kind of the deal, but US did not agree to extend this cooperation to Pakistan. Pakistani public has criticized the US policy and has conceived the feelings of anti-Americanism in Pakistan. Pakistan’s regional economic cooperation with China and Iran on projects like, CPEC and IPI were considered important for the region, especially for Pakistan to meet its energy and economic needs. The US has expressed its concerns, covertly or overtly. During the process of the study, the US concerns were seen as the opposition to Pakistani national interests.

In the content analysis of selected leading newspapers of Pakistan (Chapter 6 of the study), the important information pertaining to the research questions and hypothesis was revealed. The selected editorials of the newspapers published during the period of 30 years (from January 1, 1985 to December 31, 2014) were analyzed with the help of the pre-determined research indicator. Collected samples were divided into different categories such as favorable, unfavorable and neutral to find the element of anti-Americanism in Pakistan. Use of software helped in the analysis of content and data was organized with the help of tables and graphs generated through the SPSS.

In the content analysis, 2975 editorials from selected English and Urdu newspapers were found as appropriate according to the research indicators of the study. All the selected newspapers had significantly portrayed a negative image of US in Pakistan and it was measured unfavorable according to the research indicators selected for the study. Out of the total 2975 samples, 1839 (62%) were found unfavorable for US image in the selected media. Both the English and Urdu newspapers had portrayed US image more negatively in Pakistan, but Urdu

202 newspaper Nawa-i-Waqt was considered as the most anti-American paper in its approach as compared to the other 3 newspapers. Out of total 1839 unfavorable samples, Dawn, Frontier Post, Nawa-i-Waqt and the daily Jang presented 456 (25%), 399 (22%) , 552 (30%) and 432 (23%) respectively.

The image of the US has remained negative in both the phases of the study, but after the start of the 21st century, the image was slightly more negative than before the start of the 21st century. Out of total 1839 unfavorable samples, 738 (40%) and 1101 (60%) unfavorable samples were recorded before and after the start of 21st century, respectively. During both the phases of the study the selected media remained focused on the issues related to Pak-US relations, but there was a marginal increase in the coverage of the issues during the second phase of the study, especially the Pak-US coalition in WOT and the US violation of sovereignty of Pakistan had remained significant after the start of the 21st century.

During the entire period of the study, the maximum content (25 % of total samples) of the editorials was fond of the research indicator of the ‘US Regional Policies’. Dawn published slightly more (27% of total samples) content on the related subjects of Pak-US relations. The selected English and Urdu newspapers have remained focus on the subjects that were related to the study; there was a negligible difference in the length of the contents, but the English newspapers were slightly ahead of the Urdu papers in publishing the contents. The collected contents were divided into the three responses (favorable, unfavorable and neutral), but the 62 % content was recorded as “unfavorable” for the US image in the Pakistani print media.

The indicator of the ‘violation of the sovereignty of Pakistan’ was taken seriously by the media, because the most sensitive issues which were related to the national security and sovereignty of Pakistan, especially in case of Abbottabad operation, the US drone attacks on Pakistani territory and NATO attack on Salala post, were included as research indicator. The indicators of the ‘US violation of the sovereignty of Pakistan and Pak-US Coalition in WOT have emerged in the latter part of the study, because the both indicators are more related to the period after the start of the 21st century. All the related subjects, appeared in quite reasonable frequency during the entire period of the study, but in the years 2011 and 2013 maximum samples appeared in all the selected newspapers; the frequency of the editorials in these two

203 years, remained 141 and 144 respectively. The media indicated the overall trend of the contents towards the negative image of the US in the Pakistani public throughout the period of the study.

The survey questionnaire (Chapter 7 of the study) has revealed important information that has answered the research questions and the data have fully supported the hypothesis. The sample size of 1080 responses in the study was selected from the four experienced categories of respondents (included, students and researchers, subject specialists, think tanks and analyst and government officials and diplomats to obtain the most reliable information and responses to answer the research questions. The gender balance of the respondents was found encouraging and large sample size of both the male and female gender was obtained successfully.

The representation of 55 % and 45 % was recorded from male and female respondents respectively. The experienced and literary categories of the samples were selected to make the study more reliable; all four categories where appropriate for the study. The Masters, M. Phil and PhD category of the samples shared 27 %, 44 % and 29 % response to the study, respectively. US regional policies were declared negative for Pakistan in the response to Question No. 1 of the survey, 90 % of the samples rejected the arguments that the US policies in the region were good for Pakistan. In response to Question No. 2, of the survey, 89 % of the respondents accepted that majority of the Pakistani populace possessed the sentiments of anti-Americanism.

The argument asked in the Question No.3, that “the US stand was in favour of Pakistan, on Pakistani concerns and issues” was rejected by the 85 % of the samples of the study. The response, of the respondents, on the asked Question No.4, was found the severity of the anti- Americanism in Pakistan. It was revealed that Anti-American sentiments has significantly increased in Pakistan, since the start of the 21st century, the claim was confirmed in the study, by 92 % of the participants.

In response to the Question No.5, the majority of samples considered that there were more losses and less gains for Pakistan during the WOT. 81 % of the participants of the survey has accepted that for Pakistan, the losses were more comparatively to gains in the WOT. The response of the respondents was observed in Question No.6, on the issue of the US violation of the sovereignty of Pakistan. It was revealed in the process of the study that the acts of US violation of sovereignty of Pakistan, including US drone attacks on Pakistani territory,

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Abbottabad Operation against OBL and NATO attack on Salala Check Post were the main cause of the anti-Americanism in Pakistan in the 21st century.

A significant majority of 95 % of the participants of the survey accepted that the US violation of the sovereignty of Pakistan was the main cause of the anti-Americanism in Pakistan. Question No. 7 of the survey was to see the response of the participant samples on the US interference in Pakistan matters; the majority of 74 % respondents disliked the US interference in Pakistani integral matters. The response of the respondents was observed in Question No.8, on the issue of the anti-Americanism and its impact on Pak-US relations, 91% participants of the survey considered that there was a negative impact anti-Americanism on Pak-US relations in the 21st century.

The result of the survey has remained significant on the questionnaire, and the result was comprehensive to answer the research questions of the study. The significance of the result of the study was also found with the help of the chai square tests conducted through the software (SPSS). The element of the anti-Americanism was present before the start of the 21st century, but the phenomenon increased significantly after the start of the 21st century. Chapter 5 has provided the comprehensive answers to the Research Question 1 (Why anti-Americanism exists in Pakistan?) Research Question 2 (What effect anti-Americanism has on Pak-US relations?) and Question 6 (What is the impact of anti-Americanism on Pak-US relations?). The data of the survey (chapter7) have adequately supported the hypothesis of the study and research questions 1 to 7 have also been answered by the result of the survey.

8.3 A Way Forward

The founder of Pakistan, Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah has envisioned Pakistan as a strong Islamic democratic welfare state of the world; Pakistan has the immense potential to become a stronger state as per the aspirations of the people. The study has provided some viable suggestions for the betterment of Pak-US relations in future. In the light of the study, some policy parameters are suggested to United States, Pakistan and future research.

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8.3.1 United States

The US should avoid any such act that falls in the category of the violation of the sovereignty of the state. The US should treat Pakistan as a sovereign state and let her decide its integral political matters of the state, and the politically stable Pakistan would be in the interests of the US and the region as well.

Pakistan is still combating the integral war against terrorism and if the US provides the drone technologies to Pakistan, it would bring positive impacts for Pakistan to tackle the terrorist and Pak-US relation would be transformed into a positive direction of cooperation.

The US should provide more opportunities to Pakistani researchers to visit the US; it would bring positive impact on Pak-US relation in the future. The US should relax visa policies for the Pakistani investors and scholars; it would be useful in a futuristic bilateral relationship of Pak- US. The US should support Pakistan in post-war rehabilitation of the society of Pakistan, who confronted the heavy losses of lives of the people and the financial losses as well.

The US should amend her hard policy of the Pakistan nuclear program. The US should keep the balance of power between Pakistan and India to avert any conflict between both the neighbouring states. The US should try to achieve its objectives without ignoring or destroying the Pakistani national interests in the region. The US should realize the importance of the economic connectivity of the region for Pakistan and it is suggested that the US should seek its important role in the regional development in coordination with the regional countries including China and Pakistan. United States should facilitate Pakistan in any energy deal with Iran or other regional state.

8.3.2 Pakistan

To have a good relation with US, is the strategic foreign policy goal of Pakistan and cordial bilateral relations are in the national interests of both states. Following way forward policy guideline would bring positive results of the relations. Pakistan should seek the areas of common interest with the US in the future to enhance the level of mutual cooperation in regional political affairs. Pakistan should deal China and the US separately without indulging in any confrontations with either of the superpower.

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Pakistan should not show any concerns over the US policy of containing China, till the time, the policy does not pose any security threat to Pakistani national interest. Pakistani governments and the public must understand that the relationship with the US should be seen in the perspectives of the relation of a developing country with the most developed nation of the world.

There is the need to build the mutual confidence between Pakistan and United States for a cordial diplomatic relationship. Pakistani governments and the people have the right to criticize US policies, but at the same times, by “giving the devil its due” the US should also be acknowledged on its positive steps for Pakistan.

The Pakistani government should encourage the use of the advanced technologies of the US and the technology would also help Pakistan in devoicing own technology as well. The civil society, the government, and the media of Pakistan should try to bridge the existing gap between the thinking of the governments and the general public in the country. The difference in thinking would be reduced, if the governments of Pakistan follow the national interests of Pakistan as their priority of political agenda. Decision making regarding its foreign policy matters of global and regional political matters should be taken after the national consensus of the parliament, taking the nation into the confidence.

Pakistani governments should engage in long term agreements with United States, that have immense potential in the fields of technology, military, economic and other areas where Pakistan would get strategic advantages for its long term goals. The US advancement in the field of the demographic health would be appropriate to be utilized in Pakistan and the governments of Pakistan should seek cooperation with US on the aspect. There are US models of the governance and Pakistan can take the positive lead to improve its integral governance and political system for the better future of the state.

Pakistani governments should reduce the burden of the public debts. The regional economic cooperation of Pakistan with regional countries would enhance the economic growth and would provide financial space to Pakistan to reduce its foreign debts. Pakistan should continue to improve the command and control system of its nuclear program. Pakistani governments should follow the policy of counter terrorism across the board in the entire society.

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This posture would reduce the concerns of the Western world regarding the nuclear proliferation of Pakistan nuclear program and the relationship of Pakistan with United States would be better in the future.

Pakistan by lowering its unnecessary luxurious lifestyle of the elites and the ruling political leaders should start following self-reliance policy. The self-reliance policy of Pakistan would be more attractive in United States. Pakistan should not make the emotional demands from the superpower. Pakistan should be attractive for the investment opportunities of the developed countries including US. The principle of “First deserve, then desire” should be the aim of Pakistan for better relations with the superpower.

Higher Education Commission of Pakistan should provide more scholarship to Pakistani students and scholar should avail the excellent research opportunities in United States. Pakistan media should follow objectivity in highlighting the strategic issues of the state. The Pak-US relations have become at the strategic level, and media objectivity would improve the confidence in the relation by highlighting the importance of the relations of both the states. Pakistani political parties and the media should critically observe the nature of the relations, but the use of the discourse, anti-Americanism as the political card in the country should be avoided. Pakistani media should portray the positive image of the state that the world can find some political attractions in. The step towards this direction of the media would bring the positive impact on overall foreign policy of Pakistan including the relations with the United States.

8.3.3 Future Research

The topic of the study was comprehensively covered and during the process of the study, there are certain areas which have been identified as the future research topics of the scholars. The scholars should investigate more to find the difference between the political criticism and the hatred in the case of the discourse of the anti-Americanism. The scholar should prove that whether there is any relationship between the two discourses of Islamophobia and anti- Americanism. The topic of the relationship of the ant-Israel with the anti-Americanism is also suggested for the future research. Pakistani scholars should avail the opportunities of the scholar exchange programs of the Higher Education Commission (HEC) of Pakistan to research in the US universities.

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CONCLUSION

In the bilateral relationships of the states, there are some common and contrasting national interests. The global phenomenon of anti-Americanism is considered as old as the United States itself; the discourse has emerged a worldwide intellectual discourse for the researchers. The variable of US regional policies has the causal relationship with Pak-US relations and anti-Americanism in Pakistan. The phenomenon of anti-Americanism has been prevailing in Pakistan since the beginning, but it became significant after the start of the current century. The evolutionary dimensions of the discourse in Pakistan have transformed from political criticism to ideological hatred and from literary expression to the popular political card in Pakistan. The media have brought negative impact on the Pak-US relations and foreign policy matters of both the states.

Realism more clearly indicates relations of the states in a unipolar world of politics and provides a platform to understand the political dimensions of a real world. Neorealism provides an understanding of the international political structure and it also observes the impact on state to state relations. Neoclassical realism defines the domestic structure and the elite class of the society who have a huge impact on state matters. The people across the globe have anti- American sentiments mostly because of the political decisions of a superpower in various regions of the world. The superpower enjoys some special incentives and exceptions in global politics. An extraordinary diversity in the foreign policy of the superpower of US becomes the source of disliking for many other states. The media portrays the image of the superpower as part of its agenda setting and news framing role. The Pakistani media have played a key role to portray the US image in Pakistan. The print media of Pakistan have particularly played an important role in making the belief of the people regarding the domestic, regional and global issues.

The apparent outlook of Pak-US relations might be a less complicated, but the relations have different dimensions of domestic, regional and global patterns of the politics. Pakistan and United States had enjoyed cordial relations since the start till early1960s, but during the Indo-Pak wars of 1965 and 1971 Pakistan could not get the desired support of US and Pakistan started searching an alternative foreign policy option. With the start of war against Russia, Pak-US relations were established on the basis of common interest to repulse the Russians from

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Afghanistan and during the phase of the war the relations had remained cordial. The relations were again volatile in its nature after the war against Russia. At the time of nuclear tests conducted by Pakistan on May 28, 1998, the nature of Pak-US relations once again had become tensed. The “strategic partnership” during the WOT, had prevailed in complex and challenging situation from the perspective of both the states. The US has imposed military and economic sanctions on Pakistan during different phases of the relationship.

Anti-Americanism in Pakistan is not the part of an ordinary political thinking of people, but there are the justified political, military and economic reasons behind the feelings of the public. The political expectations of Pakistan, especially during the time of crises, were not met by the United States and Pakistani populace regarded the attitude of US as negative in Pakistan. Besides, many ups and downs in the nature of diplomatic relationships of Pakistan and United States, both the states had been connected in mutual cooperation in the regional matters. In future regional connectivity and economic ties of Pakistan with regional countries like China, Russia, Iran and the other states would be an important segment of the foreign policy of Pakistan. After the start of WOT, the trust deficit between the US and Pakistan has increased significantly.

The Pakistan society was badly affected by terrorism and extremism that emerged after both Afghan wars led by the US. Religious and political parties of Pakistan used the anti- American feelings as their political card and exploited the public with anti-American sentiments. The US engagement with China, South Asia, Central Asian and Middle East including Afghanistan, Iran and India has the direct or indirect effect on Pakistan foreign policy. The US stand on Pakistan nuclear programs has become the prominent factor related to the anti- Americanism in Pakistan. The US actions against Pakistan like the drone attacks, the unilateral action of the Abbottabad operation and attack on Salala post have significantly increased the anti-Americanism in the country. The benefits of strategic partnership of Pakistan and United States in WOT were less than the losses faced by Pakistan.

A balanced approach to safeguard the national interests of both the states would result in cordial mutual relations of both states in future. The US has the global interests in the region and Pakistan would be the best choice for the superpower to work jointly in regional affairs. The future of Pak-US relation would be decided on the basis of regional political environment and the role of superpower in the region would be deciding factor. Besides the Pakistan’s shift in

210 foreign policy towards China, the relations with the US would still remain very important for stability in the South Asia. Pakistan should develop in the fields of economy, health, education, research to become the responsible and well respected nation of the world. Pakistan needs to address its overall integral situation. Pakistan needs to follow a pro-active mode of foreign policy to move forward to have cordial relations with other states including United States.

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Sample for Content Analysis

For content analysis, 2975 samples (editorials) from 1985 to 2014 were chosen out of the selected four Pakistani newspapers (Dawn, the Frontier Post, Daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt).

Survey Response/Interviews Large samples of an experienced category in Pakistan and US (during my stay at Georgetown University Washington DC USA, many Pakistani and US respondents contributed their opinions) comprising of 1080 respondents were taken for data analysis. The interviews were also conducting on same questionnaire of the survey.

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APPENDIX “A”

FORMAT OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE

Respected & Dear Respondent, thanks for participating in this research initiative. I am pursuing PhD degree in International Relations and the title of my PhD dissertation is: New Dimensions of anti-Americanism in Pakistan and its Impact on Pak-US Relations in the 21st Century. I request you to take a few minutes from your busy schedule and help me in my research, by filling the questionnaire. I assure you that your response will remain confidential and will not be attributed individually. Your feedback (optional) would also be valuable for me.

Muhammad Rafique, PhD Scholar IR NDU Islamabad # 03365130303 Email: [email protected]

To comprehend the scope, delimitations of the research and the focus of the questionnaire, it is appropriate to explain the research indicators and variables taken for the study: US Regional Policies The US policies in the region include the US policies in Afghanistan, China, India, Iran, Kashmir, Central Asian States and Middle East etc.

US Interference in Pakistan Affairs The US Interference in Pakistan affairs means US involvement and policy stand on politics, military, nuclear terrorism and related affairs of Pakistan.

The US Violation of Sovereignty of Pakistan It includes the US drone attacks on Pakistan territory, the Abbottabad Operation of the US against OBL, the US attack on Sallala Post of Pakistan, ground attacks by the US and NATO forces on Pakistani territory, etc. Pak – US Coalition in WOT It includes the US demand from Pakistan, the US non Recognition of Pakistani contributions in WOT, Pakistani sacrifices & losses in coalition on WOT, Impact of WOT on Pakistan, and the related issue of the WOT. US Stand on Pakistani Concerns & Issues It includes Pakistani concerns in the region, Raymond Davis issue, Aafia Siddiqi case, acts of US on Abu Gharib & Guantanamo Bay cells, Shakeel Afridi case, Aimal Kansi issue, FATA, Baluchistan and Kashmir issue and related political matters etc.

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QUESTIONNAIRE

 What is your gender? 1. Male 2. Female

 What racial or ethnic group best 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 describes you? Punjabi Pathan Sindhi Baluchi Kashmir Gilgiti Other

 What is your highest qualification/area of study? 1 2 3 4 Graduate Masters M.Phil PhD

1 2 3 4  Your Profession Student/ Subject Think Government Researcher Specialists Tanks/Analysts officials/Diplomats

 Your Name/contacts(optional)

 General Comments if any

Scale and response Score Assigned for Q.1 to 1 2 3 4 5 Q. 8 below, please encircle against each Q Strongly Disagree Disagree Uncertain Agree Strongly Agree

Q.1 Do you agree that US regional Policies are good for Pakistan? 1 2 3 4 5

Q.2 Do you agree that the majority of the Pakistani populace possesses anti- American sentiments? 1 2 3 4 5

Q.3 Do you agree that US stand was in favor of Pakistan on Pakistani concerns & 1 2 3 4 5 issues?

Q.4 Do you agree that anti-American sentiment in Pakistani populace increased 1 2 3 4 5 significantly since the start of the 21st century?

Q.5 Do you agree that Pakistan got less gains and more losses in the WOT? 1 2 3 4 5

Q.6 Do you agree that US violation of sovereignty of Pakistan is one of the causes of anti-Americanism in Pakistan? 1 2 3 4 5

Q.7 Do you agree that US interference in Pakistani matters is disliked by the 1 2 3 4 5 majority of people of Pakistan?

Q.8 Do you agree that anti-Americanism is negatively affecting Pak-US relations 1 2 3 4 5 since the start of the 21st century?