The Map of Insurgency in Iraq: the Armed Groups
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Ambtsbericht Veiligheidssituatie in Irak
Ambtsbericht Veiligheidssituatie in Irak Datum September 2014 Pagina 1 van 61 Ambtsbericht Veiligheidssituatie in Irak | september 2014 Colofon Plaats Den Haag Opgesteld door Cluster Ambtsberichten en Terugkeer Redacteur(en): CAT Pagina 2 van 61 Ambtsbericht Veiligheidssituatie in Irak | september 2014 Inhoudsopgave Colofon ......................................................................................................2 Inhoudsopgave ............................................................................................3 Inleiding .....................................................................................................4 1 Politieke context ...................................................................................... 7 2 Veiligheidssituatie...................................................................................14 2.1 Algemeen .................................................................................................14 2.2 Bagdad..................................................................................................... 18 2.2.1 Bagdad (stad) ...........................................................................................18 2.2.2 Bagdad (provincie).....................................................................................19 2.3 Anbar.......................................................................................................20 2.4 Ninewa.....................................................................................................22 2.5 Salaheddin................................................................................................25 -
The Yazidis Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict
The Yazidis Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict Dave van Zoonen Khogir Wirya About MERI The Middle East Research Institute engages in policy issues contributing to the process of state building and democratisation in the Middle East. Through independent analysis and policy debates, our research aims to promote and develop good governance, human rights, rule of law and social and economic prosperity in the region. It was established in 2014 as an independent, not-for-profit organisation based in Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Middle East Research Institute 1186 Dream City Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq T: +964 (0)662649690 E: [email protected] www.meri-k.org NGO registration number. K843 © Middle East Research Institute, 2017 The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the authors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of MERI, the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publisher. The Yazidis Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict MERI Policy Paper Dave van Zoonen Khogir Wirya October 2017 1 Contents 1. Executive Summary ............................................................................................................................4 2. “Reconciliation” after genocide .........................................................................................................5 -
Fighting-For-Kurdistan.Pdf
Fighting for Kurdistan? Assessing the nature and functions of the Peshmerga in Iraq CRU Report Feike Fliervoet Fighting for Kurdistan? Assessing the nature and functions of the Peshmerga in Iraq Feike Fliervoet CRU Report March 2018 March 2018 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’. Cover photo: Peshmerga, Kurdish Army © Flickr / Kurdishstruggle Unauthorized use of any materials violates copyright, trademark and / or other laws. Should a user download material from the website or any other source related to the Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’, or the Clingendael Institute, for personal or non-commercial use, the user must retain all copyright, trademark or other similar notices contained in the original material or on any copies of this material. Material on the website of the Clingendael Institute may be reproduced or publicly displayed, distributed or used for any public and non-commercial purposes, but only by mentioning the Clingendael Institute as its source. Permission is required to use the logo of the Clingendael Institute. This can be obtained by contacting the Communication desk of the Clingendael Institute ([email protected]). The following web link activities are prohibited by the Clingendael Institute and may present trademark and copyright infringement issues: links that involve unauthorized use of our logo, framing, inline links, or metatags, as well as hyperlinks or a form of link disguising the URL. About the author Feike Fliervoet is a Visiting Research Fellow at Clingendael’s Conflict Research Unit where she contributes to the Levant research programme, a three year long project that seeks to identify the origins and functions of hybrid security arrangements and their influence on state performance and development. -
Security Salary Matrix (.Pdf)
CORRELATION OF RANKS BY PAY GRADES NIA / ICDC NIA / ICDC IPS BORDER GUARDFPS GRADE enlisted commissioned SUPER A SUPER B 1 LG National Director of Border Commissioner Enforcement 2 MG Commissioner Deputy Director 3 BG Dep Commissioner Bureau Chief 4 COL Superintendent Region Chief Colonel 5 LTC Inspector Asst Chief 6 SGM / CWO CPT / MAJ Lieutenant / Captain Lieutenant / Captain Major 7 SFC / MSG / WO 2LT / 1LT Sergeant Sergeant 8 SGT OFC (Senior) Constable (Senior) Agent Captain 9 CPL Constable Agent Sergeant 10 PVT / PFC Constable (Probation) Agent (Probation) Guard 11 RCT Trainee Trainee COMPARISON OF RANKS (SHOWING INITIAL STEP INCREMENT) NIA / ICDC NIA / ICDC IPS BORDER FPS GRADE enlisted commissioned SUPER A SUPER B National Dir of Border 1 LG Commissioner Enforcement 1 1 1 2 MG Commissioner Deputy Director 1 1 1 Dep 3 BG Commissioner Bureau Chief 1 1 1 4 COL Superintendent Region Chief Colonel 1 1 1 1 5 LTC Inspector Asst Chief 1 1 1 6 SGM / CWO CAPT/MAJ Lieut / Captain Lieut / Captain Major 1 2 1 6 1 6 1 6 1 7 SFC/MSG/WO 2LT / 1LT Sergeant Sergeant 4 7 8 6 7 6 6 8 SGT OFC (Snr) Constable (Snr) Agent Captain 6 8 6 6 1 9 CPL Constable Agent Sergeant 7 5 5 1 10 PVT / PFC Constable (Probation) Agent (Probation) Guard 4 8 4 4 1 11 Recruit Trainee Trainee 1 4 4 ENTRY LEVEL SALARIES FOR NEW IRAQI ARMY / IRAQI CIVIL DEFENCE CORPS STEPS- SALARIES LISTED IN NEW IRAQI DINAR Grade Enlisted Commission 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 1 LG 740,000 760,000 780,000 80,0000 820,000 840,000 860,000 880,000 2 MG 574,000 589,000 605,000 620,000 636,000 651,000 -
What the Pen Reveals About the Sword: Rhetoric-Based Mapping of Insurgency Factional Structure in Iraq
What the Pen Reveals About the Sword: Rhetoric-Based Mapping of Insurgency Factional Structure in Iraq Michael Gabbay Information Systems Laboratories, Inc. 200 W. Mercer St., Ste 410 Seattle, WA 98119 [email protected] Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association March 28, 2008 Note: A condensed version of this paper appeared as \Mapping the Structure of the Sunni Insurgency in Iraq," CTC Sentinel, 1(4):10{12, March 2008 ISL What the Pen Reveals About the Sword M. Gabbay 1 Introduction The Iraq conflict is a complex fusion of a rebellion against foreign occu- pation and an internal civil war | a conflict that seems intent on explor- ing almost all axes of violence between its participants. Divisions within the Sunni insurgency in Iraq have critically influenced the evolution of the conflict and will no doubt bear critically upon its subsequent course and resolution. Major points of contention between nationalist-leaning insur- gents and caliphate-minded, pan-Islamic jihadists have been, among others, Sunni participation in elections, the indiscriminate targeting of Shiite civil- ians, and the nature of the threat posed by United States-backed Sunni militias, known as \awakening councils." Understanding the divisions be- tween insurgents at the level of speci¯c insurgent groups is key to devising e®ective counterinsurgency and conflict resolution strategies. In Iraq, this task is complicated by the proliferation of insurgent groups, most of whom claim an Islamist mantle, and the murky nature of their origins, composi- tion, and leadership. In this paper, we describe a quantitative methodology for constructing diagrams that characterize and clarify insurgency factional structure using insurgent rhetoric as data. -
Why Jihadis Lose Dr
Combating Terrorism Center at West Point Objective • Relevant • Rigorous | November 2017 • Volume 10, Issue 10 FEATURE ARTICLE A VIEW FROM THE CT FOXHOLE Why Jihadis Lose Dr. Angela Misra Fratricidal jihadis fail to learn from their mistakes Mohammed Hafez Co-Founder, The Unity Initiative NOVEMBER 2017 CTC SENTINEL 1 Te Curse of Cain: Why Fratricidal Jihadis Fail to Learn from Teir Mistakes By Mohammed Hafez The Islamic State is the latest jihadi group to fall victim to its The rapid and comprehensive demise of the Islamic State own strategic errors. After rising like a phoenix from the ashes in is the latest reminder that fratricidal jihadis are destined to 2013, it failed to learn the lessons of earlier jihads. Rather than lose. Over the last three decades, jihadis have consecutively building bridges with Syria’s Islamist factions, it went its own way lost their civil wars in Algeria, Iraq, and Syria because by declaring a caliphate and waging war on fellow rebels. Worst of three strategic errors. They portray their political still, it glorified its genocidal violence, practically begging the entire conflicts as religious wars between Islam and impiety, world to form a military coalition against it. Today, it has lost all the territory it once held in Iraq and is all but finished in Syria. forcing otherwise neutral parties to choose between These three movements had perfect opportunities to topple their repressive autocrats or ardent fanatics. Furthermore, regimes. Yet, in the crucible of civil wars, they turned their guns they pursue transformational goals that are too ambitious on fellow rebels—alienating their supporters, fragmenting their for other rebel groups with limited political objectives, ranks, and driving away external sponsors. -
Assyrians.Pdf
World Directory of Minorities Middle East MRG Directory –> Iraq –> Assyrians Print Page Close Window Assyrians Updated April 2008 Profile An estimated 225,000 Assyrians [US CIRF 2006] comprise a distinct ethno-religious group in Iraq, although official Iraqi statistics consider them to be Arabs. Descendants of ancient Mesopotamian peoples, Assyrians speak Aramaic and live mainly in the major cities and in the rural areas of north- eastern Iraq where they tend to be professionals and businessmen or independent farmers. They are Christians, belonging to one of four churches: the Chaldean (Uniate), Nestorian, Jacobite or Syrian Orthodox, and the Syrian Catholic. Assyrians form a distinct community, but with three origins: (1) those who inhabited Hakkari (in modern Turkey), who were predominantly tribal and whose leaders acknowledged the temporal as well as spiritual paramountcy of their patriarch, the Mar Shimun; (2) a peasant community in Urumiya (see Iran); and (3) a largely peasant community in Amadiya, Shaqlawa and Rawanduz in Iraqi Kurdistan. Historical context Because of its expulsion from the ‘Orthodox' community at Ephesus in 431, the Assyrian Church operated entirely east (hence its title) of Byzantine Christendom, establishing communities over a wide area. But its heartlands were at the apex of the fertile crescent. The Mongol invasions, however, virtually wiped out the Assyrian Church except in limited areas. On the whole the Assyrians co-existed successfully with the neighbouring Kurdish tribes. In Hakkari, Assyrian tribes held Kurdish as well as Assyrian peasantry in thrall, just as Kurdish tribes did, and rival Assyrian tribes would seek allies among neighbouring Kurdish tribes, and vice versa. -
ISIS Propaganda and Recruitment
The Secret of Attraction ISIS Propaganda and Recruitment The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan The Deposit Number at the National Library (2016/3/1239) 324.21 Abu Rumman, Mohammad Suliman et al. The Secret of Attraction: ISIS Propaganda and Recruitment/ Mohammad Suliman Abu Rumman et al.; translated by William John Ward et al. –Amman: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2016 (121) p. Deposit No.: 2016/3/1239 Descriptors: /Political Conditions// Terrorism// Arab Countries/ يتحمل املؤلف كامل املسؤولية القانونية عن حمتوى مصنفه وﻻ يعرّب هذا املصنف عن رأي دائرة املكتبة الوطنية أو أي جهة حكومية أخرى. Published in 2016 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung- Jordan and Iraq FES Jordan & Iraq P.O. Box 941876 11194 Amman Jordan Email: [email protected] Website: www.fes-jordan.org Not for Sale © FES Jordan & Iraq All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reprinted, reproduced, or utilized in any form or by any means without prior written permission from the publishers. The views and opinions expressed in this publication are solely those of the original authors. They do not necessarily represent those of the Friedrich-Ebert- Stiftung or the editors. Translation: Abu Rumman (Samira Kawar), Lombardi & Abou-Taam (EVS Translations), all others (Industry Arabic) Editing: Banan Malkawi, Anja Wehler-Schoeck Cover: Ramzi Al Arabi Printing: Economic Press ISBN: 978-9957-484-65-1 2 Table of Contents Anja Wehler-Schoeck Introduction: Falling for ISIS ...................................................................................... 5 Mohammad Abu Rumman The Secret of Attraction: ISIS Propaganda and Recruitment ......................... 7 Hassan Abu Hanieh The Islamic State’s Appeal: Theories of Attraction ............................................ 15 Hassan al-Safadi The Case of Syria ............................................................................................................ -
CTX Vol 2 No 4
Vol. 2, No. 4 | CTX EDITORIAL STAFF From the Editor MICHAEL FREEMAN Executive Editor Welcome to our first special issue of CTX, “Social Media in Jihad and ANNA SIMONS Executive Editor Counterterrorism,” which is devoted to a wide-ranging exploration of social ELIZABETH SKINNER Managing Editor media and counterterrorism. Social media have become valuable tools for RYAN STUART Design & Layout combating crime and terrorism. According to LexisNexis® Risk Solutions, four out of five respondents to their survey of law enforcement professionals EDITORIAL REVIEW BOARD reported using social media, particularly Facebook and YouTube, to aid VICTOR ASAL investigations. One officer said he believed his department’s use of social University at Albany SUNY media allowed personnel to defuse a terrorist threat involving students at a ALEJANDRA BOLANOS local high school. Two-thirds said they thought access to social media helps National Defense University solve crimes more quickly. LAWRENCE CLINE Naval Postgraduate School To better understand the role of social media in combating terrorism, the Naval Postgraduate School (NPS) in Monterey, California held a small STEPHEN DI RIENZO workshop on Social Media and Counterterrorism this past June. Sponsored National Intelligence University by the Combating Terrorism Fellowship Program, the workshop brought SAJJAN GOHEL together a diverse group of people, including researchers, law enforcement Asia Pacific Foundation and military officers, and media experts from the United States, Ireland, and SEBASTIAN GORKA the Philippines. Participants were invited to submit papers for inclusion in National Defense University this special issue of CTX. JAKUB GRYGIEL School of Advanced International We are delighted to present here six papers that we received from partici- Studies pants of the workshop. -
US Blunders in Iraq: De-Baathification and Disbanding the Army
Intelligence and National Security Vol. 25, No. 1, 76–85, February 2010 US Blunders in Iraq: De-Baathification and Disbanding the Army JAMES P. PFIFFNER ABSTRACT In May 2003 Paul Bremer issued CPA Orders to exclude from the new Iraq government members of the Baath Party (CPA Order 1) and to disband the Iraqi Army (CPA Order 2). These two orders severely undermined the capacity of the occupying forces to maintain security and continue the ordinary functioning of the Iraq government. The decisions reversed previous National Security Council judgments and were made over the objections of high ranking military and intelligence officers. The article concludes that the most likely decision maker was the Vice President. Early in the occupation of Iraq two key decisions were made that gravely jeopardized US chances for success in Iraq: (1) the decision to bar from government work Iraqis who ranked in the top four levels of Sadam’s Baath Party or who held positions in the top three levels of each ministry; (2) the decision to disband the Iraqi Army and replace it with a new army built from scratch. These two fateful decisions were made against the advice of military and CIA professionals and without consulting important members of the President’s staff and cabinet. This article will first examine the de- Baathification order and then take up the even more far reaching decision to disband the Iraqi Army. Both of these decisions fueled the insurgency by: (1) alienating hundreds of thousands of Iraqis who could not support themselves or their families; (2) by undermining the normal infrastructure necessary for social and economic activity; (3) by ensuring that there was not sufficient security to carry on normal life; and (4) by creating insurgents who were angry at the US, many of whom had weapons and were trained to use them. -
Iraq's Evolving Insurgency
CSIS _______________________________ Center for Strategic and International Studies 1800 K Street N.W. Washington, DC 20006 (202) 775 -3270 Access: Web: CSIS.ORG Contact the Author: [email protected] Iraq’s Evolving Insurgency Anthony H. Cordesman Center for Strategic and International Studies With the Assistance of Patrick Baetjer Working Draft: Updated as of August 5, 2005 Please not e that this is part of a rough working draft of a CSIS book that will be published by Praeger in the fall of 2005. It is being circulated to solicit comments and additional data, and will be steadily revised and updated over time. Copyright CSIS, all rights reserved. All further dissemination and reproduction must be done with the written permission of the CSIS Cordesman: Iraq’s Evolving Insurgency 8/5/05 Page ii I. INTR ODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 1 SADDAM HUSSEIN ’S “P OWDER KEG ” ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 1 AMERICA ’S STRATEGIC MISTAKES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 2 AMERICA ’S STRATEGIC MISTAKES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 6 II. THE GROWTH AND C HARACTER OF THE INSURGENT THREA T ................................ ........ 9 DENIAL AS A METHOD OF COUNTER -INSURGENCY WARFARE ............................... -
The 2003 Iraq War: Operations, Causes, and Consequences
IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (JHSS) ISSN: 2279-0837, ISBN: 2279-0845. Volume 4, Issue 5 (Nov. - Dec. 2012), PP 29-47 www.Iosrjournals.Org The 2003 Iraq War: Operations, Causes, and Consequences Youssef Bassil LACSC – Lebanese Association for Computational Sciences Registered under No. 957, 2011, Beirut, Lebanon Abstract: The Iraq war is the Third Gulf War that was initiated with the military invasion of Iraq on March 2003 by the United States of American and its allies to put an end to the Baath Party of Saddam Hussein, the fifth President of Iraq and a prominent leader of the Baath party in the Iraqi region. The chief cause of this war was the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT) that George W. Bush declared in response to the attacks of September 11. The events of this war were both brutal and severe on both parties as it resulted in the defeat of the Iraqi army and the depose and execution of Saddam Hussein, in addition to thousands of causalities and billionsof dollars expenses.This paperdiscusses the overt as well as the covert reasons behind the Iraqi war, in addition to its different objectives. It alsodiscusses the course of the war and its aftermath. This would shed the light on the consequences of the war on the political, economic, social, and humanitarian levels. Finally, the true intentions of the war are speculated. Keywords –Political Science, Warfare, Iraq War 2003, Global War on Terrorism I. INTRODUCTION The Iraq war, sometimes known as the Third Gulf War, began on March 20, 2003 with the invasion of Iraq known as "Iraqi Freedom Operation" by the alliance led by the United States against the Baath Party of Saddam Hussein.