A SURVEY of ETHNOHISTORIC SOURCES and Unpublished)
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SM 9 the Methods of Ethnology
Savage Minds Occasional Papers No. 9 The Methods of Ethnology By Franz Boas Edited and with an introduction by Alex Golub First edition, 18 January, 2014 Savage Minds Occasional Papers 1. The Superorganic by Alfred Kroeber, edited and with an introduction by Alex Golub 2. Responses to “The Superorganic”: Texts by Alexander Goldenweiser and Edward Sapir, edited and with an introduction by Alex Golub 3. The History of the Personality of Anthropology by Alfred Kroeber, edited and with an introduction by Alex Golub 4. Culture and Ethnology by Robert Lowie, edited and with an introduction by Alex Golub 5. Culture, Genuine and Spurious by Edward Sapir, edited and with an introduction by Alex Golub 6. Culture in the Melting-Pot by Edward Sapir, edited and with an introduction by Alex Golub 7. Anthropology and the Humanities by Ruth Benedict, edited and with an introduction by Alex Golub 8. Configurations of Culture in North America, by Ruth Benedict, edited and with an introduction by Alex Golub 9. The Methods of Ethnology, by Franz Boas, edited and with an introduction by Alex Golub Copyright information This original work is copyright by Alex Golub, 2013. The author has issued the work under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States license. You are free • to share - to copy, distribute and transmit the work • to remix - to adapt the work Under the following conditions • attribution - you must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author • noncommercial - you may not use this work for commercial purposes • share alike - if you alter, transform, or build upon this work, you may distribute the resulting work only under the same or similar license to this one This work includes excerpts from Boas, Franz. -
1 the Politics of Ethnopoetics by Gary Snyder This “Politics” Is
1 The Politics of Ethnopoetics by Gary Snyder This \politics" is fundamentally the question of what occidental and indus- trial technological civilization is doing to the earth. The earth: (I'm just going to remind us of a few facts), is 57 million square miles, 3.7 billion human be- ings, evolved over the last 4 million years; plus, 2 million species of insects, 1 million species of plants, 20 thousand species of fish, and 8,700 species of birds; constructed out of 97 naturally occurring surface elements with the power of the annual solar income of the sun. That is a lot of diversity. Yesterday, (who was it), David Antin, I believe, told how the Tragedians asked Plato to let them put on some tragedies. Plato said, \Very interesting, gentlemen, but I must tell you something. We have prepared here the greatest tragedy of all. It is called The State." From a very early age I found myself standing in an undefinable awe before the natural world. An attitude of gratitude, wonder, and a sense of protection especially as I began to see the hills being bulldozed down for roads, and the forests of the Pacific Nothwest magically float away on logging trucks. I grew up in a rural family in the state of Washington. My grandfather was a homesteader in the Pacific Northwest. The economic base of the whole region was logging. In trying to grasp the dynamics of what was happening, rural state of Washington, 1930's, depression, white boy out in the country, German on one side, Scotch- Irish on the other side, radical, that is to say, sort of grass roots Union, I.W.W., and socialist-radical parents, I found nothing in their orientation, (critical as it was of American politics and economics), that could give me an access to understanding what was happening. -
Ethnography: Challenges and Opportunities
Research made simple Evid Based Nurs: first published as 10.1136/eb-2017-102786 on 9 September 2017. Downloaded from Ethnography: challenges and opportunities Janice Jones,1 Joanna Smith2 10.1136/eb-2017-102786 Introduction observation, often complemented with interviews, and Collectively qualitative research is a group of meth- detailed analysis often at a micro level. Although the methods used are not exclusive to ethnography, it is 1Institute of Vocational Learning, odologies, with each approach offering a different the depth of fieldwork and the continuous process of School of Health and Social Care, lens though which to explore, understand, interpret or London South Bank University, explain phenomena in real word contexts and settings. engaging with participants and their natural environ- London, UK This article will provide an overview of one of the ments that is central and adds strength to the find- 6 2Children’s Nursing, School of many qualitative approaches, ethnography, and its rele- ings of ethnographic studies. Participant observation Healthcare, University of Leeds, vance to healthcare. We will use an exemplar based on requires immersion in the setting under investigation, Leeds, UK a study that used participant-as-observer observation and observing the language, behaviours and values of 7 and follow-up interviews to explore how occupational the participants. Consequently, paramount to under- therapists embed spirituality into everyday practice, and taking an ethnographic study is the role of the researcher Correspondence to: offer insights into the future directions of ethnography in data collection. Dr Janice Jones, Institute of Engaging with participants in the real world poses Vocational Learning, School of in response to increased globalisation and technological Health and Social Care, London advances. -
SEM Awards Honorary Memberships for 2020
Volume 55, Number 1 Winter 2021 SEM Awards Honorary Memberships for 2020 Jacqueline Cogdell DjeDje Edwin Seroussi Birgitta J. Johnson, University of South Carolina Mark Kligman, UCLA If I could quickly snatch two words to describe the career I first met Edwin Seroussi in New York in the early 1990s, and influence of UCLA Professor Emeritus Jacqueline when I was a graduate student and he was a young junior Cogdell DjeDje, I would borrow from the Los Angeles professor. I had many questions for him, seeking guid- heavy metal scene and deem her the QUIET RIOT. Many ance on studying the liturgical music of Middle Eastern who know her would describe her as soft spoken with a Jews. He greeted me warmly and patiently explained the very calm and focused demeanor. Always a kind face, and challenges and possible directions for research. From that even she has at times described herself as shy. But along day and onwards Edwin has been a guiding force to me with that almost regal steadiness and introspective aura for Jewish music scholarship. there is a consummate professional and a researcher, teacher, mentor, administrator, advocate, and colleague Edwin Seroussi was born in Uruguay and immigrated to who is here to shake things up. Beneath what sometimes Israel in 1971. After studying at Hebrew University he appears as an unassuming manner is a scholar of excel- served in the Israel Defense Forces and earned the rank lence, distinction, tenacity, candor, and respect who gently of Major. After earning a Masters at Hebrew University, he pushes her students, colleagues, and community to dig went to UCLA for his doctorate. -
Defining Ethnomusicology
10 1. THE HARMLESS DRUDGE : DEFINING ETHNOMUSICOLOGY DEFINITIONS. For years, people have been asking me the question: "You're an ethnomusicologist?" Shortly after 1950 it was likely to be accompanied by expressions of wonder and of the belief that I was somehow involved with "folk" music, with "primitive music," and particularly with "ancient music," and also that I must have a great deal of companionship with a tape recorder. By 1960 the questioner would likely bring up participation in an Indonesian gamelan, or perhaps an ability to "play" many of the world's odd instruments. In the 1970s, the conversation might well include the term "ethnic" music or even the etymologically outrageous "ethnomusic," and in the eighties and nineties, free association might lead to “diversity” and “world music.” I have always found it difficult to come to a precise, concise, and readily intelligible definition. Dictionaries differ considerably but espouse limited views. In the 120 years in which modern ethnomusicology can be said to have existed, since pioneer works such as those of Ellis (1885), Baker (1882), and Stumpf (1886), attitudes and orientations have changed greatly, and so has the name, from something very briefly called “Musikologie” (in the 1880s), to “comparative musicology” (through about 1950), then to “ethno- musicology” (1950–ca. 1956), quickly to “ethnomusicology” (removing the hyphen actually was an ideological move trying to signal disciplinary independence), with suggestions such as “cultural musicology” (Kerman 1985) and “socio-musicology” (Feld 1984) occasionally thrown in. The changes in name paralleled changes in intellectual orientation and emphasis. It is difficult to find a single, simple definition, to which most people in this field would subscribe, and thus ethnomusicologists have been perhaps excessively concerned with defining themselves. -
Functionalists Write, Too: Frazer/Malinowski and the Semiotics of the Monograph1
1 Functionalists Write, Too: Frazer/Malinowski and the Semiotics of the Monograph1 James A. Boon What does the ethnographer do? – he writes (Geertz 1973:19). art of the business of anthropology is to make superficially exotic practices appear familiar and superficially familiar practices exotic. PRegardless of how such practices are experienced by observers, they are interpreted by observers in writing: notes, articles, books. That ethnographic description and ethnological comparison occur as writing suggests the fundamental symbolic remove from whatever immediacy or presence anthropological discourse presumes to embody. All varieties of writing are semiotic systems – shifting signs and symbols that stand for (replace, substitute, differ from) what they are conventionally understood to ‘represent’. Moreover, any writing of ethnographic detail and ethnologi- cal generalization in whatever style or format is constrained by sets of rules and values that at their fullest extent we call cultures. Fieldwork – ‘being there’ – offers no exception to these semiotic facts. Fieldwork is not only a way of doing; it is also a device for writing, a format for organizing description, a conceit around which ethnographic discourse revolves. (It was not always so.) At this level fieldwork, despite the fact that it happens, is a ‘fiction’. Cross-cultural interpretation requires outside help, even when fieldwork works. Cultures cannot be penetrated simply with passports, survey sheets, statistics, genealogies, dictionaries; Source: Semiotica, vol. 46, nos. 2/4, 1983, pp. 131–149. 2 CONTEXTS AND CONTROVErsiES or intuition, benign tolerance, indomitable self-confidence, or studious self-effacement (although each of these may occasionally help!). Rather, cross-cultural interpretation must be made to happen; and it is made to happen by means of semiotic operations derived from sources beyond the conditions of fieldwork proper, as narrowly construed in the functio- nalist school. -
The Politics of Identity in Organizational Ethnographic Research
HUM0010.1177/0018726714541161Human RelationsAlcadipani et al. 541161research-article2014 human relations human relations 2015, Vol. 68(1) 79 –106 The politics of identity in © The Author(s) 2014 Reprints and permissions: organizational ethnographic sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0018726714541161 research: Ethnicity and tropicalist hum.sagepub.com intrusions Rafael Alcadipani São Paulo Business School, Fundação Getúlio Vargas (EAESP-FGV), Brazil Robert Westwood University of Newcastle, Australia Alexandre Rosa Federal University of Espirito Santo (UFES), Brazil Abstract The article addresses aspects of the politics of identity that became manifest in the researcher–researched relationships in the context of an organizational ethnographic field study at a UK-based printing business. As the fieldwork commenced, it quickly became apparent that the researcher’s Brazilian nationality and Latin American ethnic identity were being performed and responded to in certain specific and problematic ways. This study analyzes the dynamics of identity work and identity politics in ethnographic and other qualitative research. However, the specific contribution of this article is that it examines the questions that arise when the typical structures and patterns of research practice – which are themselves embedded in a spatialized politics of knowledge – are reversed. Historically, research in the social sciences (including management and organization studies) has been conducted by researchers from the center in relation to others in the non-center. Furthermore, in so doing, epistemologies, theories and methods developed in and for the center are deployed to examine and explain phenomena in those other places. This article addresses the question of what Corresponding author: Rafael Alcadipani, São Paulo Business School, Fundação Getúlio Vargas (EAESP-FGV), Rua Itapeva, 474–11º andar—CEP 01332-000, São Paulo, Brazil. -
Ethnography and Democracy: Hymes's Political Theory of Language
Ethnography and democracy: Hymes’s political theory of language JAN BLOMMAERT Abstract Dell Hymes’s oeuvre was explicitly political, and this paper addresses this often overlooked dimension of his work. The project of ethnography was intended by Hymes to be a counterhegemonic and democratic science, which o¤ered voice to the subjects it studied and so created a critical social-scientific paradigm that destabilized and negated established truths by dialogically engaging with reality. This critical and counterhegemonic paradigmatic dimension of ethnography is first sketched and discussed at some length. Next, we discuss Hymes’s ethnopoetic work. In his ethnopoetic work, Hymes’s critical concern with voice, democracy, and inequality is articulated most clearly and persuasively. It is by looking at ethnopoetics that we see the blending of a methodological and a political project. Keywords: Hymes; ethnography; ethnopoetics; critique; democracy. 1. Introduction Dell Hymes’s work is, like that of Bourdieu and Bernstein, but also that of Gumperz and Go¤man, highly political. Texts such as the essay ‘‘Speech and language’’ (Hymes 1996: ch. 3), or the introductory essay to his Reinventing Anthropology (2002 [1969]) explicitly testify to that; most of his oeuvre, however, can be read as a political statement, an at- tempt toward a critical science of language in social life, toward ‘‘a union of knowledge and social values’’ (2002 [1969]: 51). Hymes would often mention his own background as an explanation for this, especially his ex- periences as a GI enlisted so as to gain access to college education under the GI Bill, and stationed in the Far East. -
To Be Or Not to Be
P ie r r e L e R o u x Institut de Recherche sur le Sud-Est Asiatique, CNRS France To Be or Not to B e... The Cultural Identity of the Jawi (Thailand) Abstract At the beginning of the century, the sultanate of Patani was permanently annexed by Siam (Thailand), and its inhabitants were cut off from a common future with Malaysia. Since then, these people, Muslims of Malay origin, have resisted political and cultural integration, maintaining themselves as Malays vis-a-vis the Thai and distinguishing themselves from other Malays in elaborating an autonym, the usage of which is somewhat of a puzzle to those outside the community. But in this way it seems an appropriate mark of identification for the Jawi: existing, but much debated; used, but not recognized; in short, in a state of limbo. Key words: Jawi— Thailand— Malaysia— ethnicity— autonym— endonym— exonym Asian Folklore Studies, Volume 57, 1998: 223-255 A national unity can be achieved through a diversity of ethnic groups. No cultural group would submit to a process of integration that would eventually lead to the loss of its valued identity. SURIN PlTSUWAN, Islam and Malay Nationalism T the southeastern extremity of peninsular Thailand there are four provinces whose inhabitants, about two million people, make A up close to 4% Thailand’s population. They are of Malay origin, fol low the Muslim religion, and represent four-fifths of the Muslims of Thailand. They are the second-largest minority after the Chinese, and call themselves the “Jawi.” These provinces are Pattani,Yala,Narathiwat,and Satun. -
Curren T Anthropology
Forthcoming Current Anthropology Wenner-Gren Symposium Curren Supplementary Issues (in order of appearance) t Human Biology and the Origins of Homo. Susan Antón and Leslie C. Aiello, Anthropolog Current eds. e Anthropology of Potentiality: Exploring the Productivity of the Undened and Its Interplay with Notions of Humanness in New Medical Anthropology Practices. Karen-Sue Taussig and Klaus Hoeyer, eds. y THE WENNER-GREN SYMPOSIUM SERIES Previously Published Supplementary Issues April THE BIOLOGICAL ANTHROPOLOGY OF LIVING HUMAN Working Memory: Beyond Language and Symbolism. omas Wynn and 2 POPULATIONS: WORLD HISTORIES, NATIONAL STYLES, 01 Frederick L. Coolidge, eds. 2 AND INTERNATIONAL NETWORKS Engaged Anthropology: Diversity and Dilemmas. Setha M. Low and Sally GUEST EDITORS: SUSAN LINDEE AND RICARDO VENTURA SANTOS Engle Merry, eds. V The Biological Anthropology of Living Human Populations olum Corporate Lives: New Perspectives on the Social Life of the Corporate Form. Contexts and Trajectories of Physical Anthropology in Brazil Damani Partridge, Marina Welker, and Rebecca Hardin, eds. e Birth of Physical Anthropology in Late Imperial Portugal 5 Norwegian Physical Anthropology and a Nordic Master Race T. Douglas Price and Ofer 3 e Origins of Agriculture: New Data, New Ideas. The Ainu and the Search for the Origins of the Japanese Bar-Yosef, eds. Isolates and Crosses in Human Population Genetics Supplement Practicing Anthropology in the French Colonial Empire, 1880–1960 Physical Anthropology in the Colonial Laboratories of the United States Humanizing Evolution Human Population Biology in the Second Half of the Twentieth Century Internationalizing Physical Anthropology 5 Biological Anthropology at the Southern Tip of Africa The Origins of Anthropological Genetics Current Anthropology is sponsored by e Beyond the Cephalic Index Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Anthropology and Personal Genomics Research, a foundation endowed for scientific, Biohistorical Narratives of Racial Difference in the American Negro educational, and charitable purposes. -
Report of the Working Group on Exonyms Conference
Eleventh United Nations Conference on the Standardization of Geographical Names New York, 8-17 August 2017 Item 11 of the provisional agenda Exonyms Report of the Working Group on Exonyms Submitted by the Working Group on Exonyms Prepared by Peter Jordan (Austria), Convenor, Working Group on Exonyms - 1 - Summary The report highlights the activities of the UNGEGN Working Group on Exonyms (WGE) since the 10th United Nations Conference on the Standardization of Geographical Names (UNCSGN) in 2012. In this period, the Working Group held three business meetings and four workshops and published four books of proceedings. The WG met on August 6, 2012 during the 10th Conference on the Standardization of Geographical Names in the UN Headquarters in New York and discussed the endonym/ exonym divide and new definitions of the endonym and the exonym as well as the question whether a third term for international waters is needed. At the same occasion, Peter JORDAN was confirmed as WG convenor by elections. The WG met again for its 14th meeting in Corfu, Greece, 23-25 May 2013. It had the character of a workshop and was organized in conjunction with a meeting of the UNGEGN Working Group on Toponymic Terminology (Convenor: Staffan NYSTRÖM). The meeting of the WGE was attended by 33 experts from 20 countries and saw 17 paper presentations on the endonym/exonym divide as well as on use and documentation of exonyms in various countries. This sequence of paper presentations was followed by an intensive discussion on new definitions of the endonym and the exonym. Proceedings of the 14th Meeting have been published as Vol. -
Ethnography, Cultural and Social Anthropology
UC Berkeley Anthropology Faculty Publications Title Ethnography, Cultural and Social Anthropology Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9t13v9kz Journal American Anthropologist, 55(4) Author Lowie, Robert H. Publication Date 1953-10-01 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California ETHNOGRAPHY, CULTURAL AND SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY By ROBERT H. LOWIE HE discussion by Professors Murdock and Firth, Professor Fortes's T contribution to the debate, Professor Radcliffe-Brown's illuminating letter in a recent issue of this journal, and a number of other statements by American and British colleagues (Murdock 1951; Firth 1951; Radcliffe-Brown 1952; Fortes 1953; Evans-Pritchard 1951) stimulate reflections on cultural and social anthropology. In the present, wholly uncontroversial article I shall first define the aims of cultural anthropology as I understand them and shall then inquire intQ the relations of that discipline with social anthropology as defined by British scholars. I Whatever differences may divide cultural from social anthropologists, they are hardly greater than those which divide self-styled cultural anthropologists. IndeedJ I should say that many of us feel incomparably closer to the English anthropologists referred to above than, say, to Goldenweiser in his later phases. A concrete example will illustrate the issue. In one of his books (Golden weiser 1922) this writer devotes a chapter to the Baganda, relying as he was bound to do on Roscoe's well-known work. He tells us that "maize is perhaps the principal staple food, but plantain trees are also cultivated on a large scale." Now the primary source (Roscoe 1911: 5, 432) states in unmistakable terms that plantains "furnish their staple food," whereas maize "was never grown in any quantity ..