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The Anaphoric Potential of Indefinites Under Negation and Disjunction Lisa Hofmann (UC Santa Cruz)

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The Anaphoric Potential of Indefinites Under Negation and Disjunction Lisa Hofmann (UC Santa Cruz) The Anaphoric Potential of Indefinites under Negation and Disjunction Lisa Hofmann (UC Santa Cruz) . Amsterdam Colloquium 2019 1 Introduction This talk A generalization • Presents an analysis of the above cases in intensional Compositional DRT (CDRT, following Muskens (1996); Brasoveanu (2010)) based on the assumption that a pronoun can be co-referential Indefinite DPs under non-veridical operators such as negation do not usually introduce a discourseref- with a preceding DP only if the referent of the DP exists in the worlds of evaluation of the pronoun erent (dref) that is available for subsequent reference (Karttunen (1969)): – Uses analyses of modal subordination in terms of simultaneous reference to sets of possible (1) There is [no bathroom]υ in this house. worlds (propositions) and individuals #Itυ is in a weird place. (Stone (1999); Stone and Hardt (1999); Brasoveanu (2007, 2010)) – Extends them to disjunction, double negation and disagreement cases Some counterexamples 2 The account (2) a. Double negation: (Karttunen (1969); Krahmer and Muskens (1995)) The intuition behind the analysis υ1 It’s not true that there is [no bathroom] in this house. Itυ1 is just in a weird place. • Counterfactual drefs under negation: Speaker committed to their non-existence b. Disjunction: (Krahmer and Muskens (1995)) (cf. hypothetical drefs in Stone (1999); Stone and Hardt (1999)) υ2 Either there is [no bathroom] in this house, or itυ is in a weird place. 2 • Pronoun presupposes existence of a referent c. Modal subordination: (Roberts (1989)) υ3 There is [no bathroom] in this house. Itυ3 would be easier to find. • Use of a pronoun in veridical contexts is inconsistent with counterfactual dref antecedent d. Disagreement: • BUT: Pronoun can co-refer with counterfactual dref if A: There’s [no bathroom]υ4 in this house. – It is in a counterfactual context (Modal subordination) B: (What are you talking about?) Itυ4 is right over there. – The discourse segments of the antecedent and pronoun do not have to be consistent (disjunc- tion, disagreement) Krahmer and Muskens (1995) The account in a nutshell Note that standard Discourse Representation Theory (DRT, Kamp (1981); Kamp and Reyle (1993)) (and • Antecedents and pronouns are interpreted relative to their local intensional context other classic dynamic semantic frameworks) don’t account for the counterexamples • Relativizing individual drefs to sets of worlds where they refer (Stone (1999); Stone and Hardt • Negation is externally static, indefinites in its scope never introduce global drefs (1999)) – In DRT, it introduces a subordinated discourse representation structure (DRS) – Gives rise to accessibility condition, capturing that pronouns presuppose existence of a ref- – Only drefs introduced in the same DRS or a superordinate DRS are accessible erent and are infelicitous otherwise • Sentential operators introduce drefs for sets of worlds providing a local context for interpretation of their prejacent K & M introduce an account of double negation and disjunction cases, based on… – Relation between local and global context sets is constrained semantically by the interpreta- • Semantics for negation that symmetrically switches between the extension and anti-extension of tion of linguistic expressions an expression Karttunen (1973); Heim (1983) • Semantics for disjunction that analogizes it to conditionals, truth-conditionally and dynamically – And pragmatically by set of worlds compatible with a speaker’s commitments • Doesn’t extend to cases w/o overt negation or disjunction (disagreement, modal subordination) Stalnaker (1978, 2002); Gunlogson (2004) 1 December 18, 2019 The Anaphoric Potential of Indefinites under Negation and Disjunction Lisa Hofmann 2.1 Intensional CDRT ϕ, ϕ : υ1; υ2 υ1 = Marye (3) Mary has a car CDRT with propositional discourse referents Muskens (1996); Brasoveanu (2007, 2010) carϕfυ2g f g • Four basic types: haveϕ υ1; υ2 t (truth-values), e (entities), w (possible worlds), and s (variable assignments) Relative variable update • Variable assignments Individual drefs map to an individual for all worlds in which their referent exists, and to an indeterminate – Objects manipulated and updated in context value #e in all other worlds (cf Stone (1999); Stone and Hardt (1999)) – In classic static systems: Functions from variables to entities (4) i[ϕ : υ]j, where ϕ 2 Term ; υ 2 Term , holds iff the conjunction of the following holds: – Here: Basic type s (discourse states) s(wt) s(we) • Discourse referents (drefs) •i[υ]j 0 – Functions from assignments to referents •8ww:(ϕ(j)(w) ! υ (i)(w) =6 # – Individual drefs: type s(we) •8ww:(:ϕ(j)(w) ! υ(j)(w) = #) ∗ Functions from assignments is and worlds ww to individuals xe ∗ Drefs for individual concepts j is an update of i with υ in relation to ϕ, iff ∗ Variables: υ, υ1; υ2;::: • j is an update of i that differs at most wrt the value assigned to υ – Propositional drefs: type s(wt) • for each world w in ϕ(j), υ(j)(w) doesn’t map to # (but an individual) ∗ Drefs for sets of worlds • for each world w not in ϕ(j), υ(j)(w) maps to # ∗ Variables: ϕ, ϕ1; ϕ2;::: Negation • Sentence meanings Negation introduces a counterfactual set of worlds wrt which its prejacent is interpreted – Conceptualized in terms of their context-change potential – Binary relations between discourse states: Type s(st) (5) S: Mary doesn’t sleep. – Anaphoric potential: Updating variable assignments ϕ1; ϕ1 : υ, ϕ2 ⊆ – Truth-conditions: Imposing conditions on propositional drefs ϕDCS ϕ1 S :(not(Mary sleep)) υ = Marye ϕ1 = ϕ2 f g sleepϕ2 υ 2.2 Drefs in relation to their local context • New drefs: • Conditions: – Matrix ϕ1 – ϕ1 is entailed by the commitments of S DRSs and Relativizing individual drefs ϕDC – not: Embedded ϕ2 S • A DRS contains a list of new drefs (ϕ, ϕ : υ1; : : : ; υn) – Mary: υ – Mary: υ refers to marye – Where individual drefs are introduced relative to propositional ones – not: ϕ1 and ϕ2 are complements • and a series of conditions of type st, i.e. properties of the output state (C1;:::;Cn) – Verb: υ sleeps in ϕ2 2 December 18, 2019 The Anaphoric Potential of Indefinites under Negation and Disjunction Lisa Hofmann Accessibility condition on pronominal reference: The hypothetical bathroom • A dref is accessible for reference by a variable, iff the referent exists in the local context ofthe υ variable. (7) S: There is [no bathroom] 1 . (9). S: It would be (more) accessible. • Local context defined wrt the evaluation of DRS conditions: ϕ1; ϕ2; ϕ2 : υ1 ϕ3 ⊆ ⊆ ϕDCS ϕ1 ϕDCS ϕ3 (6) Predicates with their arguments as conditions (type st): f g f g 8 2 ϕ1 = ϕ2 wouldϕ3 underlineϕ4 carϕ υ2 := λis: w ϕ(i):car(υ2(i)(w))(w) f g f g bathroomϕ2 υ1 accessibleϕ4 υ2 – υ2 is a car in ϕ wrt the variable assignment i, iff – Each world w in ϕ(i) is s.t. • Modal subordination: (Stone (1999); Stone and Hardt (1999); Brasoveanu (2007, 2010)) ∗ υ2(i)(w) =6 # (i.e. a referent of υ2 wrt i exists in w) and ∗ υ2(i)(w) is a car in w – would is anaphoric to a proposition that is not taken to be true in ϕDCS , this can be the counterfactual ϕ2 • A dref is an accessible antecedent for a variable in the context of is, ϕs(wt) iff the dref refers to something other than # (i.e. an actual individual) in each world in ϕ, wrt i – The local set of worlds for the interpretation of its prejacent is provided compositionally f g • Now we have accessibleϕ2 υ2 , so we get υ1 = υ2 2.3 Drefs under negation The non-existent bathroom The optional bathroom υ1 (7) S: There is [no bathroom] . (8) # S: Itυ3=υ1 is in a weird place. υ1 (10) S: Either there is [no bathroom] ,or itυ =υ is in a weird place. ϕ1; ϕ2; ϕ2 : υ1 ϕ3; ϕ3 : υ2 3 1 ⊆ ⊆ ϕ1; ϕ2; ϕ3; ϕ4; ϕ4 : υ1; ϕ3 : υ2 ϕDCS ϕ1 ϕDCS ϕ3 ϕDC ⊆ ϕ1 ϕ1 = ϕ2 placeϕ fυ2g S 3 ϕ = ϕ [ ϕ bathroom fυ g weird fυ g 1 2 3 ϕ2 1 ϕ3 2 ϕ = ϕ f g 2 4 inϕ3 υ3; υ2 f g bathroomϕ4 υ1 place fυ g • New drefs: • Conditions: ϕ3 2 f g weirdϕ3 υ2 – Matrix ϕ1 – ϕ1 is entailed by the commitments of S (ϕDCS ) f g inϕ3 υ3; υ2 – Embedded ϕ2 – ϕ1 and ϕ2 are complements • Assertion compatible with speaker’s commitments – υ1 exists in ϕ2 – υ1 is a bathroom in ϕ2 • Disjunction introduces two local sets of worlds that don’t have to be compatible • υ exists in all and only the counterfactual ϕ -worlds 1 2 • First disjunct: Analogous to the above negative sentences • υ1 doesn’t exist in any worlds in ϕ1, the complement of ϕ2 – υ1 exists in all and only the ϕ4-worlds, and in none of the worlds in ϕ2 f g • υ3 is interpreted in the condition inϕ3 υ3; υ2 • Second disjunct: • For υ1 to be an antecedent for υ3, υ1 needs to exist in all ϕ3-worlds – For υ1 to be an antecedent for υ3, υ1 needs to exist in all ϕ3-worlds \ \ ? • ϕDCS contains only worlds that are in ϕ1 ϕ3 • Compatible with an output discourse state, s.t. υ1 exists in ϕ3, i.e. the one where ϕ2 ϕ3 = , and υ3 can be resolved as υ1 • So, there are ϕ1-worlds in ϕ3, i.e. worlds where υ1 doesn’t exist • υ3 can’t refer to υ1 3 December 18, 2019 The Anaphoric Potential of Indefinites under Negation and Disjunction Lisa Hofmann The contested bathroom 4 Conclusion • The paper presents an analysis results in a flat-update dynamic semantics that globally introduces υ1 (7) S: There is [no bathroom] . (11). B: Itυ1 is (right over) there. anti-veridical drefs along with the information about the sets of worlds in which they exist : ϕ1; ϕ2; ϕ2 υ1 ϕ3 • The analysis provides an understanding of when the surrounding context allows for an anaphoric ϕ ⊆ ϕ ⊆ DCS 1 ϕDCB ϕ3 relation between expressions introducing anaphora and potential antecedents ϕ1 = ϕ2 there fυ g ϕ3 2 • It constitutes a step forward from previous approaches to anaphoric accessibility in classical DRT bathroomϕ fυ1g 2 (Kamp and Reyle (1993)), as well as analyses of modal subordination (Stone (1999)) and the double negation and disjunction cases (Krahmer and Muskens (1995)), by extending the empirical coverage.
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