DOCSLIB.ORG

Political Parties and National Integration: a Comparative Analysis of Political Parties in the Second Republic (1979-1983) and Fourth Republic (1999-2003)

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Political Parties and National Integration: a Comparative Analysis of Political Parties in the Second Republic (1979-1983) and Fourth Republic (1999-2003) 1 POLITICAL PARTIES AND NATIONAL INTEGRATION: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE SECOND REPUBLIC (1979-1983) AND FOURTH REPUBLIC (1999-2003) BY ODO, SATURNINUS I. PG/M.Sc/10/57275 DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA AUGUST, 2011. 2 POLITICAL PARTIES AND NATIONAL INTEGRATION: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE SECOND REPUBLIC (1979-1983) AND FOURTH REPUBLICS (1999-2003) BY ODO, SATURNINUS I. PG/M.Sc/10/57275 A PROJECT REPORT SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT FOR THE AWARD OF MASTER OF SCIENCE (M.Sc) DEGREE IN POLITICAL SCIENCE SUPERVISOR: PROF. M. IKEJIANI -CLARK AUGUST, 2011. 3 CERTIFICATION This study was duly approved and certified as being worthy of presentations as a mater’s project in the Department of Political Science University of Nigeria, Nsukka by the following. ………………………………… ………………………….. PROF. IKEJIANI-CLARK DATE Supervisor ………………………………… ………………………….. PROF. OBASI IGWE DATE Head of Department 4 DEDICATION To Eternal Glory God My parents: Late Mr. Odo Jacob Nnachi and Mrs. Odo Grace (Nee Chizieke) And to My beloved wife Mrs. Anayochukwu Odo for their support and kindness. 5 ACKNOWLEDGMENT I am grateful to God Almighty both for the opportunities within the period and for sustaining love. I acknowledge with humility and profound gratitude the ideas, knowledge, quotation and styles of many intellectual giants, which is used either directly or indirectly in the writing of this project. However, it is not possible for me to bestow adequate recognition on all who in one way or the other contributed immensely to the fulfillment of my academic endeavours which is now a dream come true in my life. I am especially indebted to my project superior Prof. M. Ikejiani-clark. She has keen Oeye for details and passion for excellence. My special regards goes to all my lecturers, Prof. Jonah Onuoha, Dr. Ken Ifesinachi, Dr. A. M. Okolie and others. Next to God is my beloved wife Mrs. Odo Anayochukwu whose loyalty, co-operation and support made the studies possible. Above all she bore the heavy financial burden of my studies with cheerfulness and zeal. Similarly, I am appreciative of the love, encouragements and sacrifices of 6 the following chief O. C. Odo, Barr. V. C. Odo, Chief Patrick Nwodo, Dr. Efemini Andrew, Mr. Igwagu Osmond, Mrs. Agatha Nwmba, Mrs. Bibiana Obeleze. They are all good and helpful to me. A appreciate the love, charity and encouragement which I received from my in laws the Ojili family. Similarly my good and obedient children Adanna, Ifenna, Mmasichukwu and Chioma, also my regards to my brothers and sisters. My parents equally deserves special mention. They laid the very foundation of my existence. My unforgettable instinct and thanks go to them, they never lived to see this journey completed. May their souls rest in perfect peace Amen. 7 ABSTRACT This research was born out of the desire to investigate the extent to which the second and fourth republic political parties impacted on national integration. As the great philosopher, Aristotle posited “man is a political animal”. This means that in every society, there must exist individual diverse interest and that of Nigeria is no exception Political parties are there to aggregate these diverse interests to make way for stability and national integration. To what extent have the political parties in second and fourth republic in Nigeria achieved this goals? And how did the structure of political parties in both republic promote private regarding interest? In order to effectively handle the matter I intend to look at the pre-1960 to early 1960s situation in Nigeria, this is to enable me have an adequate information on the genealogy of political parties in Nigeria to be able to find out whether the non-integrative nature of Nigeria political parties is caused by way these political parties were formed. At the course of investigation into this work I discovered that political parties in both republic were mostly formed and operated along ethnic lines. The structure of political parties in both republics appeared to have promoted private regarding interest. This led to ethno- regional domination and of course a number of imbalances in the party structure. The ethnic origin of these parties and their affiliations promoted private regarding interest which inhabited national integration. The work also proffered solutions to the problems that inhibited national integration and recommended ways through which political parties can help in solving the problem of national integration. An important feature of this research is the method of analysis, which is based on the historical explanation and method of logical assumption; certain lessons that are drawn from history could be relevant to the present and the future. For any research to be meaningful, reliable and scientific facts and ideas must be supplemented with empirical data. As such as substantial portion of this work would be gathered from the internet and journals. Secondary materials like Journals, Newspapers, Textbooks etc would also be used. Primary materials, which would also include party documents, would be also used. 8 TABLE OF CONTENTS Title Page i Certification ii Dedication iii Acknowledgement iv Abstract vi Table of Contents viii CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background of the Study 1 1.2 Statement of the Problem 12 1.3 Objectives of the Study 13 1.4 Significance of the Study 14 1.5 Scope of the Study 16 1.6 Literature Review 16 1.7 Theoretical Framework 29 1.8 Hypotheses 33 1.9 Method of Data Collection 34 1.10 Method of Data Analysis 34 9 CHAPTER TWO: ORIGIN OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE SECOND AND FOURTH REPUBLICS 2.1 Before 1960 47 2.2 Political Parties in the Second Republic (1979-1983) 63 2.3 Political Parties in the Fourth Republic (1999-2003) 74 2.4 Ethnic Identities of Parties in the Second and Fourth Republic 81 CHAPTER THREE: PARTY STRUCTURE AND NATIONAL PRIVATE INTEREST 3.1 Party Structures: The Second Republic 95 3.2 Party Structures: The Fourth Republic 99 3.3 Inhibition to National Integration 104 CHAPTER FOUR: THE COMPARATIVE ROLE OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN NATIONAL INTEGRATION 1979 TO 1983, 1999 TO 2003 4.1 Political Parties in the Second Republic and National Integration: 1979 to 1984 119 10 4.2 Political Parties in the Fourth Republic and National Integration: 1999 to 2003 140 CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 5.1 Summary and Conclusion 150 5.2 Recommendations 155 Bibliography 158 11 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY The rise of political parties as an instrument of national integration has captured the attention of many scholars in recent times. Their common purpose enable Appadorai (2004:537) to formulate his classical definition of political party as “A political party is more or less organized group of citizens who act together as a political unit, have distinctive aims and opinions on the leading political questions of controversy in the state, and who, by acting together as a political unit, seek to obtain control of the government”. Edmund Burke defined political party as “a body of men united for promoting by their joint endeavors, national integration upon some particular principles in which they are all agreed”. Ostrogorski (1854-1919) was one of the first students of politics to recognize that parties were becoming vital in the new era of democratic politics. The twentieth century proved to be the century of parties. In West Europe, mass parties battled for the votes of enlarge electorates. In communist 12 and fabist states, ruling parties monopolized power in an attempt to reconstruct society and the people within it. In the developing world, nationalist parties became the vehicle for driving colonial rulers back to their imperial homeland. In all there cases, parties succeeded in drawing millions of with the national political process, often for the first time. The mass party was the mobilizing device of the twentieth century. In standing between the people and the state, parties became and substantially remain, integral to politics in four main ways. • Ruling parties offer direction to government, performing the vital task of steering the ship of state. • Parties function as agents of elite recruitment. They serve as major mechanism for preparing and recruiting candidates for public office. If you want to lead your country, you must first persuade a party to adopt you as it candidate. • Parties serve as agents of interest aggregation. They transform a multitude of specific demands into more manageable packages of proposals. Parties select, 13 reduce and combine interests. They act as a filter between society and state, deciding which demands to allow through their net. • The a declining extent, political parties serves as a point of reference for their supporters and voters, giving people a key to interpreting a complicated political world. Definition Political parties are permanent organizations which contest elections, usually because they seek to occupy the decisive positions of authority within the state, unlike interest groups, which seek merely to influence the government, serious parties aim to secure the levers of power in Rod Hague and Martin Harrop (2001:167). In Weber’s phrase parties live in a house of power. A party may exist primarily as an electoral machine for gaining power with no coherent philosophy, or it may have deep ideological aims. It might also conform to Edmund Burk’s definition of a group agreed “upon a pimple by which the national interest might be served. It is a group publicly 14 organized with the intention of gaining political power in government, to realize certain aims C. A. heeds (1975:124). National integration is a process which includes among other things, the incorporation of various parts of a society into a functioning whole, the growth of obedience and loyalties of the nation transcending loyalties to its, parts and emergence of shared values and perspectives or consensus.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Military and the Challenge of Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria: Positive Skepticism and Negative Optimism
    Journal of Military and Strategic VOLUME 15, ISSUE 4, 2014 Studies The Military And The Challenge Of Democratic Consolidation In Nigeria: Positive Skepticism And Negative Optimism Emmanuel O. Ojo Introduction This paper is an attempt to consider the role of the military in Nigeria’s democratic transitions. The paper has one major thrust – an in-depth analysis of military role in democratic transitions in Nigeria - the fundamental question, however, is: can the military ever be expected or assumed to play any major role in building democracy? The reality on the ground in Africa is that the military as an institution has never been completely immune from politics and the role of nation-building. However, whether they have been doing that perfectly or not is another question entirely which this paper shall address. The extant literature on civil-military relations generally is far from being optimistic that the military can discharge that kind of function creditably. Nonetheless, perhaps by sheer providence, they have been prominent both in political transitions and nation-building in Africa. It is against this backdrop of both pessimism and optimism that necessitated this caption an ‘oxymoron’- a figure of speech which depicts the contradictory compatibility in terms of civil-military relations in Nigeria. It is important to note that Nigeria’s democratization march has been a chequered one. Ben Nwabueze identified five different phases of Nigeria’s ©Centre of Military and Strategic Studies, 2014 ISSN : 1488-559X JOURNAL OF MILITARY AND
    [Show full text]
  • A Critical Analysis of Transition to Civil Rule in Nigeria & Ghana 1960 - 2000
    A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF TRANSITION TO CIVIL RULE IN NIGERIA & GHANA 1960 - 2000 BY ESEW NTIM GYAKARI DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AHMADU BELLO UNIVERSITY, ZARIA DECEMBER, 2001 A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF TRANSITION TO CIVIL RULE IN NIGERIA & GHANA 1960 - 2000 BY ESEW NTIM GYAKARI (PH.D/FASS/06107/1993-94) BEING A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL AHMADU BELLO UNIVERSITY, ZARIA IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (PH.D) IN POLITICAL SCIENCE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES, AHMADU BELLO UNIVERSITY, ZARIA. DECEMBER, 2001. DEDICATION TO ETERNAL GLORY OF GOD DECLARATION I, ESEW, NTIM GYAKARI WITH REG No PH .D/FASS/06107/93-94 DO HEREBY DECLARE THAT THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN PREPARED BY ME AND IT IS THE PRODUCT OF MY RESEARCH WORK. IT HAS NOT BEEN ACCEPTED IN ANY PREVIOUS APPLICATION FOR A DEGREE. ALL QUOTATIONS ARE INDICATED BY QUOTATION MARKS OR BY INDENTATION AND ACKNOWLEDGED BY MEANS OF REFERENCES. CERTIFICATION This dissertation entitled A Critical Analysis Of Transition To Civil Rule In Nigeria And Ghana 1960 - 2000' meets the regulation governing the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D) Political Science of Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria and is approved for its contribution to knowledge and literary presentation. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Any serious intellectual activity such as this could hardly materialize without reference to works by numerous authors. They are duly acknowledged with gratitude in the bibliography. My heartfelt gratitude goes to my Supervisors, Dr Andrew Iwini Ohwona (Chairman) and Dr Ejembi A Unobe.
    [Show full text]
  • Introductory Chapter 1 Background to the Joint Evaluation Debt Relief Nigeria
    Introductory Chapter 1 Background to the Joint Evaluation Debt Relief Nigeria By Dr Adeyemi Bukola Oyeniyi Faculty of History and International Relations Joseph Ayo Babalola University Ikeji Arekeji Osun State Nigeria Country profile – basic facts The Federal Republic of Nigeria is located in West Africa. It comprises of thirty-six states and a Federal Capital Territory, located in Abuja. Nigeria is bounded in the south by the Atlantic Ocean on the Gulf of Guinea; it shares land borders with the Republic of Benin in the west, Chad and Cameroon in the east, and Niger in the north. With an estimated 152.6 million population growing at an annual rate of 2.6%, projected to rise to 285 million people by the year 2050 (Population Reference Bureau, 2009), Nigeria is, by far, the most populated of Africa’s countries. The country takes its name from its chief river, the River Niger. Until 1991, Lagos, on the southwestern coast, undoubtedly the largest city and Nigeria’s economic and cultural center, was the federal capital. Abuja, in the country’s interior, planned and built during the 1970s and 1980s, is today the federal capital. Movement of the federal capital from Lagos to Abuja was predicated on the need to create a national capital where no ethnic group would be dominant. Timeline Although British Imperial rule began in different parts of Nigeria at different times, Nigeria was however divided into three: Lagos, northern, and southern protectorates in the late 19th century. In 1914, these three different but mutually related administrative divisions were amalgamated into a single state called the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria.
    [Show full text]
  • The Policies and Politics of Massification of University Education in Nigeria, 1952-2000
    THE POLICIES AND POLITICS OF MASSIFICATION OF UNIVERSITY EDUCATION IN NIGERIA, 1952-2000 Ogechi Emmanuel Anyanwu A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2006 Committee: Apollos O. Nwauwa, Advisor Kefa M. Otiso Graduate Faculty Representative Robert Buffington Lillian Ervine Ashcraft-Eason © 2006 Ogechi Emmanuel Anyanwu All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Apollos O. Nwauwa, Advisor This study constitutes a history of the policies and politics surrounding the massification of university education in Nigeria between 1952 and 2000. The concept of massification as used in this study refers to a program of expansion of facilities and mass access to university education in post-independent Nigeria. In 1948, the British colonial administration in Nigeria established the first university, the University College of Ibadan (UCI). However, from 1948 through 1959, the British consistently ignored the growing demand for more access to university education. To address this problem, the Nigerian government set up the Ashby Commission to study the country’s higher education needs on the eve of independence. Following the report of the Commission, the Nigerian government realigned university education policies and vigorously embarked on policies of massification. This study shows that the policies and politics of massification were embarked upon largely in response to the critical needs for human resources, economic development, and national integration. Furthermore, it examines how the divergent and, sometimes, inconsistent interests of the pluralistic society of Nigeria, the politics of oil revenue and state creation, the ideologies of civilian/military governments and international forces shaped policy initiatives, shifts, and outcomes of massification.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy in Nigeria, 9 Black LJ
    UIC School of Law UIC Law Open Access Repository UIC Law Open Access Faculty Scholarship 1-1-1984 Democracy in Nigeria, 9 Black L.J. 113 (1984) Michael P. Seng John Marshall Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.uic.edu/facpubs Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Rule of Law Commons Recommended Citation Michael P. Seng, Democracy in Nigeria, 9 Black L.J. 113 (1984). https://repository.law.uic.edu/facpubs/293 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UIC Law Open Access Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in UIC Law Open Access Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of UIC Law Open Access Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA Michael P. Seng* On December 31, 1983, a military coup marked the end of Nigeria's sec- ond attempt to goven itself under a democratic constitution. In his maiden broadcast to the nation on January 2, 1984, the new head of state, General Mohammed Buhari cited the country's continuing economic ills as the leading cause for the coup; he also referred to the former civilian administration as "corrupt, inept and insensitive" and complained that the last elections held in the fall of 1983 were not free.' The new military regime was received by the populous with general rejoicing and the Nigerian press warmly welcomed the intrusion of the military into Nigeria's political evolution.2 Yet just months before the coup, the Western press and diplomats were dubbing the 1983 elections "a victory for democracy." 3 Nigeria, with an esti- mated population of 90,000,000, was the fourth largest multi-party democracy in the world, and one of the few countries in Africa where citizens had the right to vote for a choice of candidates, any of whom could have won.4 Nige- ria, whose 1979 Constitution was patterned after the American presidential system, was expected to be the showcase for an American style democracy in Africa and to provide an example for the rest of the continent.
    [Show full text]
  • Media, Military and Democratic Struggles in Nigeria: Tensions and Contentions
    New Media and Mass Communication www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-3267 (Paper) ISSN 2224-3275 (Online) Vol.47, 2016 Media, Military and Democratic Struggles in Nigeria: Tensions and Contentions Abiodun Adeniyi, Ph.D. Senior Lecturer, Department of Mass Communication, Baze University, Abuja Abstract The press in Nigeria has waded through different challenges, more especially under military regimes. While it was bruised and persecuted to no end in the military era, it yet remained the bastion of hope for the larger populace, compliant with its constitutionally enshrined role as the watchdog of society. This paper examines some contending notions about the media and the military, the might to rule and the right to ask questions, and the tension between the power of the sword and the creativity of the pen, against the background of the guest for freedom in a country desiring qualitative democracy and good governance. This desire is meant to follow a nation’s multi-faceted history, founded on colonialism, post colonialism, coups, counter-coups and the lingering challenges of social, political and economic development. The paper discusses media experiences under different military regimes, and examines how the experience of media resistance of the military played out after democracy was restored in 1999. 1.1: INTRODUCTION The press in Nigeria have never ceased to be a platform for democratic struggles. It is either that journalists are themselves assuming the role of fighters, often snowballing to guerrilla journalism (Dare, 2007), or exilic journalism, or their platforms and pedestals are opened to other professionals, to wit lawyers, politicians, medical doctors, writers, academics, or retired military officers for democratic activism.
    [Show full text]
  • Title UNDER the JACKBOOT: the NIGERIAN TRIBUNE and HUMAN
    UNDER THE JACKBOOT: THE NIGERIAN TRIBUNE Title AND HUMAN RIGHTS AGITATION, 1984‒1998 Author(s) ALIMI, Shina Citation African Study Monographs (2011), 32(2): 43-68 Issue Date 2011-08 URL https://doi.org/10.14989/143674 Right Type Journal Article Textversion publisher Kyoto University African Study Monographs, 32 (2): 43-68, July 2011 43 UNDER THE JACKBOOT: THE NIGERIAN TRIBUNE AND HUMAN RIGHTS AGITATION, 1984–1998 Shina AlIMI Department of History, Obafemi Awolowo University Abstract Beyond its fundamental role of information, education and entertainment, the Nigerian press since the colonial period has always been the vanguard of human rights. That the press functions as the watchdog of human rights is generally acknowledged, there has been little research given to this. Its role as the guardian of human rights and the voice of the voiceless strained its relations with Nigerian military dictators, also led to the suffocation of its breathing space. Despite numerous measures calculated to muzzle the press in Nigeria by the military dictators, Nigerian press has always remained committed. This paper studies the history of the Nigerian press and its role in human rights agitation by focusing on the oldest surviving private newspaper, The Nigerian Tribune under three military regimes between 1984 and 1998. Key Words: Press freedom; Social responsibility; Human rights; Military regimes and decrees. INTRODUCTION I. Theoretical Frameworks: Authoritarian, libertarian and Social Responsibility Theories The bias for the study of government-media relations has generated different theories such as the authoritarian and the libertarian media theories, and led to the adaptation of the holistic theories such as the hegemony theory.
    [Show full text]
  • Leadership & the Development Paradox in Nigeria
    International Journal of Liberal Arts and Social Science Vol. 2 No. 3 April, 2014 LEADERSHIP & THE DEVELOPMENT PARADOX IN NIGERIA Dr. Peter A. Essoh & Harry Dennis Udoh Department of Sociology and Anthropology University of Uyo, Uyo, Nigeria Abstract Over the years, Nigeria, as a nation state has been faced with development challenges arising from the various leadership styles. As a country, she is bedecked with a number of socio-economic and political problems whose solutions are not only paradoxical but intractable. These development challenges anchor on leadership which has always been of interest since the Classical era to the era of Romanticism. Leadership has become especially topical in recent years, globally. Need we talk about the ‘Arab spring’ or the ‘Mahgreb fiscal crunch?’ Are the Asian Tigers or the Indo-Chinese meteoric rise not of interest? What about the universally acknowledged leadership of the United States of America in world affairs? The burden of this paper has been that of surveying the various leadership styles in Nigeria since 1960 and the impact(s) these leadership styles have had on Nigeria’s match towards development as conceived by liberal and Neo Marxist scholarship. In the process, the paper identifies that leadership in Nigeria has brought about development paradox based on our frame of analysis. 1. INTRODUCTION Nigeria, for quite a time has been encountering development challenges occasioned by leadership styles. The country is bedecked with a myriad of problems and challenges that are seemingly defying solutions. Indeed the Nigerian situation is a paradox. Nigeria is a nation blessed with abundant human and natural resources.
    [Show full text]
  • Nigeria‟S Foreign Policy Implementation in a Globalised World, 1993-2013 by Raji, Adesina Fatai Matric No. 139084035 August
    NIGERIA‟S FOREIGN POLICY IMPLEMENTATION IN A GLOBALISED WORLD, 1993-2013 BY RAJI, ADESINA FATAI B.Sc.(Hons.) (B.U.K,Kano), M.A. (LASU, Lagos), M.Sc (UNILAG, Lagos),PGDE(LASU, Lagos) MATRIC NO. 139084035 AUGUST, 2015 NIGERIA‟S FOREIGN POLICY IMPLEMENTATION IN A GLOBALISED WORLD, 1993-2013 BY RAJI, ADESINA FATAI B.Sc.(Hons.) (B.U.K,Kano), M.A. (LASU, Lagos), M.Sc (UNILAG, Lagos),PGDE(LASU, Lagos) MATRIC NO. 139084035 BEING A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF POSTGRADUATE STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF LAGOS, IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE AWARD OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN POLITICAL SCINCE, UNIVERSITY OF LAGOS. AUGUST, 2015 2 3 DEDICATION This work is dedicated to my parents, late Alhaji Akanmu and Alhaja Sikirat Raji; my darling wife, Mrs Sekinat Folake Abdulfattah; and my beloved children: Nusaybah, Sumayyah and Safiyyah who stood solidly by me to make this dream come true. 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS All praise, reverence, adoration and devotion are due to Almighty God alone. He is unique in His Majesty and Authority; He is Sublime in His Wisdom. He alone is the Author and Finisher of all affairs. To Him, I give my undiluted thanks, appreciation and gratitude for His guidance and the gift of good health which He endowed me with throughout the period of this intellectual sojourn. Alhamdulillah! I owe special thanks and appreciation to my beloved parents: Late Alhaji Raji Akanmu and Alhaja Sikirat Raji, for their unwavering spiritual and emotional support and for inspiring my passion to accomplish this intellectual endeavour. This milestone is essentially the manifestation of their painstaking effort to ensure that I am properly educated.
    [Show full text]
  • S/N Bdc Name Address State 1 1 Hr Bdc Ltd Suite 24, 2Nd
    FINANCIAL POLICY AND REGULATION DEPARTMENT CONFIRMED BUREAUX DE CHANGE IN COMPLIANCE WITH NEW REQUIREMENTS AS AT JULY 31, 2014 S/N BDC NAME ADDRESS STATE 1 1 HR BDC LTD SUITE 24, 2ND FLOOR, KINGSWAY BUILDING, 51/52 MARINA, LAGOS LAGOS 2 19TH BDC LTD 105 ZOO ROAD, GIDAN DAN ASABE KANO 3 313 BDC LTD SUITE 5, ZONE 4 PLAZA, PLOT 2249, ADDIS ABABA CRESCENT, WUSE, ABUJA ABUJA 4 3D SCANNERS BDC LTD 2ND FLOOR, UNION ASSURANCE TOWER, 95 BROAD STREET, LAGOS LAGOS 5 6JS BDC LTD BLUECREST MALL,SUITE 51 KM43,LEKKI EPE EXPRESSWAY LAGOS PLOT 1663, BIG LEAF HOUSE, 6TH FLOOR, OYIN JOLAYEMI STREET, VICTORIA ISLAND, LAGOS OLD ADDRESS: INVESTMENT 6 8-TWENTY FOUR BDC LTD HOUSE, 8TH FLOOR, 21/25, BROAD STREET, LAGOS LAGOS 7 A & C BDC LTD BLOCK 9, SHOP 1/2, AGRIC MARKET, COKER, LAGOS LAGOS 16, ABAYOMI ADEWALE STREET, AGO PALACE WAY, OKOTA, ISOLO OR SUITE 122, BLOCK A2, 104 SURA SHOPPING COMPLEX, 8 A & S BDC LTD SIMPSON ST. LAGOS LAGOS 9 A A S MARMARO BDC LTD LAGOS ISLAND LAGOS 10 A AND B BDC LTD 12, UNITY ROAD, KANO KANO 11 A THREE BDC LTD NO. 77 OPP NNPC HOTORO, KANO KANO 12 A. W. Y. BDC LTD 10, BAYAJIDDA- LEBANON ROAD, KWARI MARKET, KANO OR 1, LEBANON ROAD, KWARI MARKET, KANO KANO 13 A.A. LUKORO BDC LTD 59, YANNONO LINE, KWARI MARKET, FAGGE, TAKUDU, KANO KANO 14 A.A. SILLA BDC LTD 4, SANNI ADEWALE STREET, 2ND FLOOR, LAGOS ISLAND LAGOS 15 A.A.RANO BDC LTD NO.
    [Show full text]
  • Volume 12 1985 Issue 34
    Editorial Two of the main articles in this issue, those by Clough and Vaughan, present material from case studies in northern Nigeria and southern Malawi. Case studies such as these are able to explore the complex ramifications of rural social and economic relations and to question the abstract generalisations regarding middlemen, households and gender relations advanced by studies with a more macro-societal focus. 'Peasant' studies have tended to base their analyses on the 'household', conceived as a unit of production and consumption. Clough and Vaughan show the importance of situating the study of agricultural production in the context of exchange relations and of examining the changing relations of household members, female and male, to others within and without the households (natal and marital) to which they are affiliated. The articles by Williams and Clough are concerned with crop marketing in Nigeria. The internal food markets, studied by Clough, have largely been developed by African traders. The markets for the main export crops, considered by Williams, were dominated by European firms and, since the second world war, by state marketing boards. Williams locates the origins of marketing boards in the crises of colonial political economy in the 1930s and the need to shore up the British economy in the 1940s. He emphasises that their original justification was to regulate the internal marketing of export crops to defend 'peasants' from 'middlemen'. The result has been to create an instrument for taxing peasants, leading to the collapse of agricultural exports and conferring privileged access to funds and trading opportunities to clients of governments and of governing parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Nigeria Country Assessment
    NIGERIA COUNTRY ASSESSMENT COUNTRY INFORMATION AND POLICY UNIT, ASYLUM AND APPEALS POLICY DIRECTORATE IMMIGRATION AND NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE VERSION APRIL 2000 I. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 This assessment has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a variety of sources. 1.2 The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive, nor is it intended to catalogue all human rights violations. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. 1.4 It is intended to revise the assessment on a 6-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum producing countries in the United Kingdom. 1.5 The assessment has been placed on the Internet (http:www.homeoffice.gov.uk/ind/cipu1.htm). An electronic copy of the assessment has been made available to: Amnesty International UK Immigration Advisory Service Immigration Appellate Authority Immigration Law Practitioners' Association Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants JUSTICE 1 Medical Foundation for the Care of Victims of Torture Refugee Council Refugee Legal Centre UN High Commissioner for Refugees CONTENTS I. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 II. GEOGRAPHY 2.1 III. ECONOMY 3.1 - 3.3 IV.
    [Show full text]