Political Parties and National Integration: a Comparative Analysis of Political Parties in the Second Republic (1979-1983) and Fourth Republic (1999-2003)

POLITICAL PARTIES AND NATIONAL INTEGRATION: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE SECOND REPUBLIC (1979-1983) AND FOURTH REPUBLIC (1999-2003)

ODO, SATURNINUS I. PG/M.Sc/10/57275

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA

AUGUST, 2011.

POLITICAL PARTIES AND NATIONAL INTEGRATION: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE SECOND REPUBLIC (1979-1983) AND FOURTH REPUBLICS (1999-2003)

ODO, SATURNINUS I. PG/M.Sc/10/57275

A PROJECT REPORT SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT FOR THE AWARD OF MASTER OF SCIENCE (M.Sc) DEGREE IN POLITICAL SCIENCE

SUPERVISOR: PROF. M. IKEJIANI -CLARK

AUGUST, 2011.

CERTIFICATION

This study was duly approved and certified as being worthy of presentations as a mater’s project in the Department of

Political Science University of Nigeria, Nsukka by the following.

………………………………… ………………………….. PROF. IKEJIANI-CLARK DATE Supervisor

………………………………… ………………………….. PROF. OBASI IGWE DATE Head of Department

DEDICATION

To Eternal Glory God

My parents: Late Mr. Odo Jacob Nnachi and Mrs. Odo

Grace (Nee Chizieke)

And to

My beloved wife Mrs. Anayochukwu Odo for their support and kindness.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

I am grateful to God Almighty both for the opportunities within the period and for sustaining love. I acknowledge with humility and profound gratitude the ideas, knowledge, quotation and styles of many intellectual giants, which is used either directly or indirectly in the writing of this project.

However, it is not possible for me to bestow adequate recognition on all who in one way or the other contributed immensely to the fulfillment of my academic endeavours which is now a dream come true in my life. I am especially indebted to my project superior Prof. M. Ikejiani-clark. She has keen Oeye for details and passion for excellence. My special regards goes to all my lecturers, Prof. Jonah

Onuoha, Dr. Ken Ifesinachi, Dr. A. M. Okolie and others.

Next to God is my beloved wife Mrs. Odo Anayochukwu whose loyalty, co-operation and support made the studies possible. Above all she bore the heavy financial burden of my studies with cheerfulness and zeal. Similarly, I am appreciative of the love, encouragements and sacrifices of 6 the following chief O. C. Odo, Barr. V. C. Odo, Chief Patrick

Nwodo, Dr. Efemini Andrew, Mr. Igwagu Osmond, Mrs.

Agatha Nwmba, Mrs. Bibiana Obeleze. They are all good and helpful to me.

A appreciate the love, charity and encouragement which I received from my in laws the Ojili family. Similarly my good and obedient children Adanna, Ifenna, Mmasichukwu and

Chioma, also my regards to my brothers and sisters.

My parents equally deserves special mention. They laid the very foundation of my existence. My unforgettable instinct and thanks go to them, they never lived to see this journey completed. May their souls rest in perfect peace Amen.

ABSTRACT

This research was born out of the desire to investigate the extent to which the second and fourth republic political parties impacted on national integration. As the great philosopher, Aristotle posited “man is a political animal”. This means that in every society, there must exist individual diverse interest and that of Nigeria is no exception Political parties are there to aggregate these diverse interests to make way for stability and national integration. To what extent have the political parties in second and fourth republic in Nigeria achieved this goals? And how did the structure of political parties in both republic promote private regarding interest? In order to effectively handle the matter I intend to look at the pre-1960 to early 1960s situation in Nigeria, this is to enable me have an adequate information on the genealogy of political parties in Nigeria to be able to find out whether the non-integrative nature of Nigeria political parties is caused by way these political parties were formed. At the course of investigation into this work I discovered that political parties in both republic were mostly formed and operated along ethnic lines. The structure of political parties in both republics appeared to have promoted private regarding interest. This led to ethno- regional domination and of course a number of imbalances in the party structure. The ethnic origin of these parties and their affiliations promoted private regarding interest which inhabited national integration. The work also proffered solutions to the problems that inhibited national integration and recommended ways through which political parties can help in solving the problem of national integration. An important feature of this research is the method of analysis, which is based on the historical explanation and method of logical assumption; certain lessons that are drawn from history could be relevant to the present and the future. For any research to be meaningful, reliable and scientific facts and ideas must be supplemented with empirical data. As such as substantial portion of this work would be gathered from the internet and journals. Secondary materials like Journals, Newspapers, Textbooks etc would also be used. Primary materials, which would also include party documents, would be also used. 8

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Title Page i

Certification ii

Dedication iii

Acknowledgement iv

Abstract vi

Table of Contents viii

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of the Study 1

1.2 Statement of the Problem 12

1.3 Objectives of the Study 13

1.4 Significance of the Study 14

1.5 Scope of the Study 16

1.6 Literature Review 16

1.7 Theoretical Framework 29

1.8 Hypotheses 33

1.9 Method of Data Collection 34

1.10 Method of Data Analysis 34

CHAPTER TWO: ORIGIN OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE

SECOND AND FOURTH REPUBLICS

2.1 Before 1960 47

2.2 Political Parties in the Second Republic

(1979-1983) 63

2.3 Political Parties in the Fourth Republic

(1999-2003) 74

2.4 Ethnic Identities of Parties in the Second and

Fourth Republic 81

CHAPTER THREE: PARTY STRUCTURE AND NATIONAL

PRIVATE INTEREST

3.1 Party Structures: The Second Republic 95

3.2 Party Structures: The Fourth Republic 99

3.3 Inhibition to National Integration 104

CHAPTER FOUR: THE COMPARATIVE ROLE OF

POLITICAL PARTIES IN NATIONAL INTEGRATION 1979

TO 1983, 1999 TO 2003

4.1 Political Parties in the Second Republic and

National Integration: 1979 to 1984 119

4.2 Political Parties in the Fourth Republic and

National Integration: 1999 to 2003 140

CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND

RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 Summary and Conclusion 150

5.2 Recommendations 155

Bibliography 158

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

The rise of political parties as an instrument of national integration has captured the attention of many scholars in recent times. Their common purpose enable Appadorai

(2004:537) to formulate his classical definition of political party as “A political party is more or less organized group of citizens who act together as a political unit, have distinctive aims and opinions on the leading political questions of controversy in the state, and who, by acting together as a political unit, seek to obtain control of the government”.

Edmund Burke defined political party as “a body of men united for promoting by their joint endeavors, national integration upon some particular principles in which they are all agreed”.

Ostrogorski (1854-1919) was one of the first students of politics to recognize that parties were becoming vital in the new era of democratic politics. The twentieth century proved to be the century of parties. In West Europe, mass parties battled for the votes of enlarge electorates. In communist 12 and fabist states, ruling parties monopolized power in an attempt to reconstruct society and the people within it. In the developing world, nationalist parties became the vehicle for driving colonial rulers back to their imperial homeland.

In all there cases, parties succeeded in drawing millions of with the national political process, often for the first time.

The mass party was the mobilizing device of the twentieth century.

In standing between the people and the state, parties became and substantially remain, integral to politics in four main ways.

• Ruling parties offer direction to government,

performing the vital task of steering the ship of state.

• Parties function as agents of elite recruitment. They

serve as major mechanism for preparing and recruiting

candidates for public office. If you want to lead your

country, you must first persuade a party to adopt you

as it candidate.

• Parties serve as agents of interest aggregation. They

transform a multitude of specific demands into more

manageable packages of proposals. Parties select, 13

reduce and combine interests. They act as a filter

between society and state, deciding which demands to

allow through their net.

• The a declining extent, political parties serves as a

point of reference for their supporters and voters,

giving people a key to interpreting a complicated

political world.

Definition

Political parties are permanent organizations which contest elections, usually because they seek to occupy the decisive positions of authority within the state, unlike interest groups, which seek merely to influence the government, serious parties aim to secure the levers of power in Rod

Hague and Martin Harrop (2001:167). In Weber’s phrase parties live in a house of power.

A party may exist primarily as an electoral machine for gaining power with no coherent philosophy, or it may have deep ideological aims. It might also conform to Edmund

Burk’s definition of a group agreed “upon a pimple by which the national interest might be served. It is a group publicly 14 organized with the intention of gaining political power in government, to realize certain aims C. A. heeds (1975:124).

National integration is a process which includes among other things, the incorporation of various parts of a society into a functioning whole, the growth of obedience and loyalties of the nation transcending loyalties to its, parts and emergence of shared values and perspectives or consensus. Therefore, Nigerian could achieve national integration if loyalty to the nation transcends loyalties to the parts of state. Nigeria would be a country where all the citizens no matter where you reside could aspire, work and attain his life ambition without hindrance based on regionalism and statism.

To what extent has a political party in Nigeria an instrument of national integration? Party politics came into Nigerian during British rule in the country. As a result of the circumstances of their “birth”, most of the pre-independence political parties in the country lacked national outlook despite the fact that some of their main actors were looked upon as committed nationalists. A possible exception was, 15 however, the National Council of Nigerian Citizens

(NCNC) which made a number of concrete attempts to assume a national outlook.

When Nigeria attained political independence in 1960, party politics in Nigeria took the form of regional politics. The

National Council of Nigeria Citizens (NCNC) which until

1951 was a pan-Nigeria nationalist party became increasingly identified with the Igbos. The Action Group (AG) was a Yoruba dominated party and was designed to further the interest of the Yoruba’s. The Northern People’s Congress

(NPC) did not disguise its Northern Regional character, its motto was “One North, One People” and its membership was open to “all peoples of Northern descent irrespective of creed, rank, or tribe.

Political parties thus diverged along regional and ethnic lines, had a tendency to produce political actors whose motivation had sectional rather than national calculations.

The result was a growth of sub-group sentiments which tended to becloud national interest. Ethnic politics and sentiments looking in the formulation of their official polices 16 that they saw politics and political parties essentially as a lucrative business in the direction of group or personal enrichment at the expense of national integration and nation-building.

In 1979, a Constitution Drafting Committee was set up by the Obasanjo military regime as a prelude to the return of the country to civil rule. The committee, rather than look into why the parliamentary system failed in Nigeria, introduced into the country, an entirely now structure- presidential system of government- but did little or nothing to change the political inclinations of Nigerians. In such a situation, the failure of political parties in the second and fourth republic under the presidential system in Nigeria was dramatic and inevitable.

Although political parties in Nigeria under the presidential system wore new labels, the individuals who operated them still retained their old habits. If there was anything new in party politics under the presidential system, it was in the structure of the parties. For example, while political parties under the parliamentary system tended to deepen ethnic 17 differences, the ones under the presidential system cut across enthnic solidarity. But because there was no corresponding change in the political ways of Nigerian political corruption and other vices that typified pre- presidential political parties in Nigeria assumed alarming proportions under the new system.

The second republic, in spite of the constitutional provision for the emergence of true national parties, the five political parties that was registered by Federal Electoral Commission

(FEDECO) was nothing but the reincarnation of political parties of the first republic. The National Party of Nigeria

(NPN) was a re-emergence of the NPC of the first republic, equally, the Nigerian People’s Party, the Unity Party of

Nigeria, the NCNC, AG respectively of the first republic.

When eventually Nigeria pulled through the torture of the military to her Second Republic on October 1, 1979, every

Nigerian rushed into the conclusion that the country had come of age. The general elections conducted in 1979 produced Shehu Shagari as the first executive president of the country. The administration was one of the most 18 economically corrupt and incompetent in Nigeria’s history.

The country’s oil resources were rampantly abused, its finances substantially depleted, corruption ignored, its laws of contract desecrated, its teachers unpaid, its people impoverished and economic promise quickly reduced to economic rampage. Shagari’s balance sheet was stark: impressive political freedom against incredible economic anarchy.

On December 31, 1983, the non-smiling, tough-talking duo of General Muhammad Buhari and Tunde Idiagbon, he was attending the meeting of the then organization of African

Unity (OAU).

The Armed forces Ruling council under General Ibrahim

Babangida not long bide farwell to Buhari’s government in a celebrated coup of August 27, 1985 and promulgated the transition to civil Rule Decree. He formed two political parties-national Republican convention (NRS) and Social

Democratic Party (SDP).

These parties held power at the states and local government levels. There was also a successful election for the national assembly members but as the legislatures waited in the wings for their inauguration, Nigeria went into the 1993 presidential polls that pitched the SDP bearer Chief M. K. O.

Abiola against him NRC counterpart, Alhaji Bashir Tofa. It was a straight fight, but Abiola was believed to have won before the election was annulled by General Babangida, an event that did not go down well with many Nigerians who saw it as a rape of democracy. The general dissatisfactions, legitimate public anger combined with international pressure swept General Babangida away from office. But he could not “step-aside” for the interim government of chief

Earnest Shonekon without a Kangaroo handover that paved the way for fellow compatriot, Gen. Sani Abacha who walked into the Aso Rock after a palace coup.

Abacha’s political madness cost Nigeria a great deal. But that ended on June 8, 1998 when the cold hand of death gripped him in what Nigerians believed to be a decisive moment. Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar prepared way for transition that saw the power returned to the ex-military 20 head of state, Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo as democratically elected president on May 29, 1999.

Abubakar appointed the Independent National Electoral

Commission (INEC) to conduct elections for Local

Government Councils, State legislature and Governorship positions, the National Assembly, and Presidency. The INEC successfully held elections on December 5, 1998, January

9, 1999, February 20, and February 27, 1999, respectively.

For local elections, nine parties were granted provisional registration with three fulfilling the requirements to contest the elections. These parties were the People’s Democratic

Party (PDP), the All People’s Party (APP) and the predominantly Yoruba Alliance for Democracy (AD).

The People’s Redemption Party (PRC) promulgated a new

Constitution based largely on the suspended 1979 constitution, before the May 29, 1999 inauguration of the new civilian President. The Constitution includes provisions for a bicameral legislature, the National Assembly consisting of a 360 member House of Representatives and 109 member

Senate. 21

Former Head of State Olusegun Obasanjo, freed from prison by Abubakar, ran as a civilian, candidate. PDP won the

1999 presidential election with its flag bearer, President

Olusegun Obasanjo. The PDP produced 21 state governors,

ANPP 9 governors and AD produced 6 governors. The emergency of a democratic form of government in Nigeria on

May 1999 ended 16 years of consecutive military rule.

In the study, we shall analyze the political parties in the second and third republics with a view of determining their achievements towards national integration. The term national unity and national integration are often used interchangeably. National integration is a process which includes among other thing in corporation of various parts of a society into a functioning whole. Based on this,

Chamber (1966:98) notes that Nigeria would have achieved

National Unity when obedience and loyalties to its parts have been achieved and when there has emerged shared values and consensus such that a citizen would live, work and aspire to any political office in any place of his choice and anywhere in Nigeria and pursue any legitimate goal.

Our task therefore is to access the attempt made by political 22 parties in both republics towards and the achievement of political integration.

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The concept of national integration is the prime political problem facing the Nigerian nation. Many authors and political scientists have devoted time and attention to this problem but it seems to be more increasingly intractable.

Political parties activities because of the determinative role they play in Nigeria, should not always be taken for granted.

Since political parties provide a link between the individual and the larger political community, they can be a mechanism for political socialization, mass mobilization and thus for achieving national integration.

National integration in totality may consist of political integration, social integration, cultural integration, economic integration etc. part of the problems of national integration is that initially the colonialists arbitrarily lumped together various groups under the name Nigeria. In fact Nigeria has remained a society where forces of ethnicity, 23 parochialism and religious diversity or pluralism seriously predominate over centripetal forces.

The emergence of political parties in the second fourth republic entails the formal convergence of various communities with their leaders and members as well as their loyalties behind. The problems to be encountered in this research are:

(1) Did political parties in the second and third republic

serve as instruments for achieving national

integration?

(2) How did the structure of political parties in both

republics promote private regarding interest?

1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

National integration, political stability, political development and unity have been a great problem in Nigeria. Various programs have been initiated but have done little to the problem of integration. National integration has constituted a problem in the second and the fourth republics and in

Nigeria as a whole. Therefore the aims and objectives of this research are as follow. 24

(1) To show how the structure of political parties in both

republics, promoted private regarding interest.

(2) To enhance our conception of the roles of political

parties in the second and fourth republic towards

solving the problem of national integration.

It is the intention of this research to expose alternative methods of achieving national integration and how political parties can help in bringing about national integration in

Nigeria.

1.4 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

To realize national integration, there must be an organization responsible for the provision of the necessary personnel for the running of government. Here the role of political parties became imperative. It is the function of the political parties to provide the machinery for the selection of personnel of government.

This work aims at perpetuating itself as a viable resourceful and relevant material to lend information to future researchers especially in this chosen field. The significance of this research is as follows: 25

It will explore the roots of the problem of national integration and proffer solutions and how political parties can help in bringing about national integration. The problems of national integration in this research are the issue of ethno-regional domination, private interest etc. This work would proffer solutions on how these problems could be controlled.

It will act as a guide to researches on how the problem of ethno-regional domination, corruption has hampered on national integration.

It would provide solution and alternative ways through which national integration could be achieved. Furthermore, if the lessons that would be gathered from this work would be adopted, it would improve the lots of the people and make them more responsive to the input structure of the political system. It would also make them to be politically conscious, patriotic and have a sense of unity. By the end of this research, one must have learnt alternative methods of achieving national integration.

1.5 SCOPE OF THE STUDY

The scope of this study covers the period within the life span of the second republic (1979-1983) and the fourth republic (1999-2003). It is important here to note that, the period between December 1983 and May 1999, encompassing the regimes of General Buhari, General

Babangida, the interim government 1993 to June, 1998) is not referred to as a Republic although at a certain stages there were political parties, political activities, elected local government councils legislature and gubernatorial elections and the presidential election that was inconclusive. By this I mean that the project deals only with political parties formed during the period of the presidential system of government in Nigeria from 1979 to 1983 and also the presidential system of the third republic from 1999-2003 and their role in achieving national integration within the period.

1.6 LITERATURE REVIEW

There are lots of literatures on political development of

Nigeria. However, we will review a handful that is relevant to the subject matter of this work. The question of political 27 parties has attracted the attention of many scholars who have done extensive study on them for the study of this sort to be more scientific, concrete and unerring, facts must be substantiated with empirical data, as well as references made to writings by other authors and academics as it relates to the subject of research.

Duverger (1968) regarded political parties as the process of unifying a society, which tends to make it a harmonious city base upon an order. He described modern political parties as a twentieth century mechanism designed to solve the problem of how to bring “the people” the new mass voters into the community. However, bringing people the political community may to certain extent constitute integration. But this is not a more amalgamation of the people into a political entity, rather it entails making them have a feeling of oneness and consciousness within the polity. he further argued that to bring the masses to the political system means to encourage parties that are not merely aggregate of local and personal interest, but parties that give or profess to give to the man in the street, a voice in politics.

Leeds (1968) view political parties as a group public organized with the aim of gaining political power as to carry out policies which it feels will serve the national interest.

Rodee et al (1983) content that political parties acquired their meaning in terms of the purpose for which they are formed, the character of membership, its structures or functions they perform.

Ball (1983) regards political parties as structures within the political system that perform many functions. Among the functions are those of communicating the wishes of the electorate to the government, informing the electorate an important political issues and allowing a wide participation by more people in a political system. He believed that political parties bring together sectional interests, overcome geographical distances and provide coherence to sometimes divisive government structures. All over the world, parties have been important to various nations. In Germany the

Christian Democratic Party has championed the bridging of gap between protestants and Catholics in Western

Germany. In France the French Radical Party gave a 29 parliamentary coherence to a loose group of locally based notables whose only element in common has consisted to anti-marxist platforms. In Nigeria, the National Party of

Nigeria (NPN) in the second republic composed of Hausa

Oligarchs in the North. The Northern Peoples Congress

(NPC) composed of Northern elements also and NCNC was composed of educated Igbo elites as well as other Western elites. Nwankwo (1990: 107) sees political parties as an organized group of individuals seeking to seize the power of government in order to enjoy the benefits to be derived from such control. He argues further that political parties are regular and permanent organizations of certain number of people concerned with either conquering power or keeping it or any group of people, however loosely organized seeking to elect governmental office holders under a give label.

Similarly, Igwe (2002) defines political parties as any group of people organized for objectives from time to time, publishing a manifesto, explaining its programme and canvassing for membership and support in it quest for power.

Nnoli (2003:7) defines political party as a group of people who shares common conception of how and why state power should be organized and used. This idea is sometimes expressed in a different way when it is argued that a political party is an organization concerned with, the expression of preferences regarding the emergence of consolidation and use of state power. In other words political party is all about politics and contesting control of the Chief policy making offices of the government.

Appadorai (2004:123) defines political party as a more or less organized group of citizens who act together as a political unit, have distinctive aims and opinions on the leading political question of controversy in the state, and who, by acting together as a political unit, seek to obtain control of the government. It is based on two fundamentals of human nature; men differ in their opinions and are gregarious; they try to achieve by combination what they can not achieved individual.

Scholarly works on integration have diversely interpreted the concept. It has been viewed both as a process or a 31 condition or even both by scholars. But what exactly is integration? Integration may be viewed simply as a way of getting things done through coordinated group efforts.

Integration is a process intimately linked to the German notion of “gemeinschaff” of community emphasizing the mutuality of feeling and a willingness to share for the common food of its members. According to Lindberg (1963) integration is

“the process whereby nations forego the desire and ability to conduct foreign and domestic policies independent to each other, seeking instead to make joint decisions or to delegate the decision-making process to a new control organ”.

Lindberg(1963:106)hinged his definition on four comparative conditions which include;

∑ The development of central institutions and policies;

∑ The assignment to those institutions of important

specific tasks;

∑ The continued commitment of member states on such

arrangement

Karl Deutch (1957:67) conceived integration as the

“attainment, within a territory of a sense of community” and 32 institutions and practices strong enough and widespread enough to assure dependable expectations of “peaceful change” among its population. He argues that by sense of community he means a belief that common social problems must and can be resolved by process of peaceful change.

Such “peaceful change” he further maintains results in the formation of the types of security communities – a pluralistic security community such as the United States and Canada the United States and Western Europe and an amalgamated security community such as the United

States.

Another integration theorist who has attempted to conceptualize integration is E.B Haas (1958:402). He conceives integration as:

The process whereby political actors in several distinct national settings are persuaded to shift their loyalties expectations and political activities towards a new centre whose institutions posses or demand jurisdiction over pre-existing national states.

Thus, integration involves the coming together of states units with overlapping common interest to form a union so as to advance and secure those interests. 33

Duverger (1954) wrote that in modern political parties, the organizational structure assumes great importance. It constitutes the general setting for the activities of members, the form imposed on their solidarity and it also determines the machinery for the selection of leaders and decides their powers. It explains the strength and efficiency of certain parties, the weaknesses and inefficiencies.

In other words, party structures are very crucial and important tools for determining the strength and weaknesses of political parties. The Nigerian political parties had federalist structures. They all had similar structure.

This research shall give one indebt knowledge of the structure of Nigerian political parties.

Political parties in Nigeria have been said to lack ideological vigor. The comprador bourgeois who are members of the parties has influenced party ideologies in Nigeria. Scholars have made several attempts to define the term ideology.

Igwe (2007:194) define ideology as a philosophical worldview reflecting the material conditions of an epoc and defining and justifying the nature and character of the political 34 society of the future that its adherents aspire to, and the means by which the goal may be attained.

Awolowo (1960:172) declared that a situation in which one ethnic group would dominate the other does not accord with any conception of a united and happy Nigeria. He nonetheless did not hesitate to give a tribal interpretation to the ascendancy of the NCNC. Such ethnicization later culminated into the Igbo and Yoruba friction of 1948.

What we have today in Nigeria is a nation is conflict within the nation, rather than conflicts generated by the desire to redefined the boundaries of our nation.

Weiner (1965) believed that the problem of national integration arose during the transitional phase of political development when government began to assume or attempt to assume more functions. He further defined national integration as the process of bringing together culturally and socially discrete groups into a single territorial unit and the establishment of a national identity. The question here is “could the mere bringing together of culturally and 35 socially discrete groups like the Igbos, Ijaws, Hausa,

Yoruba, Fulani, Tiv etc into a single territorial unity (Nigeria) and the establishment of national identity constitute integration? If such is permissible as national integration nigeria may be integrated but not fully initiated to Weiner centered on the subjective feeling of territorial nationality, which overshadows or eliminates subordinates parochial loyalties.

Mazrui (1977:229) wrote that the process of national integration requires a partial decline in the power of kinship

(reproductive) symbolism and ethnic confrontation. The decline would require the modernization of social conflicts in the direction of new economic classes. For a while class and ethnic antagonisms both will simply reinforce each other, but as the economy becomes more complex and its reproductive capacity becomes enlarged, kinship competition should begin to subside by the year 2000 especially as the ethnic purism becomes less distinct in the wake of cultural integration and geographical and biological intermingling among the groups.

Azikiwe (1978) defied ideology as a systemic body of concepts about human life and culture. Ideology by

Azikiwe’s definition, ideologies should focus on human life and culture. But what do we see in Nigeria politics today?

It’s simply the opposite. For those who have a purist view of ideology and conceive of its in terms of two dominant word ideologies, socialism and capitalism, the ideal of political parties in Nigeria having ideologies would seem like a joke.

Parties have flaunted their ideologies but a critical look at them would tell you that they don’t have ideologies.

The 1979 Constitutions have some significant features towards the achievement of national integration.It states that it shall be the duty of the state to:

a) Provide adequate facilities for and encourage free

mobility of the people throughout the federation.

b) Promote and encourage the information of associations

that cuts across ethnic, linguistic, religious and other

sectional barriers.

Section 15(4) argued that the state should foster a feeling of belonging and involvement among the various people of the 37 federation to the end that loyalty to the nation shall override sectional loyalties with these provisions the actions and activities of individuals are directed towards the nation rather than towards sectional interest. Section 15(1) states:

The motto of the Federal Republic of Nigeria shall be Unity and Faith, Peace and Progress”

Section 15(2) further states:

Accordingly, national integration shall be actively encouraged whilst discrimination on the grounds of place of origin, sex, religions, status, ethnic or linguistic association or ties shall be prohibited.

In additional, section 15(3) says;

For the purpose of promoting national integration, it shall be the duty of the state to: (a) Provide adequate facilities for and encourage free

mobility of people, goods and services throughout the

federation.

(b) Secure full residence right for every citizen in all parts

of the federation

different places of origin or different religious, ethnic or

linguistic associations or ties and; 38

(d) Promote or encourage the formation of association that

cut across ethnic, linguistic or associations or ties or

other sectional barriers.

Still on the issue of national integration and directed specifically on the formation of political parties, section

202(b) maintains that: “the membership of the association is open to every citizen of nigeria irrespective of his place of origin, sex, religion or ethnic groups”.

With these provisions, the actions and activities of individuals are directed towards the nation rather than towards sectional interest. But was this achieved one may ask? The Constitution itself was manipulated to serve the interest of the bourgeois.

We do not wish to dispute what have been written by these erudite authorities and the Constitution but to amend their postulations where possible and to develop and establish a thesis that will be peculiar to Nigeria which will help in understanding the ideology and structure of political parties and its role towards national integration. We posit therefore:

That the reviewed literature though comprehensive in understanding, the meaning of political parties and their functions have not established the actual flaws of the political parties in Nigeria as instruments of achieving national integration. They have only given us the idea of the functions of political parties and not their contributions.

That little work has been done on ethnic identifies and ethno-regional domination of the political here constituting an academic problems that necessitated this research work.

In the light of the above, a study that will establish the social realities of the Nigerian political parties in the second and third republics, a study that aims at exploring the empirical functions of political parties in Nigeria and study that will look into party discipline is inevitable. Therefore, this work is intended to fill such research gap.

1.7 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

For the purpose of this research work. A systems theory approach would be used as our theoretical framework of analysis systems theory was first propounded in 1930s by a biologist named Ludqig Yon Bertallantly (Nakabari, 2000). 40

It was from the biological in the works of scholars like Emile

Durkcheim, A. R. Radchiffe, Brow and Bronishlaw

Malinowski, among others (Eminue, 2001). From social anthropology, it was applied by sociologis like Robert K.

Merton and Talcott Parsons and so on. Further, it finally got into use in the master science discipline-political science, in the of David Easton, Gabriel Almond, Mortan Kaplan, among others (Isaac, 1985). Within the purview of political science, David Easton popularized the systems theory which has been widely acknowledge political phenomenon such as corporate government and public policy making in a democratic system.

To David Easton (1960), the basic methodological foundation or assumption of systems theory is that political system consists of all interacting elements, which contribute to the authoritative allocation of values for a society. Also, the theory posits that political life, therefore, concerns all activities that significantly influence the formulation and implementation of authoritative policies and programmes for a society. The theory further assumes that political phenomena can best be analysed by viewing them as part of 41 a reduces whole. As Okoro (2005) aptly put it, system theory reduces every phenomena to a whole, made up of interdependent parts, which contributes to the proper functioning of the whole.

The above analysis succinctly implies that systems theory depicts a conglomeration of different parts that make a single whole. Thus breakdown of any parts or unit ultimately affects the entire system. Hence, for there to be harmonious operation of the system, all parts thereof must function properly towards goal attainment.

Certain key concepts are central to the understanding of the systems theory, input and output. Input refers to the forces generated in the environment that affect the political system. It can take the form of demand and support.

Demand involves actions by individuals and groups seeking authorities allocation of values from the authorities.

Support comprises of actions rendered in favour of government such as obedience to the law and payment of taxes. Inputs are generated from the environment and are fed into the black box of decision making (otherwise called 42 the conversion box) to produce output. Outputs are the decision and policies of the authorities, which reflect the input, made into the political system. Another concept used in the systems theory is the concept of feedback and conversion box. The conversion box implies decision-making authorities in a political system that may be referred to as the government. The feedback is a mechanism of sending the outcome of a policy back to the conversion box.

Analytically, using the systems theory, the political parties are seen as input makers into the conversional mechanism.

Their inputs are in the form of political recruitment and demands seeking authoritative allocation of values to the different units of the political system. This functions or inputs also include political socialization and education, interest articulation and aggregation and other input functions, which determine the nature and character of the policy decision of the government in particular, and the stability of the general political system. Hence, the system theory would help us to ascertain the nature of inputs made by the political parties in Nigeria and how these inputs have affected the national integration. 43

1.8 HYPOTHESES

A hypotheses is simply a tentative statement which is open

to confirmation or rejection when exposed (subjected) to

empirical verification. A is defined by Lundberg (1951) as a

tentative generalization whose validity remains to be tested.

Simplifying further, Lunberg described it as an

unsubstantiated generalization. In a more technical sense,

Ascarian and Masannat (1970:28) defined hypothesis as ‘a

proposed explanation of certain events or relationships

suggested by past analysis that may be continued or refuted

by new scientific work.

Arising from the statement of problems, the research

questions and the research objectives, the following null

hypothesis were formulated for the study.

(1) The structure of political parties in both republics have

no promotion on private regarding interest.

(2) Our conception of the role of political parties in the

second and fourth republic have no significant impact

in solving the problems of National integration.

1.9 METHOD OF DATA COLLECTION

An important feature of this research is the method of analysis, which is based on the historical explanation and method of logical assumption; certain lessons that are drawn from history could be relevant to the present and the future. For any research to be meaningful, reliable and scientific facts and ideas must be supplemented with empirical data. As such as substantial portion of this work would be gathered from the internet and journals.

Secondary materials like Journals, Newspapers, Textbooks etc would also be used. Primary materials, which would also include party documents, would be also used.

1.10 EMPIRICAL VERIFICATION

Hypothesis 1: The structure of political parties in both republic have no promotion on private regarding interest

“I, Major General Philip Effiong, officer administering the

Government of the Republic of Biafra now wish to

make the following declarations: 45

(a) That we affirm we are loyal citizens and accept the

authority of the Federal Military Government of

Nigeria.

(b) That we accept the existing administrative and political

structure of the Federation of Nigeria.

worked out by representatives of the people of Nigeria.

(d) That the Republic of Biafra hereby ceases to exit”

(Effiong 1993 :37).

This surrender instrument shows the desire for reintegration into Nigeria federation while the response to the instrument by General Yakubu Gowon’s No Victor No

Vanquished is a negation of the Nigerian experience at reintegrating the south east people Also, analysis of table

1.1 below showing the composition of federal executive council, permanent secretaries in the second republic shows that out of twenty seven(27) ministers appointed by former

President Aihaji Shehu Shagari of National Party of Nigeria

(N.P.N) only three (3) people of South East extraction were appointed leaving twenty four slots for northern and western zone. In the appointment of eighteen (18) junior 46 ministers only three (3) slots was given to south east while the remaining fifteen slots were shared between northern and western regions. As it affects permanent secretaries a total of thirty six slots were distributed with south east having only six slots while thirty slots was also shared between northern and western region Arising from the above distributive indices it is a clear display of marginalization against the south east region which the surrender agreement is set to address This demonstration of marginality by the rulling National Party of Nigeria during the second republic validates our first hypothesis that it did not address the NO VICTOR NO VANQUISHED agreement which is a problem of national integration in Nigeria.

Table 1.1: Ministries and Permanent Secretaries in the

Second Republic

Name Elected/appointed officials

Alhaji Shehu Aliyu Shagari President of the Federal Republic

of Nigeria and Commander-In-

chief of the Armed Forces

Dr. Alex Ifeanyichukwu The Vice-President of the Federal

Ekwueme Republic of Nigeria

Alhaji Shehu A. Musa Secretary to the Government of

the Federation

Mr. Grey E. A. Longe head of the Civil Service of the

Federation

Table 1.2: Executive Office of the President

Department Minister Permanent secretary Council secretariat ∑ * J. E. Uduehi Economic ** U. K. Bello Department Information Mallam G. Wushishi I. S. Jimeta Department Monitoring Unit **M. I. Alege Police Affairs E.E Nsefil Police Service Commission **E. A. Offiong Political Department B.A. Bur Presidential M.O.K. Williams Commission Inquiries and Tribunal Department Steel Development Mallam M. A. Makere ∑ *F. I. Oduah Special Services *Chief Olu Awotesu S.B. Agodo Office of the Head of Service Establishment ∑ A.S.N. Egbo Manpower Department Public Services M.A Fika Department Services Welfare E. O. Olowu Department 49

Table 1.3: Ministers in the Second Republic

Ministry Ministry Permanent Secretary Agriculture Alhaji Adamu Ciroma M. Liman

*Alhaji U. Sanni

* Mr. Ken Gree

Aviation Mr. J. J. Kadiya Alhaji A. Koko

Commerce Alhaji B. M. Yusuf B. A. Ehizuenlen

*Alhaji M. A. Jega

Communication Mr. Audu Ogbeh J.K.E. Oyegun

*Mr. U. I. Okon

Defence Alhaji A. Oniyangi A. Saleh

Education ∑ *Dr. S. Ugor F. I. Adesanoye

* Alhaji B. Usman

*Mrs. E. Ivase

Employment, Dr. E. Osamor E. O. Omoyele

Labour and

Productivity

External affairs Prof. I. Audu M. A. Carpenter

*Chief Patrick Bolokor

*Alhaji B. M. Kirifi

Federal Capital Alhaji Iron Dan Musa Alhaji Muhammed

Authority ∑ *Mr. Mac Okoye

Finance Mr. V. Masi

*Chief Yomi Akintola

*Alhaiji Buba Ahmed

Health ∑ Dr. D. C. Ugwu F. Y. Emmanuel

Mr. C. A. Bamgboye

(Mrs)

Housing and Alhaji A. Musa C.A. Fatoye environment Alhaji I. Bunu

Identity Cards ∑ *Mrs. K. Asinobi

Department

Internal Affairs Alhaji Ali Baba ∑ G.A. Nwanze

Industries Alhaji I. Gusau ∑ M. E. P.

*Dr. I. Igbani Udebiuwa

Justice Chief R. O. A. H.F. David-West

*Akinjife (S.A.N)

Mines and power Alhaji M. I. Hassan U. G. Galtimari

National Planning Mrs. A. E. Oyagbola ∑ G. P. O. Chikelu

*Mr. A. Thomas

Science and Dr. W. O. Dosunmu R. S. G. Agiobu 51 technology Kemmer

Transport Alhaji U. A. Dikko Alfa Wali

*Alhaji A. H. Fair

Water resources Dr. E. Y. Atanu N. O. Popoola

∑ *Chief Okoli Obulic

Works Prof. S. M. Essang I.Idris

Youths Sports and Mrs. S. A. Ogedengbe I.Akade

Culture

**Acting Appointment/Minister

*Minister of State

∑ South East Candidate

Source: Nigeria Handbook, (1980) Federal Ministry of

Information Ikoyi Lagos.

Hypothesis 2

Our conception of the role of political parties in the second and fourth republic have no significant impact in solving the problems of National integration Analysis of table 1.2 below shows that out of the thirty six (36) states plus Abuja north west zone has seven (7), other zones has six(6) each with the exception of south east which has only five(5) states . In the 52 distribution of local government areas north west zone has one hundred and eighty six(l 86), north east: one hundred and twelve(1 12), north central without reference to Abuja’s six: one hundred and fifteen(1 15), south west :one hundred and thirty seven(137) south south: one hundred and twenty three(123) while south east has only ninety five (95) states.

An appraisal of this distribution proved that south east is marginalized in the distribution in the creation of both states and local governments in the fourth republic. This validates our second hypothesis that fourth republic parties did not address the problem of rnarginalization of the south east in the distribution of states and local government areas.

Table 1.4: Distribution of States, Local Government

Areas among the Six Geo-Political Zones in the Second

Republic

Geopolitical No. states No. LGA Total LGA Per zones zone South East (5)Abia 17 Anambra 21 Ebonyi 13 Enugu 17 95 local government areas Imo 27 South South (6)Akwa-Ibom 31 Bayelsa 8 Cross River 18 Delta 25 Edo 18 Rivers 23 123 L.G.A South West (6)Ekiti 16 Lagos 20 Ogun 20 Ondo 18 Osun 30 Oyo 33 137 L. G. A North East (6) Adamawa 21 Bauchi 20 Borno 27 Gombe 11 54

Taraba 16 Yobe 17 112 L.G.A North West (7) Jigawa 27 Kaduna 23 Kano 44 Katsina 34 Kebbi 21 Sokoto 23 Zamfara 14 186 L. G.A North Central (7) Benue 23 Kogi 21 Kwara 16 Nassarawa 13 Niger 25 Plateau 17 115 L. G. A

Fct-Abuja (6 Local Government Areas) Gwagwalada,

Kuje, Abuja Mumicipal Buari, Kwali.

Sourse: Aliego (2009) Nigeria Current Affairs Enugu: De Joe

Publication and Communication

REFERENCE

Chima Achebe, (1976), The Trouble with Nigeria . Enugu Fourth Dimensions Publishers.

Coleman and G. Roseberg Jr. (1964), Political Parties and National Integration in Tropical Africa . California Press.

Emezi, C. E. and Ndo, C. A. (1998), Africa Politics . Achugo Publications, Owerri, Nigeria.

Gabriel Almond (1960), “A Structural Approach to Comparative Politics” in G. A. Almond and J. S. Coleman. The Politics of Developing Area . Princeton New Jersey Princeton University Press.

Has E. B. (1958), The Uniting Europe : Practical, Social and Economic Forces . Stanford, Stanford University Press.

Isaac, C. Obasi (1999), Research methodology in Political Science. Academic Publishing Company , 33 Edinburgh Road, Enugu.

Karl Deutsch (1957), Political Community and the North Atlantic Area . International Organization in the Light of Historical Experience Princeton. Princeton University Press.

Karl Deutsh and William Foltz (1963), Nation Building . New York Atherton Press.

Kwame Nkruma (1961), I Speak of Freedom . New York.

Prager.

Leon Lindberg (1963), The Political dynamics of European Integration (California Stanford University Press.

Maurice Duverger (1978), Political Parties, their Organization and Activity in Modern State UK. University Press.

Nwatu, and Owoh (2002), ESUT Journal of Social Science Vol. 1 Rainbow Press (Nig) Ltd. Amechi Awkunanu, Enugu.

Obasi Igwe (2007), Politics and Globe Dictionary Keny and Brother Enterprises. No. 3 Owerri Road, Asata. Enugu.

Oriaku, K. K. (2000), Introduction to Political Science. West and Solomon Publishing Company Ltd. 66 Old Market Road Onitsha, Anambra State Nigeria.

CHAPTER TWO

ORIGIN OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE SECOND AND

FORTH REPUBLICS

2.1 BEFORE 1960

Political parties could be said to have originated from the ancient Greek City States. In the Greek Polis or City States, the people appreciated that fact that whereas democracy as a form of government involved the entire people, there was no way the whole people could be involved at the same time in running state craft. The best option to approach this problem was therefore, a representative government where people can elect their representative. To do this, the people formed themselves, into groups according to their views on how best the state could be governed. These early groups in the Greek City States provided the platform of modern political parties.

Party politics came into Nigeria during British rule in the country. As a result of the circumstances of their birth, most of the pre-independence political parties in the country lacked national outlook despite the fact that some of their main actors were looked upon as committed nationalists. A 58 possible exception was however, the National Council of

Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) which made a number of concrete attempts to assume national outlook.

In 1922 following the Clifford’s constitutions that introduced elective principles and consequently allocated three seats to

Lagos in the legislative council, an unprecedented political consciousness was awakened in Lagos City. On June 24,

1923 Herbert Marculay and his associated inaugurated the

Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP). The NNDP being the first party in Nigeria, instead of articulating the interest of the entire populace and extending its activities to the rural areas. It tended to be concerned only with the interests of the privileged class and at the same time limiting its sphere of influence to a defined potio- geographical entity and trying to profess national unity.

As Okafor (1981:190) noted “though the party claimed to be

“Nigerian” and national and one of its objectives was to establish branches and auxiliaries in Nigeria, it was a Lagos party. Therefore, the party represented in actual sense 59 professionally educated sectors of the population in the cities rather than the entire populace.

Among the objectives of the party include; “the attainment of municipal status, and local self-government for Lagos, the provision of facilities for higher education for Nigeria, the encouragement of non-discriminatory private economic enterprise and the Africanisation of the civil services”.

Though the party professes to be national in character, most of its activities were restricted to Lagos. The bedrock of the party was dominated by chiefs Imams, and market women leaders. Because of their social status, they were easily manipulated by the educated elites for their own selfish interest.

Between 1923-1933 the party continually won all the three

Lagos seats in the legislative council. The composition of the party, its limitation in geographically spread and the leadership and choice of candidates by the party for election did not debt anything national and Nigeria it was not until

1938 that the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM) emerged to 60 challenge vigorously not only NNDP’s control of Lagos politics but also its claim to speak for Nigeria.

The NYM called for self government of Lagos and wanted native Nigerians to be in charge of all Nigerian civil service.

In the 1938 elections, the NYM won all the seats and defeated Marculay’s NNDP party.

The Nigerian Youths Movement (NYM)

The Nigerian Youths Movement unlike the NNDP was made up of western educated Nigerian elites and therefore was more organization than NNDP. Its popularity in Lagos was manifested in its victory in the 1935 election to the Lagos

Legislative council Owing to its national orientation, NYM established branches in most urban cities across the country. Among the eminent leaders of the party were Dr.

Akintola Maj H. S. A. Thomas, Jubril martin and Sir

Kofoworla Abyomi while the prominent back benchers’ were

Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, J. A. Tayo, Chief Obefemi Awolowo,

Chief S. L. Akintola. Hamzat A. Sabau F. Ogugua-Arha, etc.

This combination of working class and educated elites made NYM more radical than NNDP and equally, it draws 61 membership from different segments of the society which made it look more national. Among the objectives of NYM is

“...the development of a unified Nation.

The development of unified nation out of the conglomerate of people who inhabit Nigeria. It shall be out endeavour to encourage the fullest ply of such forces and will serve to promote understanding and a sense to promote understanding and a sense of common nationalism among the different elements in the country.

In spite of the military and radicalism of the NYM, the movement could not escape the inevitable consequences of the inexorable power of ethnic tarnishes generated by the activities of the ethnic unions and their fundamental, underlying basis, the objectives determined factional competition among the petty bourgeoisie and the comprador bourgeoisies.

However, after three years of dominating the political scene, internal squabbles ensued in the NYM along ethnic lines.

Azikiwe and other Ibo members left the NYM and the

Yorubas took control.

The National Council of Nigeria Citizens (NCNC)

The formation of the National Council of Nigerian Citizens was precipitated by the student’s action of the Kings College

Lagos strike of 1944. The students demonstrated against their humiliation and forced exit from their official quarter which was given to soldiers to occupy. The outcome of the demonstration saw some of the students being expelled from the school, while some others were conscripted into the army.

The demonstration generated national sympathy for the students as well as arousing mass consciousness. As

Richard Skilar noted, “this incidence aroused both the ire of

Lagos intelligential and the militancy of the Nigerian Union of Students”.

The Nigerian Union of Students (NUS) pressurized Azikiwe to team up with macaulay in forming a national front capable of harnessing the existing organizations for effective demand. Accordingly, a meeting was scheduled for August

26, 1944. Over forty organizations including political parties, tribal unions, trade unions, literacy associations, 63 professional associations, religious group social clubs and women organizations were represented and a resolution was adopted expressing the determination of the National

Council “to work in unity for the realization of our ultimate goal of self determination within the British empire. It was in this meeting that the name National Council in Nigeria was adopted.

In 1945, three unions from Cameroon joined and it became the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon (NCNC). It should be noted that the party at this time cut across ethnic boundaries or class boundaries and tended to integrate the entire nation. This was why after the enactment of four obnoxious ordinances, respecting land, minerals and position of Chiefs, the party started to nonscientist all chiefs elders, local councilors and members of the native administration to protest the implementation of such ordinances. A nation wide campaign was embarked upon to enable the party obtain mandate from chiefs and the people for a delegation that would present the nationalist case to the colonial secretary in London. According to Sklar, the team toured Nigeria for eight months obtaining written 64 mandates from 153 Nigerian communities (24 in the north

48 in the west, 81 in the east in addition to the endorsement of the Oba of Lagos)”.

In 1947, Herbert Maculay died and Azikiwe became the

President and led the delegates to London for constitutional reforms. In London Crisis broker out among the delegates as Azikiwe was accused of personally drafting the memorandum and constitutional proposal. This led to the dismissal of some members of the executive including the secretary the treasurer etc.

In 1959 Southern Cameroon left Nigerian to join Eastern

Cameroon and the party was rechristened the National

Convention of the Nigeria Citizens (NCNC). It is from this period that is after the expulsion of some of the functionaries that were among the delegates to London that the party began to be seen in ethnic light.

This accusation was always emphasized by Chief Awolowo and members of Nigeria Youths Movement (NYM) in order to rally ethnic support for their party. This led Chief of

Awolowo to declare. A situation in which one ethnic group 65 would dominate the others does not accord with any conception of a united and happy Nigeria I am impeccably opposed to dictatorship as well as the doctrine of

Hersenvolk neither it was Hitler’s or Dr Azikiwe”. Awolowo no never hesitate to give tribal interpretation to the ascendancy of the NCNC. Such “mechanization” later culminated into the Igbo-Yoruba friction of 1948.

Action Group (AG)

In 1954, Chief Obafemi Awolowo and several others inaugurated the Egbe Omo Oduduwa Soceity of descendants of Ododuwa. Three major factors were responsible for the drive for Pan Yoruba unity. First, the educated elites were anxious to eradicate their sectional antagonism resulting from inter tribal wards of the 19 th century. Second, there was the desire to reform the authoritarian sole native authority system imposed on them by British administration. And most importantly, they wish to neutralize the meteoric rise of Azikiwe and the permeation of NCNC in the west. But within June 1948

Yoruba supporters of Azikiwe and the NCNC sensing the implication of such a call by the society formed a Yoruba 66

Federal Union in an undisguised attempt to counter the

Edge’s appeal to Yoruba land.

Awolowo realized the value of traditional chiefs in organizing the mass for rapid political development. This being the case, leading chiefs and Obas were persuaded to become patrons of the “Egbe Omo Oduduwa”. The chiefs and Obas redily responded Leaders of the “Egbe” began to mediate disputes among chiefs and Obas or between chiefs and the citizens.

By 1950 the basic outline of the new constitution to be introduced in 1951 was widely known. Anti Azikiwe group among the Yoruba elite felt the “Egbe Omo Oduduwa” was too conservative to serve as a satisfactory base for militant action and decided that an independent political group was urgently needed. According to March 1951, after a year’s preparation and nine private meetings, Action Group (AG) was formally proclaimed a political party. Characteristics of other political parties, the Action Group draw support from other tribal and voluntary associations-Egbe Omo 67

Oduduwa, the NYM and other syncretistic movement affiliated with the party.

Action Group as a party confined most of its activities to the west, as well as making its membership entirely western affairs. Since it is an off-shot of Egbe Omo Oduduwa, one cannot differentiate between the party and the society. This party wanted “Unity in diversity”. Thus it became the first party of the Nigerian petty-bourgeoisies and comprador bourgeoisie to be inspired by founded on an nourished by ethnic chauvinism and regional parochialism”. Nnoli further observed that the ethnic and regional character of the

Action Group forced the NCNC to increasingly assume an ethnic and regional characters.”

Northern People Congress (NPC)

In comparison to the South, political consciousness developed later in the North. This is because political consciousness in the North was encumbered and debarred by certain factors. First, the non-introduction of the elective principle in the northern region and the non-representation of the Northern Province in the Nigerian legislative council. 68

Secondly, the authoritarian political tradition of the Hausa-

Fulani Emirates. Since political activities engendered by the educated and consciously enlightened young men based on non-tradition principles were viewed with suspicion by both the British officials and Emirates alike”. The Northern

People Congress started as a cultural organization with meetings called by Dr. R. A. B. Dikko and Mallam D. A.

Rafih at their separate homes on September 28, 1949 in

Zaria and Kaduna respectively with intention of forming a new region wide political organization in the north. Each was apparently unaware of the others effort and two separate groups were organized. The one at Kaduna inaugurated on October 3, adopted the name “Jam” Iyya

Mutanen Arewa a Yau” (Association of Northern People of today), and the Zaira group assumed the name “Jam” Iyar

Jaman Arewa” (Northern Nigeria Congress). At a second meeting in Zaria, the organizations merged into “Jam Iyyar

Mutanen Arewa (Northern Peoples Congress) Dr. Dikko was elected President. The objective of the organization was to combat ignorance, idleness and injustice. But they had two political aims to foster peaceful reforms and democratization 69 in particular the abolition of the autocratic “Sole native authorities” to ensure the self government to the north would be led by moderate northerners rather than radical southerners. On December 27, 1949, the first annual convention of Jam Iyyar Mutanen Arewa henceforth called the Northern People Congress (NPC) was held in Kano. It was intended to be a cultural organization and declare as follows:

Jam Iyya does not intend to usurp the authority of our natural rulers on the contrary it is our ardent desire to enhance such whenever and wherever possible. We want to help our natural rulers in proper discharge of their duties…we want to help them in enlightening the Kawakawa (i.e. peasants, common people).

By 1950, the NPN has raised the sum of over £10,000 as a frightening fund to enable it establishes firmly its branches in different parts of the North. On October 1, 1959, it was announcement that the NPC had been converted into a political party to fight the 1951 election whose election of

1952, the Sedona of Sokoto became the leader. The party’s motto was “one North One people irrespective of religion, rank or tribe”.

The party was region based and restricted its activities to only northern region. This was to “prevent southern domination.

Nigeria Elements Progressive Union (NEPU)

The Nigerian Element Progressive Union formally known as the Northern Element Progressive Union” was the first radical political party in the North. It was formed in Kano on

August 8, 1950 by eight young militants of lower class origin. The name suggested by one of the party’s earliest members who felt that affinity with the powerful organization called the Northern Element Progressive

Association (NEPA) formed in 1946 was justified by the revolutionary ideology that inspired the new group Mallam

Aba Mackwaru was elected president and the brought in members of the defunct Northern Elements Progressive

Association (NEPA) into NEPU. Several prominent members of the NPC were also members of NEPU. The justified their dual membership by saying that the NPC was not a political party.

During the Jos Convention of the NPC in December 1950, the party condemned dual membership in NEPU and NPC and insisted upon the expulsion of radical members from the NPC executive. In reaction the NPU delegation presented resolution allegedly written by Mallam Aminu Kano urging the (NPC) convention to declare the NPC a nationalist party.

This was rejected consequently, the two factions parted ways. Soon thereafter, Mallam Aminu Kano resigned from teaching in Sokoto and returned to Kano to join the NEPU.

In April, 1951 he was elected Vice President of the Party and in 1953, he became the president.

The United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC)

The middle Belt of Northern Nigeria male up of six southerly province of Adamawa, Benue, Plateau, Niger, Ilorin, Kabba

Sothern Bauchi and Southern Zaria. The area comprise more than half the territory of the North and nearly 35% of its population. It is this region that the third major Northern party sprang up in the late 1950s. It is equally interesting to note that the people of this area are non-Hausa-Fulani ruling tribe. Most of them like southerners were exposed to early contact with Christian missionaries with the result 72 that this area produced more western educated elites than the Hausa-Fulani oppressors. Again the devolution of power to the region stimulated the rise of political movement aimed at securing a separate middle Belt State to protect them against political, economic and cultural and domination by the majority people of the upper North. Only

Ilorin and Kabba opted out of the movement and elected to join their kiths and kin in Western Region by forming the

Ilorin talaka parapo (commoner’s party in alliance with AG).

However, the major factor underlying the separations movement was religion. In 1949, a private members motion called upon the northern house of Assembly to enact laws restricting the activities of Christian missions in the North.

People of the lower north interpreted it to means an attempt to thwart their collective progressive brought about by

Christian missionary activities. As a result, a small group of

Christian reacted by forming a Northern Nigerian non-

Muslim League, later renamed the Middle zone League

(MZL) in 1950. The movement was overtly and covertly supported by the Christian missions of this area, and two large ethnic groups of Tiv and Brion. 73

After 1953, a faction of the MZL favoured co-operation with

NPC while others were opposed to it outright. The opposes launched the Middle Belt Peoples Part (MBPP) in alliance with NCNC. After some disagreement, the MZL and the MBP decide to come together again in 1955 and formed the

United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) with Mr. Joseph

Tarkara among Tiv grade two teacher in rural science as

President. Te UMBC split again into two factions with a year. A marriage of convenience was again contracted in

1956 when all the factions decided to break their connection with NPC. Crisis against erupted within them when majority segment of the party ratified an alliance with AG at the Mina

Convention in May 1958. Some of the foundation members under the leadership of Hon H.O Abagu left and joined the

NPC.

2.2 POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE SECOND REPUBLIC

(1979-1983)

In the program of transition to the second republic, the military leader’s primary concern was to prevent the reoccurrence of the mistakes of the first republic. They 74 believed that if the structures and process of government and politics that had proved inappropriate. In the first republic could be changed, a stable and effective civilian government would emerge. The transition was therefore designed to address those fundamental issues that were historically divisive and to establish a new political institution, process and orientation. Except for the census, which remain problematic, most issues that threatened the stability and survival of the federation were addressed the stability and survival of the federation were addressed.

The first elections under the 1979 constitution were held on schedule in July and August 1979 and the Federal military government (FMG) handed over power to the civilian government under President Shehu Shagari on October 1 st

1979. Nigerian’s second republic was bad amid great expectations, oil revenues were on the increase. It appeared that unlimited development was possible. Unfortunately; the euphoria was short lived, a republic that did not survive it’s infancy.

Five major political parties competed for power in the first elections in 1979. As might be expected, there were some continuity between the first republic and the new parties in the second republic. The national party of Nigeria (NPN) for example inherited the mantle of the Congress, although the

NPN different from the Northern People Congress (NPC) in that it obtained significant support in the non-Igbo states of

South Eastern Nigeria. They Unity Part of Nigeria (UPN) was the success of the Action Group (AG) with Chief Awolowo as its head. Its support was almost entirely Yoruba. The

Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP) the successor of NCNC was predominantly Igbo and had Azikiwe as its leader. An attempt was made to form an all Fulani Northern Elements

Party but it collapsed in the end and a break away party from NPP was formed and was known as the Great

Nigerians Peoples Party (GNPP) under the leadership of

Waziri Ibrahim. Finally, the Northern Elements Progressive union (NEPU) was formed and had Aminu Kano as its head.

The NPN dominated the second republic with Shagari as the

President. How won the presidency at a controversial vote.

NPN took 36 of 95 Senates Seats, 165 of 443 House of 76

Representative Seats and won Governors from seven stats namely Sokoto, Niger, Bauchi Benue, Cross River, Kwara and Rivers. The NPN lost the governorship of Kaduna State but secured control of the legislature. The NPN failed to take

Kano and lacked a majority in either the state or the House of Representative. The NPP took three states (Anambra, Imo and Plateau) and also won seventy-eight House of

Representative seats, so that in combination with NPN the coalition had a majority in both House of Representatives and The Senate. Nonetheless the interests of the parties were often in conflict.

The UPN came in with second largest number of seats and effectively formed and official position just like the action group in the first republic. The UPN took five states (Lagos,

Oyo, Ogun, Ondo and Bendel) 28 senate seats and 111 house seats.

The GNPP managed to win two states (Borno and Gongola) eight senate seats and four houses of representative seats.

The Peoples redemption party (PRP) won in Kano State and also won forty-nine House of Representative seats. 77

The demise of the second republic was accelerated by tension generated by the 1983 general elections, which were similar to those of 1964-65. The NPN won landslide victories even in states considered traditional strong holds of the other parties. In several places violence erupted and every election was contested in court. A number of electoral verdicts were rescinded in view of evidence that result were falsified. Under these circumstances, the military intervened in December 1983 with General Buhari as the Head of

State.

Major Political Parties in the Second Republic

The Unity Part of Nigeria (UPN)

The Unity Party of Nigeria was the first party that emerged in the second republic; barley sixteen hours after the ban was lifted. However like parties of the first republic, the UPN sprang up from social organization. The Committee of

Friends This committee comprise mainly of Awolowo friends and lieutenants who belonged to the prescribed Action

Group. The committee came into existence shortly after the release of Awolowo from prison in 1966 by Gowon and the members include, lateef Jakande, S. A. Onitiri, Gani’ Yu 78

Dawodu, FRA Williams, T. A. Mumuni, Ojekunle ferriero and others. It should be noted that the Lagos chapter of the committee of friends operated as a political party in all respect but were, as it organized members at ward level, sponsored candidates for nomination, into various offices including the constitution drafting committee, local government election and constituent Assembly. Prominent members of the party were Yoruba’s. The include Chief Bola

Ige, Bisi Onabanjo, D. S. Adegbenro etc. Without the provision of the 1979 constitution that parties should open offices in all states and win a majority of votes at least two- third of the states in the federation before it’s candidate is elected president, the UPN which delivered it’s solid base support in Yoruba and would have emerged as a Yoruba party. A further probe at the party’s program of free education, full employment of all Nigerians, integrated rural development and free medical services to all Nigerian’s shows a break down the AG’s slogan of “Life more abundant and freedom of all”.

Attainment of socialism was the main goal of the party but socialism here means freedom. This program was geared only towards winning a majority vote at election.

The Nigerian Peoples (NPP) and the Great Nigerians

Peoples Party (GNPP)

The NPP like most parties in the first republic was conglomerate of various associations and ethnic groups.

They include clubs 19, the Progressive Front of Eastern

States and Lagos and National Council of understanding and solidarity-NCUS. Memberships of club 19 were recruited from Benue and Plateau State. They comprised of

Solomon Lar Paul Unogu, Paul Bello etc. In 1978 following the political awakening by the CA and CDC, there was a fusion of various association of Club 19, the progressive front of Eastern State and Lagos, NUCS into what later became Nigerians People Party (NNP).

NPP due to lack of proper leadership, invited Dr. Azikiwe as the leader while Waziri organized his group and members of the NCUC into what later became GNPP (Great Nigerians

Peoples Party). 80

The only difference between the GNPP and NPP was the adoption of two different slogans. “Politics without bitterness” for GNPP and “power to the people” for the NPP.

The provisions were in most sections identical, verbalism with cosmetic re-arrangements here and there. The objective of the party was to work for national integration and equal opportunity for all regardless of sex, religion, group etc.

The Peoples Redemption Party (PRP)

The Peoples Redemption Party was formed by Aminu Kana.

He was also the presidential candidate of the party. The party centered more on personality. Members were mainly drawn from those radicals who adhered to Aminu Kano’s ideas, during the first republic when Amimu was to reconcile himself to the gradualist conservatism of theNPC.

Though a federal minister during Gowon’s regime, he openly opposed Gowon decision to postpone indefinitely the return to civil rule in 1976 and after Gowon was overthrown, he found himself from the mainstream of Northern Political opinion, which he saw as conservative and too committed to capital ethnic.

The party however has been described as a “Residual Party.

A party of those who have been unable to reconcile themselves on the platforms of other parties. The party in itself was quite different from other parties as it viewed

Nigerian politics as meaning wealth and licentiousness for a few but deprivation and frustration for the masses.

At a first glance, one might be tempted to conclude that

PRP was advocating for the Marxist-Leninist ideology of dictatorship of the proletariat which in view of seasoned and uncommitted intellectual analyst really amounts to replacing one form of may be unconscious dominating of society by another socio-economic class with a mere total and conscious domination of society by another socio- economic class in the name of the masses as a matter of officials state policy. A move that has consistently proved inefficient just as corrupt and dysfunctional to the promotion of the good like for the average individual who is not a parts’ leader.

The National Party of Nigeria (NPN)

The National Party of Nigeria (NPN) emerged when the ban of politics was ii fled in 1 978.

Its national chairman Was A. M.A Akinloge, its presidential candidate was Shehu Shagari and its Vice Presidential candidate was Alex Ekwueme. The NPN could he said to be socially, federally, locally and to a certain extent ideologically decentralized. The federalist structure of the state is reflected on the party’s organizational structure.

K. O. Mbadiwe opined that the NPN in it’s manifesto claimed to be the only party formed out of national wide consultation And consensus by Nigerians”. The party therefore adopted its motto “One, One Destiny”. The NPN was mainly part of the NPC members whose origin could be traced to Jamilyaa Arewa.

In 979, the NPN won the presidential election with Shehu

Shagari as the president even though many people thought that he did not meet the full requirements. He obtained a simply majority of the total votes cast in the federation but failed to get 25 percent of the votes in thirteen states of the 83 federation. The later as the ally accepted interpretation of the constitutional requirement that winner of the presidential election cast in two-thirds of the n states of the federation. When FEDECO declared Shagari winner,

Awolowo, the presidential candidate and leader of the UPN led other defeated candidates and their parties to challenge the declaration. The controversy led to strong anti NPN, anti-Shagari segments in several states controlled by the other parties. Once the N succeeded in consolidating power at the centre, the attraction it was stronger enough to tear other parties in asunder. Consequently, the history of the second republic is replete with interparty and intraparty schism and federal state conflicts.

At the domestic level, the NPN controlled federal government, embarked on political expedient but uneconomic projects such as establishing a federal diversity in every state, commissioning Iron and Steel plants that remained unfinished and in discriminatory awarding contracts to build the new federal capital territory at Abuja.

To finance these projects, the government relied heavily on foreign loans and aids.

The demise of the second republic was accelerated by tension generated by the 1983 general elections. The military then took over in 1983 December.

2.3 POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE FORTH REPUBLIC

(1999-2003)

Nigerian’s forth Republic was a product of two futile attempts by different military heads of state namely General

Ibrahaim Babngida (Rtd) and they General Saani Abacha transit to civil rule. General Abdulsalani Abubabkar brought in the forth republic. The Abubakar political transition program (June 1998-May 1999) was the shortest in

Nigerian’s political history lasting barely one year. The

Abacha transition programme. like the Babangida episode, was a political fraud designed to entrench general Abacha in power and was inclusive due to his death in June 1998. The demise of general Abacha on June 8 1998, Ushered in the regime of general Abdulsalami Abubakar. On assumption of office, general Abubakar set a new agenda far the political 85 and economic rejuvenation of the country. His main focus was returned the country to civilian rule after futile attempts by his predecessors. In his national broadcast on:

Monday July 20th 1998, he said “that we must admit that mistakes made, particularly as our most recent attempt at democratizations was marred by maneuvering and manipulations of structures and actions. At the end we have only succeeded in creating a defective foundation on which a solid democratic structure can neither be constructed nor sustained. This is an overwhelming verdict from o ur consultation (Guardian, July 2l 1998:15) in the light of this he dissolved the five political parties registered by the Abacha regime and their assets were taking over

Twenty-four new parties registered according to INEC guidelines but only nine of them met the conditions required. These include the Alliance for Democracy, (AD) All

People Party (APP), Democratic Alliance Movement (DAM),

Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Peoples Redemption Party

(PRP), United Democratic Party (UDP) the United Peoples

Party (UPP), and the Movement for Democracy and Justice

(MDJ).

On December 5h 1998, the election for local government council was held. This election was used as a yardstick for the final registration of parties. The electoral guidelines started among other things that any party that would eventually be registered most score at least a minimum of five percent of the total number of vote cast in twenty-four states. Fulfilling this, the Alliance for Democracy (AD),

Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and All Peoples Party (APP) were - granted full and final registration. The PDP dominated in all the elections held before the presidential election. As the February 271 1999 presidential election drew near, the AD and APP fashioned out an alliance to checkmate the unchallenged popularity of the PDP. Chief

Olu Falae of the Alliance for Democracy was therefore chosen as a presidential candidate of the APP and AD while

General Olusegun Obasanjo (rtd) was selected as the flag bearer of the PDP still maintained its lead in most state and zones of the federation. The hopes raised by the APP/AD alliance proved misplaced as the alliance lost many state to the rampaging PDP.

In summary, the PDP maintained its lead in all the elections namely councillorship, local government, house of assembly, senate, and presidential election. On may 29

1999, Obasanjo was sworn in as the president of the federal republic of Nigeria and this ushered in republic.

The People’s Democratic Party (PDP)

The People’s Democratic Party arose from four sources. The first were the G34. The G-34 was those so-called politician who were denied registration by General Abacha during his self-succession project. This group called itself G-34 committee from the fact that the petition against the self- succession was signed by 34 men and delivered to General

Abacha by Chief S. D. Lar. Chief Lar was the leader of the group. Also included in this group was Dr. Alex Ekwueme who though the Igbo should use this as their vehicle to the presidency. Abubakar rim and Bola Ige was also member of this group. These people were the main founders of PDP.

The second group called itself the All Nigerian Congress

ANC) led by Chief S.B Awoniyi. This group was made up of politicians who were followers of the NPN (National Party of

Nigerian). This group were not opposed to the self- succession of Abacha hut were not part t his machine.

The third group was known as the Peoples Democratic

Movement. This group was made up of those who were followers of Late General Musa Ya’adua. Most of the members of this group were military officers prominent members of this group were Chief Anenih and Aihaji Atiku

Abubakar.

The fourth and last group was known as the social

Democrats with the social progress party (SPP). This group was made up of people from different parts of the country that failed to make their position felt in the party.

The party was committed to returning power to the south not necessarily southwest. The Yoruba leaders who were in this organization such as chief Bola Ige wanted an explicit commitment to returning power to the South West (Yoruba land) especially after the death of Chief M. K. O. Abiola. 89

The first National Chairman of the PDP was Solomon Lar while it’s first Presidential candidate was Chief Olusegun

Obasanjo.

The All People Party (APP)

The All People’s Party (APP) rose from the self-succession outfit of General Sani Abacha. The founders of the party served him as aides and ministers in different parts of the country. The party was fondly called Abacha’s people party.

App’s first national chairman was Alhaji Mahmud Waziri.

It’s first presidential flag bearer was Chief Ogbonnaya Onu.

Chief Onu later stepped down for Chief Olu Falae.

Chief Falae was from the AD but he ran the presidential election under the platform of APP and AD.

The Alliance for Democracy (AD)

The Alliance for Democracy (AD) was formed in 1998. It developed from the National Democratic coalition (NADECO)

NADECO was a protect movement against the injustice meted to Chief Moshood Abiola of the Social Democratic

Party (SDP) who was widely believed to have won the 90 annulled presidential election in 1993. NADECO was not able to influence the government of Nigeria between 1993 and 1998 in order to declare Abiola the winner of the June

12, 1993 election.

The AD is essentially a Yoruba outfit committed to producing a president in 1999. It did not meet the federal character clause in the constitution. But the military had to register it on National Security groups. The military had to lace the prospect of denying a voice to the Yoruba people after what they went through after the annulment of June

12 1993 presidential election.

The military decided to err on the side of national security and allowed the highly ethinicised political Yoruba association to come Put as a political party. It became a field after jumping in and out of’ PDP and APP. By the time it went into the political market, it was too late to make a dent in the area outside the Yoruba land.

Bola Ige, Lar Adeshina and others formed the AD. Its presidential candidate was Chief Olu falae.

2.4 ETHNIC IDENTITIES OF PARTIES IN THE SECOND

AND FOURTH REPUBLIC

Nigeria is a conglomerate nation-state consisting of a multiplicity of ethnic groups (some 250 or more then), which are heterogeneous in many respects.

According to Musa (1985:112) the diversities among the various nationalities in Nigeria and best demonstrated in their differing linguistic and cultural heritage, social disparities, disproportionate population sizes uneven economic resources, education imbalance, historical evolution administration system and religion. These diversities tended to generate mutual suspicion, distrust, intolerance and conflicts at times to such alarming magnitude that the existence of Nigeria as a coperate entity was threatened and endangered.

The process of national integration in Nigeria is known to have been punctuated by wrangling and conflicts most dictated by unmitigated show of ethnic jingoism and chauvinism. From the early days of the nation, the tendency has been for various people of Nigeria to gravitate in the 92

Nigerian body politics that it can now be described as a characteristics national phenomenon.

Given the diversity of groups and interest involved in the process of’ nation building in Nigeria and the diversity of the social wants and needs, preferences and opportunities, tension that arise in the relationship among them and conflicts that are naturally bound to take place. As Awa

(1972:58) has conjected political activity flows out fconf1ct situations and conflict characterize all human societies.

The format ion of political parties provided another dynamite that ignited the embers of ethnic chauvinism in

Nigeria. In the first republic, ethnic politic was also manifest. The national council of Nigeria and Cameroon

(NCNC) was founded as a nationalist and territorial party’ which operated in the East, Vest and to some extent in the

North and in it’s early days was approved to ethnicism. The philosophy of’ the party emphasized the unification of

Nigeria and the demand for self-rule. Though the NCNC ha a nationalist orientation and its territorial nature was not in doubt, its leaders in the towering figure of Nnamdi Azikiwe, 93 an Igbo, eventually gave it an lgbo-ethnic perspective which before long generated into inter-ethnic wrangling. For instance the tribal tensions initiated by the Ikolo-Akinsaga dispute of 1941, coupled with the dissatisfaction of the

Yoruba elites who felt that NCNC was being dominated by the Igbos and culminated into inter-tribal Yoruba versus

Igbo cold war and eventual open hostility especially in the

Lagos parts of western Nigeria. It was opined in some circles that the presidential address delivered by Dr. Nnamdi

Azikiwe to the Igbo state union on June 25 th 1949, in which he eulogized the Igbo race to high heavens must have helped to inflict deep wounds of hatred for suspicious of the

Igbo by other ethnic groups. In his address he was quoted to have said “The God of Africa had created the Igbo nation to lead the children of African from the bondage of ages”.

Because of these developments, the NCNC could not sustain its militant nationalistic posture and its leadership gradually began to be shrouded in ethnic and rationalistic philosophies.

It is instructive to note that the three major ethnic groups were Igbo, Hausa and Yoruba. They continued to entrench 94 their dominance over their minorities and this led to party politics. Ethnic politics were intense in the first republic but our main focus on this project is on the second and fourth republic.

The Second Republic

Succinctly put, this short live period had a mixed impact on ethnic minority fortunes. On one hand, opportunities for the advancement of ethnic minority interest were afforded by the establishment of an American style presidential system which required the president to obtain nation wide support, by the introducing of the federal character principle which mandates broad ethnic represented in the key role place by ethnic minority constituencies in the electoral victories of the ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN). Having secured support of the minorities, NPN emphasized winning elections in ethnic home base as well as in minority areas.

The People Redemption Party (PRP) effectively challenged it.

The frustration of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) arising from its failure to win in the Hausa-Fulani heat and of

Kaduna and Kano found vent in the impeachment of PRP

Governor Balarabe Musa. With the manipulation of federal 95 government patronage between 1979 and 1983, the NPN felt sure enough of it base to venture into the ethnic homelands of the Igbo and Yoruba. The net effect was massive rigging of the 1983 elections and the resultant bloodshed. Although the NPN was successful in a section of

Igboland, its false victory in Yoruba land led to a spontaneous uprising of the people that was only ended by the military coup of December 1983.

The Nigerian People Party (NPP) and Unity Party of Nigeria

(UPN) followed a similar of development. After their initial disorganization, Nnamdi Azikiwe mobilized the Igbo petty bourgeois behind the party by the manipulating his tax problems. Faced with the prospects of being disqualified as a presidential candidate for the 1979 election on grounds of non-payment of tax, Azikiwe appealed to Igbo ethnic chauvinism by accusing the government and electoral commission of persecution the sole ground of being and

Igbo. The Igbo immediately closed ranks behind him and

NPP in a show of ethnic solidarity and anger with the Igbo ethnic base now secure, the NPN moved out of the minority areas to woo the PRP but only succeeded in Plateau where 96 a section of northern minorities rallied behind the party and the Igbo areas of river state. In other minority areas, it was unable to overcome the challenge of the NPN.

The Alliance with PRP did not materialize until the crisis within the later party split into two. The Minority section led by Abubakar Rimi in Kano teamed up with the NPP in 1983 but their electoral performance was very disappointing and the NPP was not courageous or powerful enough to penetrate the Hausa-Fulani the Yoruba, it was busy defending its Igbo base from the onslaught of NPN.

Similarly, the UPN was not successful in moving beyond its

Yoruba ethnic base. It has a difficulty securing that base from serious challenge by the NPN. It has to rely on the uprising of the people to be able to ward off that challenge.

Impart of ethnic consciousness regarding the advantage secured by the Yoruba during the indigenization of foreign economic enterprises in Nigeria has waked against the

Yoruba party. The Yoruba could not be allowed to have a toehold in the use of political power. It was not surprising that the government formed by Shagari after the 1979 97 election was coalition of the NPN and NPP. Although president Shagari called for an all-party coalition government, it was never meant that the UPN should be part of it.

All the array of constitutional provisions designed to eliminate the emergency of ethnic parties was overshadowed by ethnic political circulations of the petty bourgeois in the search of personal and class advantage.

The quota system and the federal character principle was introduced to ensure equitable representation of the various ethnic groups in the country and to give them necessary opportunities for advancement in areas of education, appointment and employment throughout the federation.

The 1979 constitution in section 14(3) and 14(4) recognized the heterogeneous nature of Nigerian society and made provisions to check ethnic cleavages promote national unity and give every Nigerian a sense of belonging. The NPN to give appointments used the zoning system. In the language to Toyo (1987:116) “as an instrument for national integration and unity to contain ethnic chauvinism”. 98

Unfortunate there were lapses in application of these measures, which did not enable them to achieve the desired objectives in full. Thus, the ethnic factor dominated the party system of the second republic and this hindered the attainment of National Integration in the second republic.

The Fourth Republic

The political parties in the fourth republic also had ethnic identifies that affected their operation one can even say that political parties at that time (1999-2003) were in competition with themselves. The parties were also in factions.

The People Democratic Party (PDP) was bent on occupying all the vacant positions at all levels of the federation. The

Alliance for Democracy on the other hand had an ethnic

Agenda. It was a Yoruba party and was highly tribalisitc.

The AD with an ethnic Agenda knew it could not win the national election with it’s ethnic agenda, hence it was very definite that a decentralized Nigeria would be the interest of the Yoruba nation who were itching to develop their own.

This was why the AD was committed to pushing for a 99 fundamental Restructuring of the Nigerian Plural Society into a thriving federal system based on ethnic nationalities.

The All People Party (APP) on the other hand was also ethnic centered. It was made up of those who worked under

General Abacha. They were also interested in securing the presidency. As PDP gained popularity, APP and AD merged together to compete with PDP. The APP agreed to team up with the AD because they knew that a northern candidate would not be ideal after the death of General Abacha and

Chief M. K. O. Abiola.

Obasanjo of the PDP was imposed to the PDP by General

Babngida because he wanted a Yoruba candidate who would protect the rampart being guarded by the military in politics or meet the goal of the annulist because there was no different because. Abiola and Obasanjo since they were from the same areas.

The AD and APP coalition also produced another Yoruba candidate Chief Falae. It was informed that a political trick was initiated by the military and PDP that adopting an AD 100 candidate and another Yoruba was a sure way to make the

AD and the pro-June 12 Yoruba leaders impotent.

The Igbo’s suffered a double loss. They lost in PDP, which they thought they founded, thy lost in APP, which they though they were part owners being the self-succession project of Abacha. The Igbo leaders saw the Yoruba’s as the ones that inflicted the double loss on them.

In summary, the AD and APP were both ethnic-centered.

They functioned as ethnic or regional defenders. The PDP seemed to be the only nationalist party because of its formation.

101

REFERENCES