TOPOGRAPHIC SEMANTICS: the Location of the Athenian Public Cemetery and Its Significance for the Nascent Democracy Author(S): Nathan T

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TOPOGRAPHIC SEMANTICS: The Location of the Athenian Public Cemetery and Its Significance for the Nascent Democracy Author(s): Nathan T. Arrington Source: Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Vol. 79, No. 4 (October-December 2010), pp. 499-539 Published by: The American School of Classical Studies at Athens Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41012853 . Accessed: 18/03/2014 10:17

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This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:17:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions HESPERIA 79 (2OIO) TOPOGRAPHIC Pages 499S39 SEMANTICS The Location of the Athenian Public Cemetery and Its Significance for the Nascent Democracy

ABSTRACT

In thisarticle, the author seeks to understandthe place of the demosion sema, thepublic cemetery of Athens, within the Athenian physical and cognitive landscape.The archaeologicaland literary evidence shows that the cemetery was establishedca. 500 b.c., along the road fromthe DipylonGate to the Academy.This wasan areawith few pre-Classical burials but strong religious and civicassociations. Here thenascent democracy shaped a newspace for corporateself-definition byjuxtaposing the public cemetery with the district furtherto theeast, around the road leading to Hippios Kolonos,which had longbeen a centerfor aristocratic display.

INTRODUCTION

Each yearat theend of a seasonof military campaigns, the Athenians buried theirwar dead in the public cemetery,the 8r||ióaiovGr''ia} Thucydides (2.34.1-5) describeshow the Atheniansbrought the crematedremains home,publicly displayed them for three days, and theninterred them by tribein the cemetery,which was locatedin "themost beautiful suburb of the city"(etcì toî kocAAígtoi)Tcpoocaxeíoi) ttíç kóXecuç). A scholiastglosses thedemosion sema as theKerameikos, and Aristophanes, the Suday and other scholiastslink the Kerameikoswith the war graves.2Cicero, Philostratos, and Pausaniasmore precisely locate the stategraves along a road leading fromthe cityto theAcademy.3

1. The communalburial usually theSara B. AleshireCenter for the Melesagoras,on thefuneral games occurredin winter.On thedate, see Studyof Greek Epigraphy, and the (Epitaphia)held in theKerameikos Pritchett1985, pp. 110-112.1 thank StahlEndowment of the University (withcommentary in Parker2005, JohnPapadopoulos, Nikolaos Papa- ofCalifornia at Berkeley.All dates p. 470). zarkadas,Julia Shear, Andrew Stewart, areb.c. unlessotherwise indicated. Ò. Uic. tin. 5.1-5; Fhilostr.VS and thejournal's anonymous reviewers 2. Ar.A;. 395-399,with schol. on 2.22.604;Paus. 1.29.2-16.Paus. 1.29.4: fortheir comments on earlierdrafts of 394-395; Suda,s.w. KepccuEiKÓç,Kepoc- oi ôè akXoi [i.e.,those not buried on thisarticle. My researchwould not have ueiKoí.The Suda and thescholia both thebattlefield at Marathon]koctGreece, Hsch.,s.v. £tï' Eupuyúfl àycóv, citing

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There can be no doubtabout the existenceof thisplace, where cele- bratedorators eulogized thousandsof Atheniandead, and where loyal alliesand illustriouscitizens were interred.4 Exactly where in theAthenian landscapethe cemetery was located,however, has been a subjectof debate. Most scholarsplace it alongthe wide roadthat led fromthe Dipylon Gate to theAcademy, but an eruditeminority prefer a roadfurther to theeast that issuedfrom the ancient gate located at theintersection of modern Leokoriou andDipylou Streets (hereafter called the Leokoriou Gate).5 Whatever their views,few scholars have discussedthe implicationsof the locationor the relationshipbetween the cemeteryand the surroundinglandscape. The placingof the cemeteryis notjust a topographicalexercise.The locationof the burialground in Athenshas importantconsequences for how one understandsits purpose, design, and function.By mappingmore accuratelythe cemetery s relationship to itsphysical landscape, it is possible to chartsome of the contours of theAthenian cognitive landscape, and to understandthe way in which the demos manipulatedspace, interpreted its past, and articulatedsocial values. The demosionsema was an area where,through speeches, art, and civicceremonies, the citizens of Athens collectivelyexpressed, to themselvesand tovisitors, who theywere and what theystood for.6Here, in one particularplace, they were unified around a sharedloss, in the faceof a commonthreat. In thisnecropolis, the living membersof thepolis forgeda collectiveidentity. In thediscussion that follows, I beginby summarizing earlier theories about the locationof the cemetery.I thenaddress the date at which the demosionsema was establishedand thechronological distribution of earlier archaeologicalremains in the districtnorthwest of the city.This analysis will show thatthe choice of site forthe cemeteryreflected a particular orientationtoward the citys past. Aftersetting the chronologicalscene, I attemptto locatethe cemetery more precisely within the Athenian landscape,relying heavily on the archaeologicalevidence. I thenconsider why thisspecific site was selected,emphasizing the religiousand civicsignif- icanceof the areaprior to the cemetery'sestablishment. Finally, I suggest thatthe site chosen enabled the demos to juxtaposethe values of the new democracywith those on displayin thearistocratic cemetery immediately to theeast.

4. Patterson(2006, pp. 53-56) has thisplace as a publiccemetery and call questionedthe equation of Thucydides' it thedemosion sema, even though it was demosionsema with a publiccemetery. usedfor other purposes in additionto She arguesthat the concept of an Athe- burialsat publicexpense. niannational cemetery is a "modern b. 1his gate is sometimesreferred to invention"(p. 55). As I haveargued as thef|picu nvXai on thebasis of a elsewhere(Arrington 2010, pp. 40-49), referencein theEtym. Magn.y s.v. 'Hpict. it is truethat the demosion sema was not On theinappropriateness ofthis des- a fixed,bounded, and organizedspace ignation,see Matthaiou1983; Pritchett ofthe sort normally associated with a 1998,pp. 22-23, n. 15; 1999,p. 60. nationalcemetery. There was, neverthe- b. Loraux^zuuo, esp. pp. zsi-zs/) less,one placein Athensdeemed most showshow the funeral oration praised appropriatefor the burial of war dead thepolis and articulatedan Athenian and illustriouscitizens. I shallrefer to ideology.

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THE LOCATION OF THE PUBLIC CEMETERY

Previous Theories

Althoughthe literary testimonia indicate that the public cemetery lay along a roadfrom the city to theAcademy, the question remains, which road? Cicero'sreport that he walkedpast the stategraves after leaving the DipylonGate, together with the many other ancient references to state burialswithin the Kerameikos, and the discoveries of the polyandrion of theLakedaimonians (Pol 1) and theprominent monument at thethird horosnear the Dipylon Gate itself,have led mostscholars to conclude thatthe state graves lined the broad road that departed from this gate, herecalled the Academy Road (see Fig. 4, below).7Their views on the size and natureof thespace, however, vary considerably. Some include theTomb of the Lakedaimonians within the demosion sema,s while others thinkthat the cemetery began beyond the shrine of Artemis Ariste and Kallistebecause of Pausanias'ssilence until that point (Paus. 1.29.2; AK 1,2).9 Before the entire width of the Academy Road had been excavated, AlfredBruckner suggested that it actually consisted of two roads forming a thematicallyorganized, elongated racetrack, with the graves of Harmodios andAristogeiton at one end,that of Kleisthenes at theother, polyandria

7. Forthe literary sources, see nn.2 1983,pp. 32-33; Stupperich1984, ofthe road was halvedin 303 to guard and3, above.On theTomb of the Lake- p. 640; Knigge1991, p. 13;Tsirigoti- againstthe approach of siege machines. daimonians,see Xen. Hell. 2.4.33; IG IP Drakotou2000, p. 94; Loraux2006, Althoughthe covering of the graves 11678;Bruckner 1915, pp. 118-119; p. 50. has recentlybeen called into question Karo1930, pp. 90-91; Ohly1965, 8.Travlos,^/^wi,p. 301; Stuppe- (Stroszeck2003, p. 76, n. 116,but cf. pp.314-322; Willemsen 1977; Kienlin rich1977, p. 25 (somewhatskeptical); p. 69; Costaki2006, p. 458), thereis 2003,pp. 114-118,121-122; Stroszeck Meyer1993, p. 118;Wolpert 2002, littleroom for doubt. Hellenistic co- 2006. (Bold lettersand numbers[e.g., p. 89. Kurtzand Boardman(1971, lumnargrave monuments found in situ Pol 1] referto sitesplotted on the pp. 109,338, map5) placethe first to thewest of the Tomb ofthe Lake- mapsin Figs.2-4; forabbreviations, stategraves parallel to theThemisto- daimoniansare 1.78 m higherthan the see p. 510,below.) On themonument kleanWall, on thefar side of the ring base ofthe horos next to themonument at thethird horos (once known as the road. (Gebauer1942, p. 224), and twoHel- Tombof Chabrias), see especially 9. Bruckner1910, pp. 183-200; lenisticdrain covers in frontof the Stichel1998; Valavanis 1999; Kienlin Clairmont1983, p. 204; Knigge1991, tomblie 1.30-1.48 m abovethe base 2003,pp. 118-122.The AcademyRoad p. 13; Valavanis1999, p. 192.The (Willemsen1977, pp. 133-134). A is sometimesreferred to in modern graveson thewestern side of the road tombof the 3rd century and a drainof scholarshipas the"dromos," because werecovered in theLate Classicalor the1st century a.d. also cutthrough ofthe relay races held on it:see, e.g., EarlyHellenistic period, hence Pausa- themonument itself. Similarly, just Costaki2006, pp. 200-201,455-459. niass silence.Ohly (1965, pp. 302-303) outsidethe precinct of the monument Againstthe use ofthis term, see Miller describedthe fill over them as sand, at thethird horos, tile-covered graves of 1995,pp. 213-214, 216-218. Stroszeck gravel,rock pieces, marl, and earth, the2nd to 1stcenturies (only one of (2003) believesthat the road itself was mixedwith pockets of ceramic waste themsecurely dated) were found at the calledthe Kerameikos. For the view fromworkshops, which accumulated levelof the highest course of the monu- thatthe demosion sema lay along the quicklyand createda screeslope. Most ment(Willemsen 1977, pp. 118-120). AcademyRoad, see Bruckner1910, scholarslink the dumped material with Finally,a cross-sectionof a lst-century pp. 185-200;Wenz 1913,pp. 22-30; precautionstaken after the battle at buildingthat stands in themiddle of Frazer1913, vol. 2, pp. 378-379; Chaironeia,when the Athenians con- theAcademy Road closeto theDipy- Domaszewski1917; Judeich 1931, structeda moatand palisades(Ohly lon Gate showsthat fill was deposited pp.404-409; Papachatzis1974-1981, 1965,p. 305; cf.Aeschin. 3.236; Ly- to thewest before the building was vol.1, p. 382,fig. 228; Stupperich1977, curg.Leoc. 44). Binder(ap. Pritchett constructed(Ohly 1965,figs. 15, 16). pp.26-31; Clairmont1981, p. 132; 1998,p. 3) has proposedthat the width

This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:17:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 5Agora, as shownby thefindspots of surviving horoi, the terminology ofPausanias, and other ancienttestimonia.13 Itsbreadth remains unknown. Outside the city walls, smallstreets connected the major thoroughfares, and Ciceroand Pausa- niasmay well have wandered from the Academy Road to an arteryleading fromanother gate. These considerations have led to a differentopinion, firstexpressed in a dissertationon Athenianhoroi by Charles Ritchie Jr., whoproposed that the public cemetery lay along the road from the Leo- koriouGate.14 Judith Binder has reiterated this argument, while Alexander Papageorgiou-Venetas,followed by W. KendrickPritchett, has speculated thatthe cemetery lay between the two roads.15 Afterleaving the city, the road that Ritchie and Binderenvision as theexclusive location of thecemetery, and thatPapageorgiou-Venetas and Pritchettinclude within their somewhat broader proposed boundaries,proceeded north-northwest, roughly paralleling the Academy Road. Branchingleft at a forknear the intersection ofmodern Lenorman and KonstantinoupoleosStreets, it headedtoward the west side of Hippios Kolonos,along a pathstill followed by Lenorman. Before reaching the hill, however,it branchedleft again, probably near modern Vasilikon Street, wherean Academyhoros (IG I3 1091)was foundin situ,and continued intothe Academy precinct. This route to the Academy from the Leokoriou Gatehas been dubbed the Old AcademyRoad, a designationthat I retain here,even though the datable road surfaces of the Old AcademyRoad are in factno olderthan those of the Academy Road to thewest.16 1 refer to theentire group of roads leading from the Leokoriou Gate, including the

10. Bruckner1910, pp. 185-200. Siewert1999; Papadopoulos2003, (Zachariadou,Kyriakou, and Bazioto- 11. E.g., Domaszewski1917. esp.pp. 280-291; Stroszeck2003, esp. poulou1985, p. 39; 1992,p. 55; Bazio- 12. Goette(2009, p. 188) suggests pp. 68-71; Ruggeri2005. topoulou-Valavani1994, p. 47; Costaki thatthe cemetery consisted of "a num- 14. Ritchie1984, pp. 771-786. 2006,pp. 521-524,nos. VIII.2-4); and berof different locations, which per- 15. Binderap. Pritchett1998, Lenorman84 (Karagiorga-Stathako- hapseven changed annually," but he pp. 5-6; Papageorgiou-Venetas1994, poulou1978, pp. 25-26; Costaki2006, does notexplore the idea at length. p. 143; Pritchett1998, p. 22. Cf. SEG p. 574, no.XI.l). Beforethen the bed- 13. On thehoroi, see pp. 523-524, XLVIII 38,which implies that Prit- rockwas used as a roadsurface (e.g., below.Important primary sources in- chettplaces the cemetery exclusively at Plataionand Granikou:Alexandri cludePaus. 1.2.4-5,1.3.1; Lucian, Iupp. on theroad from the Leokoriou Gate. 1975,p. 28; Costaki2006, pp. 485-486, trag.15; Suda,s.v. Kepaueiicóç; Etym. 16. Bothroads were first paved in no. VI.5). At Aimonosand Tripoleos, Magn.y s.v. KepaueiKÓç; Harp., s.v. theLate Archaic-EarlyClassical pe- wherethe Academy horos (IG F 1091) KepaueiKÓç(citing Antiphon, Kalli- riod,as shownby excavations at Mo- was found,the report states that the krates,and Menekles); Schol. Ar. Ran. nastiriou12 and Siatistis(Alexandri roadwas in use in thelate 6th century, 131,135, 1093; yfo 395; Eq. 772c.For 1972,p. 127; Clairmont1983, p. 37; butit is notclear whether that date moderndiscussions of the location and Costaki2006, p. 527, no. VIIL9); Pla- appliesto thefirst pavement or to the extentof the Kerameikos, see Agora III, taion54 and Zografou(Karagiorga- earlieruse ofthe bedrock as a road pp.221-224; Vanderpool1974; Ritchie Stathakopoulou1979, p. 21; Costaki surface(Alexandri 1967, p. 46; 1968c, 1984,pp. 754-755,764-765; Agora 2006,pp. 534-535,no. VIII.19); Le- p. 101; Costaki2006, pp. 577-578, XIX, pp. 11-13; Papadopoulos1996; normanand Konstantinoupoleos no.XIII.2).

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Old AcademyRoad and thetwo branches that passed on eitherside of HippiosKolonos, as theLeokoriou Roads (Fig. 4, below). Most previousapproaches to thetopography of the public cemetery havebeen based on the literary evidence, with little attention to the material remains.A monographby Christoph Clairmont, published in 1983,is an exception,but his archaeological contribution is limited by the fact that he did notplot the excavations on a contemporary,scaled map and because he forcedthe material evidence to conformto Pausanias'sdescription of specifictombs.17 Since most of the area northwest of the ancient walls lies beneaththe modern city, it hasbeen subject only to sporadicexcavation; nevertheless,over the years a growingbody of evidence has accumulated, muchof it published in preliminary form in the Archaiologikon Deltion. The findspotsofinscribed casualty lists, too, are instructive. Although many were latertransported tothe Agora for use as constructionmaterial, or built into churchesas faraway as theMesogeia, more material has been found close to theoriginal site than is oftenacknowledged.18 There is now,I believe, sufficientarchaeological evidence to demonstrate that the demosion sema lay inthe region of the Academy Road, but not strictly along the thoroughfare. Beforepresenting this evidence in detail, it is necessaryto set the scene, firstby determining the date of the establishment ofthe cemetery, and then byexamining the chronological distribution ofarchaeological material in thearea northwest of Athens.

Setting the Chronological Scene

The earliestrecorded burials in thearea that became the Athenian public cemeteryare thoseof the tyrantslayers, Harmodios and Aristogeiton, followedby the reformer Kleisthenes (Paus. 1.29.6, 15). These individuals werenot necessarily buried at publicexpense. The earliestpolyandrion mentionedby Pausanias(1.29.7) is thatof theAthenians who fought 19 againstthe Aiginetans before the Persian invasion, in 491/0or 487/6. A possiblepolyandrion covered by a tumuluswas discoveredon Salaminos Street(Pol 4, discussedbelow), with ceramics dating to thefirst quarter ofthe 5th century.20 Thucydides(2.34.1) writes that the public burial ceremony followed an ancestralcustom (patrios nomos), which could have originated in the

17. Clairmont1983; cf.the review werercpiuxoi. This mustbe a manuscript uocxixiuTiGévxeç ("these were the first byStupperich (1984, esp. pp. 638, errorfor rcpcoxov, which would indicate placedin thiscemetery after the Persian 641).The mapsprovided by Garland notchronological but topographical War").As explainedby Jacoby (1944, (1982,pp. 150-151,figs. 6, 7) areless priority(i.e., the first polyandrion that p. 54, n. 77), thisrefers only to thefirst comprehensivethan Clairmont s. he comesto in thecourse of his de- Athenianswho, after the Persian Wars, 18. Fromthe Mesogeia: IG F 1144b, scription,which in factit is). On the foughtGreeks on behalfof Greeks and c, and d, on whichsee Matthaiou2005, error,see Pritchett1998, pp. 38-40; see wereburied in thecemetery. Loraux pp. 100-103.On thedate of the dis- also Stupperich1977, pp. 235-236; (2006,p. 101),however, sees here a de- mantlingof the demosionsemay see Pritchett1985, pp. 112-113.Another liberateerror calculated to criticizethe Aliferi1992-1998, with SEGXLVL 73, potentiallyconfusing use ofrcpcoxoi institutionof the funeral oration for XLVII 46, LI 50. occursin PL Menex.242b, on thedead praisingtoo oftenthose who diedfight- 19. Pausaniasappears to contradict fromthe battles at Tanagra and Oino- ingother Greeks. himselfwhen he states(1.29.4) thatthe phytain 457: oûxoiôf| Ttpcòxoi uexà xòv 20. Stoupa1997, p. 52. wardead fromDrabeskos (ca. 465) nepoiKÒvTcóXeuov . . . évxcpôe xco uvr|-

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earlydays of the democracy.21The organizationof casualtylists and lar- nakesby tribecertainly places the nomosin the period afterthe reforms of Kleisthenes.22Fragments of casualtylists from the battleof Marathon employthe same tribalformat as laterlists.23 So, too, does a casualtylist in Atticscript from Lemnos, which dates to theearly 5th century and was probablyerected for the Athenianswho fellwhen Miltiades conquered theisland in 498.24 Diodoros,in a discussionof the epigrams set up forthe Lakedaimonians at Thermopylai,does not necessarilyrefer to monumentsin the demosion semawhen he says (11.33.3) that the Athenians"similarly decorated" (ófioícoç. . . £KÓGur|O£)the gravesof thosewho died in the PersianWars. He does,however, state that this was theoccasion of the city s firstfuneral games and funeralorations, and Dionysios of Halikarnassos{Ant. Rom. 5.17.4) agrees.Since Thucydides (2.35.1) and Dionysiosboth report that thefuneral speech was an additionto the nomos,the custom of burying at leastsome of the war dead in thepublic cemetery must already have existed duringthe PersianWars.25 The factthat during the PersianWars otherburials, such as thoseat Plataiai,took place on thebattlefield is no obstacleto a date of ca. 500 for the establishmentof the public cemetery.We need not presumethat all wardead had to be buriedin thedemosion sema; certainly no singlemodern militarycemetery contains all of a country'swar casualties.Even late in the PeloponnesianWar the Atheniancasualties in the battleat Ephesos in 409 wereburied at Notion (Xen. Hell 1.2.11), and we should expect moreflexibility in the systemduring the earlyhistory of the cemetery.In fact,even to speakof the "establishment" of the demosion sema is somewhat misleading,since it impliesmore organizational oversight and intentthan mayhave existed at thetime. I doubtthat a largetract of land was setaside fora nationalcemetery by formal decree.26 It seemsmore likely that at first one monument,probably a particularlyfamous one, was constructed,and

21. See especiallyJacoby 1944; kou (SEGXLJX 370, LI 425, LIII 354, foundon theSikelia hill southwest of Gomme1956, pp. 94-98; Ostwald LV 413; Steinhauer2004-2009; 2009, Athens(SEGXX1 95; Clairmont1983, 1969,p. 175; Hornblower1991, p. 122; Spyropoulos2009). Another pp. 87-88), is too fragmentaryto be pp.292-293. fragment,perhaps from the same list, interpretedsecurely as a casualtylist. 22. Stupperich1977, p. 206. If an was foundnearby. I thankG. T. Spyro- 25. The locationof the cemetery epigramattributed to Simonidescom- poulosfor discussing the list with me. mayalso suggesta dateno laterthan memoratingwar dead buried near the 24. IGXll Suppl.337; cf.Hdt. thePersian Wars. As I shalldemon- Euriposwas written for an Athenian 6.137-140.Two Corinthianhelmets, stratebelow, the original site of the polyandrion,itwould indicate that a dedicatedat Olympiaand on the cemeterywas approximately200 m publiccemetery was notyet established AthenianAcropolis and inscribed fromthe city walls. One practicalex- in 507/6.The poemcould, however, "Athenians:from those in Lemnos" planationfor this distance is thatthe referas easilyto theEuboians or Boio- (IG P 1466 and 518, thelatter partially locationwas establishedbefore the tiansas to theAthenians. On theepi- restored),have been explained as spoils courseof the Eridanos River had been gram,see Peek 1955,p. 1, no. 1; Page fromthe same expedition. A third fixed,a changethat occurred in 478, 1975,p. 9, no.2; Stupperich1977, helmet,from Rhamnous, dedicated to whenthe Themistoklean Wall was p. 206; Page 1981,pp. 189-191;Clair- Nemesisby the Rhamnousians on built. mont1983, pp. 88-89,no. 2. Lemnos(IG I3522bis), may be a decade 26. See n. 4, above.Judeich (1931, 23. A triballist from the battle of or twolater. See Stupperich1977, p. 404) thoughtthat the cemetery had Marathonwas foundin June 2000, p. 207; Clairmont1983, pp. 89-90, itsorigins in the6th century but did builtinto the wall of a 5th-centurykiln 92-93; Rausch1999. Another list of nottake on a unified,closed character at thevilla of Herodes Atticus at Lou- names,from the mid-6th century, untilthe first half of the 5th century.

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thatother similar monuments followed, partly for the same reasons that had promptedthe choice of the original site (to be discussedfurther below), but Figure1. Reconstructionof the also because each successivememorial increasingly transformed the place cenotaphfor the Marathonomachoi. intothe mostappropriate arena for public commemoration of the dead. Matthaiou1988, p. 122. DrawingM. Korres The catalystfor this development may well have been the cenotaph forthe Marathon dead, which Angelos Matthaiou has shown to have stood in the public cemetery(Fig. I).27 An unpublishedephebic decree of 176/5found in theAgora mentionsa regularfuneral contest that took place at Marathonand also "in frontof the polyandrionnext to the city" ([rcpòtoB] jcpòçto aoiei noXx>av6peíox>>Agora I 7529, lines 15-17).28 Another,similar ephebic decree mentions a race "fromthe polyandrion" (arcòToi TUOÀDGtvSpeíoD,IG II2 1006,line 22) withoutfurther qualification. Matthaiouinfers that there was in the demosionsema a cenotaphfor the dead at Marathon,known simply as the polyandrion,and he associatesit witha base bearingan elegiacinscription (IG I3 503/504),a fragmentof whichwas foundin the Kerameikos(CL 6). On the basis of letterforms, topographicalreferences to Marathonwithin the epigram,and cuttings on the top of the base, Matthaiou arguesthat the monumentonce held the casualtylists from the battleat Marathon.29Only the dead fromthis conflictwere famous enough for their monument to be called simply"the polyandrion,"and it would have been a fittingplace forthe displayof ephebicprowess. The existenceof the cenotaphin the demosionsema also

27. Matthaiou2003, pp. 197-200; whenit was destroyedin thePersian constructionof the first road surface. see also thecomments in Parker2005, sackand subsequentlyreerected with If so,a newcenotaph must have been p. 470. additionof the new lines. It is also erectedfollowing the Persian destruc- 28. T. L. ShearJr. has editedthe possiblethat the second set of verses tion.On theexcavation, see Alexandri inscriptionfor publication in the was addedbefore the cenotaph was 1973-1974a,pp. 91-92 (theMarathon forthcomingthird edition of IG II. destroyed.The fragmentfound at inscriptionis theArchaic epigram 29. A secondset of verses was later CL 6 (Lapis C) was builtinto a re- mentionedon p. 92; cf.Matthaiou addedto thebase. Perhaps the monu- tainingwall that rested on bedrock, 2003,p. 198). mentwas alreadyin existencein 480, and thusmay be associatedwith the

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explainswhy both Thucydides(2.34.5) and Pausanias (1.29.4), in their discussionsof the public cemetery, take care to recordthat those who died at Marathonwere buried on the battlefield,while remaining silent about theother Persian War casualtieswho werealso absentfrom the cemetery. It was thepresence of the famous monument that elicited the explanation. The literarysources and thearchaeological evidence thus indicate that thedemosion sema was establishedafter the reforms of Kleisthenes, and that it was an appropriateplace formilitary burials by the timeof the Persian Wars.I suggesta dateof ca. 500 forthe beginning of the process; unfortu- natelyit is not possible to be more specific.30Kleisthenes' reforms, the Athenianvictory over the Boiotians and Chalkidiansin 506, theexpedition to Ionia withits casualtiesat sea, or the triumphat Marathonmay have instigatedthe practice of buryingwar dead in Athenianterritory. As importantas thedate ofestablishment is therelationship between the demosionsema and other,earlier funerary activity in the landscape.In orderto understandthe options available to thedemos, and thesignificance ofthe choice between the Academy and Old AcademyRoads, it is necessary to examinethe patterns of land use in thesetwo areasprior to ca. 500. An investigationof the materialremains reveals a strikingdifference in use priorto the Classical period.The area aroundthe AcademyRoad was relativelyfree of Archaic graves, partly as a resultof the flooding of the EridanosRiver near the DipylonGate, and partlybecause of the absence of a majordestination at the end of the road. Conditionsalong the Old AcademyRoad, on the otherhand, were verydifferent. When Binder made hercase forplacing the cemeteryhere, she observedthat "this was theglory road for grave monuments and a naturalchoice for the Demosion semaPxThe firstpart of this statement is absolutelycorrect: the Leokoriou Roads had a long historyof grandand lavishburials, well attestedin the archaeologicalrecord. The followingsummary of the quantity (and to some extentthe quality) of pre-Classical finds from the two areas will make clear theirdifferent histories and distinctivecharacters.32 In the vicinityof the Leokoriou Roads, threelocations have yielded BronzeAge remains:a depositwith sherds at Peiraios68,33 a Mycenaean graveat Plateia Eleftherias,34 and sherdsand obsidian blades at Efkleidou7.35

30. Forother suggested dates, see drawnmy own conclusions only when tery,and evenif the date of the estab- Gomme1956, pp. 94-103 (Solon); theevidence is unambiguous(e.g., a lishmentis slightlylater than ca. 500, Stupperich1977, pp. 206-224 (508/7or white-groundlekythos indicates a any5th-century material is morelikely shortlythereafter), reiterated in Stuppe- Classicalgrave). When a 5th-century to be datedafter than before it. Since rich1994, p. 93,with bibliography dateis providedwith no otherchrono- thesame ephoreia was responsiblefor p. 100,n. 2; Czech-Schneider 1994, logicalindicator, I take it to mean theexcavations near both roads, one pp.22-37 (shortlyafter 490); Mat- Classical,since the published excava- assumesthat the same standards, meth- thaiou2003, pp. 199-200 (severalyears tionreports appear to use "5thcen- ods,and procedureswere applied to after490); Clairmont1983, p. 3 (470s); tury"in thissense more often than bothregions. I am thuscomparing like Hornblower1991, p. 292 (late470s at riot.Moreover, for the issue that I withlike. - theearliest); Jacoby 1944, pp. 46-50, am addressinghere theuse ofthe 33. Filippakis1966, p. 63. withearlier bibliography, followed by AcademyRoad and Old Academy 34. Gauss and Ruppenstein2001. Pritchett1985, pp. 112-123 (465/4). Road beforethe establishment of the Theyassociate a LH IIIC stirrupjar 31.y*APritchettl998,p.6. demosionsema - whatmatters most is withthe grave. 32. In thisstudy I haveaccepted the whetherthe material pre- or postdates 35. Lygkouri-Tolias1994a. datesprovided by the excavators and theestablishment of the public ceme-

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Submycenaeanremains have also been found at threelocations: sherds at Kriezi22 andPsaromiligkou,36 a single grave in an excavationfor a drain acrossfrom Kriezi 23-27,37 and 11 gravesat Kriezi23-24.38 Excavationat 15 locationshas revealedGeometric graves or sherds, mostlyin and aroundthe block west of PlateiaEleftherias formed by Peiraios,Kriezi, Psaromiligkou, and KalogirouSamouil Streets, but also to thenorth at Myllerou16-18 (betweenAgisilaou and Kerameikou),39 andeven further north, close to theintersection ofan ancientcross-street withthe Old AcademyRoad, at VirginiasBenaki 15-17.40 Many of the deadwere buried with lavish offerings, including vessels by the Dipylon Workshop.Grave 12 inthe drain excavation at Kriezi23-27, for example, wasa pitburial containing a large funeral amphora covered with a bronze cup,an oinochoe,a skyphos,a pyxis, and fourbronze vessels. Inside the amphorawere two bronze pins decorated with gold leaf, a goldring, and aniron brooch.41 At Kriezi23-24, grave 13 containeda Dipylon-type pyxis witha horselid, three similar lids, and a kyathion;grave 72 a largeamphora withzprothesis scene, an unpaintedhydria, and a kyathion;and grave 106 threeskyphoid pyxides, a skyphos, and a goldband stamped with a frieze ofwarriors, a ship, and a deer.42 Archaicmaterial has beenfound at 21 locations,in muchthe same areaand in manyof the same plots as theGeometric remains described above,but extending somewhat further northward. Examples include an amphoraburial of the third quarter of the 7th century at Achilleos4 and Kolonou;43terracottas from Lenorman 28J44 and a LateArchaic relief from thedrain at Aimonos1, just off Lenorman.45 While the burials along the LeokoriouRoads were not as lavishin thelater Archaic period as they werein the Geometric, they continued the trend of luxurious display in the quantityand quality of their grave goods. The splendidProtoattic Nettos amphoranow in the National Archaeological Museum in Athens was found atPeiraios and Kalogirou Samouil Streets, along with over 20 black-figure vesselsdecorated with "heroic" images such as Heraklesand theCretan bull,Neoptolemos and Astyanax, quadrigas, and dueling hoplites.46 A pit burialin thedrain excavation at Kriezi23-27, dated to thethird quarter ofthe 6th century, contained two handleless biconical vessels, two black- glazejugs, six black-figure lekythoi, a kylix,a lekanis,and a terracotta figurineof a seatedgoddess.47 At Psaromiligkou 4 a LateArchaic cist grave containedfour black-figure lekythoi, two decorated with anthemia, one witha Gigantomachy,and one with a sceneof Herakles and the Nemean lion,as wellas a bowl,the lower half of an unpaintedcylindrical pyxis, a

36. Karagiorga-Stathakopoulou 40. Alexandri1973-1974a, p. 86; 43. Alexandri1973-1974b, p. 123. 1979,p. 23. Costaki2006, pp. 528-529,no. VIII.ll. 44. Boulter1963, p. 135,nos. 38, 40. 37. Alexandri1968a, p. 67; 1968b, 41.The amphoraappears on thecover 45. Alexandri1972, p. 88. pp.20-22. oïAAA 1 (1968); thepins are illustrated 46. Athens,National Archaeological 38. Alexandri1967, pp. 92-96. For in Alexandri1968b, p. 29, fig.11. Museum1002. On thefindspot and for a Submycenaeanvessel found west 42. The amphorawith the prothesis furtherbibliography, see Schilardi1968, ofPlateia Eleftherias in the19th cen- scene,one ofthe skyphoid pyxides, and D.41. tury,see Gauss and Ruppenstein2001, thegold band are illustrated in 47. Alexandri1968a, p. 67; 1968b, o. 163. Alexandri1967, pls. 89, 87:y,and 87:a, pp. 26-27. The figurineis illustratedin 39. Alexandri1970, p. 76. respectively. Alexandri1968a, pl. 37:a.

This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:17:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 5O8 NATHAN T. ARRINGTON one-handledkyathion, and halfof a terracottaprotome of a goddess.48 AnotherLate Archaicgrave, a pitburial of ca. 500 at Peiraios57, contained a black-figurelekythos with a symposiumscene, two with Dionysiac scenes, and twowith quadrigas, as well as a skyphos,a pyxis,and a smallphiale.49 Althoughthe area around the Academy Road hasbeen more intensively investigatedthan that around the Leokoriou Roads, it has producedfar fewerpre-Classical remains. The followinglist includes all thoseknown to me.A Neolithicax was discoveredat Kerameikou90.50 Mycenaean sherds werefound near the southwest tower of the Dipylon Gate51 and at Peiraios 82 and Salaminos.52In theSubmycenaean period there was a largecemetery in thearea later occupied by the Pompeion, but these graves were oriented towardthe Sacred Way.53 In theProtogeometric period, most of the burials movedto the southbank of the EridanosRiver, although there were still a fewin thevicinity of the laterPompeion and in frontof thewest tower of the Dipylon Gate.54A clusterof Geometricgraves was discoveredto thewest of the same tower.55 Outside the Kerameikos archaeological park, onlytwo plots have produced Geometric sherds: one at ProfitouDaniil 1856 and one at Alikarnassou94, nearan ancientwagon road thatran west of and parallelto the AcademyRoad.57 In the northwestcorner of the area includedin this study,Geometric burials have been foundat Leoforos Athinon88 and Mitrodorou58and at Mitrodorouand Geminou.59These outliersonly emphasize the rarityof Geometricremains in thevicinity of theAcademy Road. Withinthe Kerameikos archaeological park, a groupof Archaic burials was foundnorth of the Sacred Gate, where a moundwas constructedover a 6th-centuryshaft grave. Three other 6th-century burials were located in or aroundthe mound, and a finalburial in a bronzeash urnwas placedin the moundaround 480.60 Archaic sculpture built into the Themistoklean Wall probablycame fromthe cemeteries closer to the SacredWay. Outside the archaeologicalpark, only 11 locationshave produced Archaic material of any sort:a black-figurekylix at Agisilaou96 and Plataion;61a fragmentof the Marathoncasualty list (IG I3 503/504Lapis C) at Plataion30-32 (CL 6);62 one ortwo 6th-century graves and a possiblepolyandrion of the first quarter ofthe 5th century at Salaminos35 (Pol4);63a drainat Megalou Alexandrou 91 and Plataion42;64 Archaic sherds at Plataionand Paramythias;65Archaic ceramicsand a kilnat ProfitouDaniil 18;66a 7th-centuryamphora burial

48. Alexandri1972, p. 143,grave XII. 56. Karagiorga-Stathakopoulou 62. Alexandri1973-1974a, p. 92; The lekythoswith Herakles and the 1978,p. 21. Matthaiou2003, p. 198. See above, Nemeanlion is illustratedin pl. 86:oc. 57. Vasilopoulou1980, p. 37. This is p. 505 and n. 29. 49. Alexandri1968a, p. 83,grave XIV. notthe hamaxitos road discussed by 63. Stoupa1997, p. 52. These re- The lekythoswith the symposium Stroud(1998, pp. 104-107),but an- mainsare discussed below. sceneis illustratedin pl. 47:5. other(see Fig. 4, below). 64. Filippakis1966, p. 58. 50. Philadelpheus1927, p. 157. 58. Karagiorga-Stathakopoulou 65. Krystalliand Kaloudi1964, 51. Knigge1991, p. 14. She suggests 1979,p. 18. p. 61; Clairmont1983, p. 42. thatthe construction of the gate may 59. Karagiorga-Stathakopoulou 66. Karagiorga-Stathakopoulou havedestroved a Mvcenaean tomb. 1978,pp. 24-25. 1978,p. 21. Kilnsupports were found 52. Chatzipouliou1988, p. 36. 60. Knigge1991, p. 159.The tumu- butnot dated; most of the vessels found 53. Knigge1991, pp. 14-16. lus is no. 59 in theplan on p. 17,fig. 25. at thesite were Late Archaicto Early 54. Knigge1991, pp. 16-20. 61. Liagkouras1973-1974, p. 31, Classical. ^^. ivmggeivyi, pp. zU-24. pl. 42:ß.

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ofa childin a drainexcavation across from Alikarnassou 88;67 a pitin a drainexcavation near Serrón 54 andSpyrou Patsi;68 Archaic strata at Ar- gous107;69 10 cremationburials and one cist grave at Mitrodorou and Ge- minou;70and a tile-coveredgrave dating to ca. 500 at Alamanas117 and Efthydimou.71 The chronologicallandscape changes when the road reaches the Acad- emy,an areawith a longand rich history. Remains here include a sizeable structureof theEarly Helladic period, a Geometric"Sacred House," and Geometricand Archaic graves.72 The sacredcharacter of the area continued intoand beyond the Classical period (Paus. 1.30.2). These scatteredfinds provide a generalpicture of funeraryactivity northwestof Athens prior to theestablishment of thepublic cemetery. Theyreveal two areas with dense concentrations ofpre-Classical remains: to thenortheast of the Leokoriou Gate, where pre-Classical graves pri- marilyflank the Old AcademyRoad, and in thearea of the Academy itself.73A totalof 178 siteshave been excavated near the Academy Road and112 sites near the Old AcademyRoad. Of theformer, only 2.8% pro- ducedGeometric material and only6.7% Archaic;of thelatter, 13.4% producedGeometric material and 18.8% Archaic.74 Future excavations will certainlyalter these numbers, but I doubtthat they will profoundly affect the ratios.75 In lightof thevery different histories of thesetwo roads, it is clear thatthe location of the Athenian public cemetery is not just a topographic question.The choice,in theyears around 500, betweenthe Academy Roadand the Old AcademyRoad for the site of the demosion sema carries implicationsfor our understanding ofthe relationship between the young democracyand its aristocratic past. For Binder, the "glory road for grave monuments"was the most logical place for the cemetery, but did the demos reallywant to placeits new polyandria among these splendid relics of the recentpast?

67. Lygkouri-Tolias1985, p. 32. currentlybeing studied by A. Mazara- sherdswere recovered only in road- 68.Alexandril967,p.U4. kisAinian; see nowMazarakis Ainian surfacingmaterial. 69. Karagiorga-Stathakopoulou and Livieratou2010. (A secondpaper, 75. The dearthof pre-Classical 1979,p. 20. byMazarakis Ainian and A. Alexan- remainsfrom the Academy Road 70. Karagiorga-Stathakopoulou dridou,will be publishedin thepro- cannotbe attributedto thedestruc- 1978,pp. 24-25. ceedingsof the conference "The 'Dark tionof graves during the initial sur- 71. Karagiorga-Stathakopoulou Ages'Revisited," Volos, June 14-17, facingof the road in theLate Archaic 1979,p. 20. 2007.) to EarlyClassical period. The first 72. Txmlos,Athens, pp. 42-51; 73. Schilardi(1968, pp. 39, 51) no- surface,which is roughlycontempo- Lygkouri-Tolias1987. Threatte (2007, ticedthat the Geometric graves near raneouswith the establishment of the pp.23-39) succinctlysummarizes many theLeokoriou Gate werewealthier and demosionsema, was laid directlyover ofthe finds from the area. See also Fra- thefinds more important than those thesoft bedrock. This surfacewas zer 1913,vol. 2, pp. 387-390;Judeich fromthe Kerameikos. extremelywide, and wouldhave filled 1931,pp. 412-414; Ritchie1984, 74. Cf. thetable in Parlama1990- cuttingsfor any structures or graves pp. 686-711,895-896; Mazarakis 1991,p. 244,which provides a chrono- thatit obliterated,effectively sealing Ainian1997, pp. 140-143.For early logicaland typologicalbreakdown for theevidence of pre-Classical activity. archaeologicalwork, see Kourouniotis excavationsby the Third Ephoreia from Excavationof the road at manypoints, 1930,1933; Aristophron 1933; Kera- 1960 to 1990. 1 countthe Kerameikos however,has revealedno trenchesor mopoullos1933; Stavropoullos1955, excavationzone as a singlesite. I do pitsin thebedrock below the first 1956,1958, 1959, 1960a, 1960b, 1961, notcount sites where only a casualty roadsurface. 1962,1963; Murray 2006. The siteis listwas foundor where pre-Classical

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Archaeological Evidence for the Location of the Cemetery

The mapsin Figures 2-4 plotthe locations where material has been found thatis eithercertainly or possibly related to activityin thedemosion sema> orthat is otherwiserelevant for establishing the cemetery s boundaries.76 Locationsare identified with abbreviations suggesting the nature of the finds: Pol (polyandria),CL (casualtylists), H (hippiematerial), AK (theshrine of ArtemisAriste and Kalliste), Epi (thegardens of Epikouros), and Pits (a sitewith 10 trenchesor pits in the road). Since findspots are often vaguely recorded,some locations must remain approximate; the abbreviations for theseare underlined on the maps. A fewsites discussed below do notappear onthe maps at all because their location cannot be determined.In Figures 2 and3, excavationsinwhich ancient roads have been found are marked by greenrectangles indicating the orientation of the roads.77 The coursesof theseancient roads are reconstructed in Figure 4. Thoseof the Academy Road andthe wagon road to itswest, both intensively explored over the years,are more secure than those of the Leokoriou Roads. Inscribedcasualty lists, organized by tribe,were erected above the gravesof the war dead.78 Although none has beenfound in situ,not all weretransported great distances. Five casualty lists once stood on a large inscribedbase (IGV 1163d-f)at Leokoriou and Dipylon Streets (CL I).79 Thebase, found in 1929 in secondary use within the Valerian Wall, has been connectedwith battles at Koroneia,Delion, and Sicily.80 Nearby, at Agion Asomaton22 andDipylou 12-14 (CL 2), excavationshave uncovered a casualtylist built into the Valerian Wall (SEG LU 60).81A listof the dead fromthe Corinthian War with a relief(IG IF 5221;Fig. 5) wasfound in 1907by Valerios Stais, on the property ofa Mr.Zervas at Vasileos Irakleiou (sincerenamed Kalogirou Samouil) and Psaromiligkou Streets (CL 3).82

76. The courseof the city wall in lists:IGV 503/504,1142(?), 1163d-f, rigoti-Drakotou2000, p. 87, n. 2, thesemaps is basedon excavationre- 1167,1170(?), 1173, 1179, 1181 (caval- p. 111). On theexcavation, see also portsand Theocharaki 2007 (see also ry).See furtherBradeen 1964; 1969; EYnnO2 (1998),p. 75; 3 (1999), p. 84; Theocharaki,forthcoming); that of the AgoraXVII, pp. 3-34; Bradeenand Touchais2000, p. 765; Costaki2006, Academyperibolos is basedon excava- Lewis 1979; Dow 1983,p. 98; Pritchett pp. 450-451,no. V. 11; Theocharaki tionreports, the discussion by Travlos 1985,pp. 139-140; Lewis 2000-2003; 2007,pp. 176-178,no. X2.3. (Athens,pp. 42-43, 50, 300,318, with Steinhauer2004-2009; Spyropoulos 82. Bruckner1910, p. 219; Wenz figs.62, 417), and thelayout of modern 2009. 1913,pp. 58-61; Hölscher1973, roads.The boundariesof Hippios Kolo- 79. Kyparissis1927-1928, pp. 56- pp. 102-108; Clairmont1983, pp. 209- nos followthe contours of the modern 58; Schilardi1968, p. 36; Tsirigoti- 212; Kaempf-Dimitriadou1986; Bugh park,although it was surelylarger in Drakotou2000, p. 104,cf. pp. 92-93; 1988,pp. 136-140; Lawton1992, antiquity.For a morecomplete map of Theocharaki2007, p. 181,no. X2.5. p. 249; Kaltsas2002, p. 159,no. 313. all sitesexcavated in thevicinity of the 80. Koroneia:Kyparissis and Peek Nearthe same intersection, at Kalo- demosionsema and a descriptionof the 1932; Peek 1933; 1934; Bowra1938; girouSamouil and Psaromiligkou5-7, finds,see Arrineton 2010 (pp. 126-239). Bradeen1964, pp. 25-29; Clairmont a groupof possibly related remains were 77.The ancientroads have been 1983,pp. 159-164; Schachter1986, excavatedin 1900 byD. Filios;see Del- mappedusing information in excava- p. 5, n. 3. Delion: Mattingly[1963] brueck1900, pp. 308-310; Schilardi tionreports and Costala2006. 1996,pp. 92-93. Sicily:Papagianno- 1968,pp. 41-42. The remainsincluded 78. Atheniancasualty lists: IG P poulos-Palaios1939, pp. 101-102; a rectangularplatform, possibly for a 1144-1148(?),1150-1153, 1155(?), Tsirigoti-Drakotou2000, pp. 104- tumulus,as wellas Geometricvessels, 1156(?),1157, 1158, 1162-1163a-c, 109. See theIG P entryfor additional Classicalgraves, and a mudbrickstruc- 1166,1168, 1169, 1171, 1172, 1175- bibliography. tureof unknown form and function. 1177,1180, 1183-1193¿*>,/GIF 5221, 81. Tsirigoti-Drakotou2000; Papa- Foundwith the last was a lead sheet 5222 (cavalry);S£GXLVIII 83,XLIX zarkadas2009, p. 76. Onlyone stelehas inscribedin theDoric dialectand dated 370 (on whichsee also LI 425, LIII beenpublished, but other fragments to the4th century. 354,LV 413), LII 60. Bases forthe seemto havebeen found with it (Tsi-

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Figure2. Modern streetmap of thedemosion sema and environs,with excavations and discoveriesrelated to thepublic cemeterymarked in red (Pol = polyandria;CL = casualtylists; H = hippiematerial; AK = sitesrelated to theshrine of ArtemisAriste and Kalliste;Epi = sitesrelated to thegardens of Epikouros;Pits = sitewith 10 trenchesor pitsin the road). Underlinedlabels indicateapproximate locations. Green rectanglesmark sites where ancient road segmentshave been found.N. T. Arrington

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Figure3. Detail of Figure2, showing Furtherwest, close to the Dipylon Gate and withinthe Kerameikos the southernpart of thedemosion theTomb ofthe Lakedaimonians (Pol 1) can be iden- archaeologicalpark, semaand environs.See Figure2 for tifiedon thebasis of and This was literary epigraphictestimony.83 certainly key.N. T. Arrington partof the demosion sema. A long,narrow monument, constructed in several phases,it housed24 Lakedaimonianswho fellfighting on the side of the ThirtyTyrants in 403.84An inscriptionfound nearby(IG IP 11678), once builtinto the structureand facingthe AcademyRoad, securesthe identification.85Arrowheads were found in someof the skeletons, including thelast one to be buried.The dead werecarefully treated, bound in fabric with theirheads restingon stones.There were no signs of disrespect or abuse. The bodies are obviouslywar casualties,and theylie in close proximityto manyother sites with links to themilitary cemetery. Foreigners werenot out ofplace in thedemosion sema: Pausanias (1.29.6-8) mentions

83. Forbibliography, see n. 7, above. thetomb proper. Kienlin (2003, thatthe inscription was too longto 84. Cf.Xen. Hell.2.4.33. Scholars pp. 114-118,121-122) believesthe belongto themonument. He errsin assigndifferent parts of the monument multiplephases indicate that not all assumingthat the heading had to be to theactual Lakedaimonian tomb of ofthe dead were associated with the writtenin one orderedline: compare 403. 1 followthe division of Stroszeck eventrecorded by Xenophon. theheading of an Argivecasualty list (2006),which is largelybased on the 85. A lambdaand alphaare pre- (IG P 1149),which curves down the mannerin whichthe soldiers were servedfrom the (restored) heading rightside of the monument. More- buried:see pp. 102-103 and fig.1, Aaiceôaiuóvioi,beneath which are the over,he assumesthat anathyrosis on wherethe structures associated with namesThibrakos and Chairon,iden- theright side of the stone belongs to burials1-9 and 15 arethe earliest, tifiedas polemarchsand knownfrom itsuse in theLakedaimonian tomb, 10-14 and 16 arelater, and 17-24 are Xenophon'saccount. Kienlin (2003, althoughtwo cuttings for stelai on the thelast. Others (e.g., Willemsen 1977) pp. 116-118,121) agreeswith the undersideof the inscription indicate an consideronly 14 burialsto belongto identificationofthe tomb, but argues earlieror laterperiod of use as well.

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Figure4. Map of thedemosion sema and environswith the courses of ancientroads reconstructed. N. T. Arrington

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Figure5. Reliefcrowning a list ofAthenian casualties at Corinth and Koroneia,394/3 b.c. (CL 3). Athens,National Archaeological Museum 2744. PhotoE. Babnik,courtesy NationalArchaeological Museum, Athens polyandriafor Thessalians, Cretans, Kleonians, and Argives.One might objectthat the other foreigners on thislist did notdie while fighting against Athenians,but the entombedLakedaimonians were also allies of at least some Atheniancitizens. Nor does a commentin the funeraloration of Lysias,frequently adduced in discussionsof this tomb, exclude it fromthe publiccemetery, as somehave argued.86 In a speechover those who died in theCorinthian War, the orator refers to theTomb ofthe Lakedaimonians as "close... to thismonument" (eyyuç . . . xoîôe tox>uvriuorcoç, Lys. 2.63). Here uvfjuccdoes notrefer to thedemosion sema as a wholebut to thetomb of the dead whosevirtues the oratorextols.87 Thus, when Lysiassays that thetombs of the Lakedaimonians are near the mnema, he does notexclude themfrom the demosionsema, of which they are in facta part.We should be wary,however, of drawingtoo manyconclusions about the appearance ofthe cemetery from a singlepolyandrion. The orientationof the Tomb of theLakedaimonians and themonument at thethird horos has encouraged scholarsto envisagethe cemeteryas a seriesof tombsstrictly bordering theroad; the discoveredon SalaminosStreet (Pol 4, rectangularpolyandria 86. E.g., Ritchie1984, pp. 772-773, discussedbelow) revealthat this was not alwaysthe case. 777. Also indicativeof stateburials, but on the basis of ceramicevidence 87.Todd (2007,p. 199) translatesit ratherthan structuralremains, are "a significantgroup of tombs"found as "monument."On onlyone other occasion does use the close to the Dipylon Gate in 1900 (Pol 2), of whichwe knowlittle apart (32.21) Lysias worduvfjua, and theretoo it refersto fromthe factthat the funeralofferings included a miniatureAthenian an individual (and a one), ofthe second of the5th more two grave private kylix quarter centuryand, significantly, notto a cemetery. mid-5th-centuryBoiotian kantharoi.88 To myknowledge, no otherBoiotian 88. Schilardi1980; Stichel1998, objectshave been foundin thearea northwest of Athens, and it is probable pp. 150-151 (map),154.

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thatthese kantharoi belonged to a stategrave for foreigners.89 Perhaps they dateto the period between 457 and447, when the Athenians, following the victoryat Oinophyta,held sway in Boiotiauntil their defeat at Koroneia (Thuc.1.108.2-3, 113.2-4). Pausanias(1.29.2) mentionsa shrineof Artemis Ariste and Kalliste alonghis routeto theAcademy, shortly before he describesthe burials in the demosionsema. This shrinewas locatednear the intersectionof Agisilaouand Plataion Streets (AK 1,2). In 1922excavations by Alexander Philadelpheusat 11 Plataion(AK2) revealeda wallof large, well- worked porosstones forming an angle,possibly part of thesanctuary enclosure, togetherwith two bases dedicated to Kalliste,dated on letterforms to the4th or 3rdcentury (IG IP 4665,4668); a votiverelief of a goddess holdinga torch,òf similar date (IG IP 4666);a 3rd-centurymarble relief dedicatedto Kalliste(IG IP 4667); and threeother votive reliefs with representationsoffemale anatomy.90 Earlier excavations conducted in 1896 at a siteca. 200 m northwestof the Dipylon gate (AK 1) had exposeda pavedsurface, llm wide,as wellas an inscription(reused as a draincover) mentioningArtemis Ariste and Kalliste and dated to 235/4 (/GIP 788).91 The evidencefrom these two excavations shows that the shrine must have beenin theimmediate vicinity. The factthat Pausanias is silentabout polyandriaup to thispoint in hisroute, however, need not indicate that thepublic graves began only after the shrine. He mayhave taken a cross- streetfrom the Old AcademyRoad to theshrine, or his silencemay be attributableto thefact that the graves close to thecity walls had been coveredup in the4th century.92 A shortdistance further north, an inscription with an anthemion relief listingthe cavalry casualties from battles at Corinth and Koroneia in 394/3 (/GIP 5222)was discovered ca. 1870at theLevendis tile kiln, located on Plataion,perhaps near Kerameikou (CL 4).93In thesame area, a 5th-century casualtylist (SEG LI 52) andan early-4th-century reliefof a horsemanriding overhis opponent were found at Kerameikou 93 andPlataion (CL 5).94Also

89. Potsdo notequal people,but the n. 1; Forsén1996, p. 58, nos.5.1, 5.2, raphy.On theinscription and therelief, uniquenature of the find and theattes- and p. 136; Mikalson1998, pp. 148- see Wenz 1913,pp. 61-66; Tod 1948, tationof foreigners elsewhere in the 149;Tsirigoti-Drakotou2006, p. 291. pp. 18-20, no. 104; Clairmont1983, cemeterystrongly suggest that these 91. Kawadias 1896,pp. 20-22; AM pp. 212-214; Bugh 1988,pp. 136-140; vesselswere associated with a Boiotian 21 (1896), p. 463; Philadelpheus1927, Lawton1992, p. 242; APMA2, p. 67, grave.Apart from the Tomb of the pp. 161-162;Judeich 1931, p. 412; no. 77; Németh1994; Kaltsas2002, Lakedaimoniansand stelaifor proxenoi, Travlos,Athens, pp. 301-302; Mikalson p. 158,no. 312; Rhodesand Osborne theonly other indication of the pres- 1998,pp. 148-149;Tsirigoti-Drakotou 2003,pp. 40-43, no. 7A; Hildebrandt enceof foreigners in thearea is an in- 2006,p. 291; Costaki2006, pp. 490- 2006,pp. 96-98. scribedlead sheetin theDoric dialect 491, no.VI. 12.The sitewas located 94. On thesite, see Karagiorga- foundnear CL 3 (see n. 82, above).For betweenPlataion and S alaminos Stathakopoulou1979, pp. 22-23; Boiotianpottery found under the floors Streets,probably on Peiraios.Costaki Costaki2006, p. 484, no. V1.3.Mat- ofmodern buildings near the Agora, (2006,pp. 490-491,no. VI.12) identi- thaiou(2003, p. 199) reportshaving see Ure 1962;Papadopoulos 2003, fiesit as theentire east side of the block. seenthe casualty list in thestoreroom pp.234-235. 92. On thecovering of the graves, ofthe ephoreia. It mayhave been re- 90. On thesite and thefinds, see see n. 9, above. usedin one ofthe Roman and Late Frazer1913, vol. 2, p. 379; Philadel- 93. On thefindspot, which remains Romangraves or theLate Roman pheus1927, pp. 157-163;Judeich 1931, approximate,see Matthaiou2003, buildingmentioned in theexcavation p. 412;Travlos,Athens, pp. 301-302; p. 198; also Stichel1998, pp. 150-151 report.For the relief, see Kaempf- Papachatzis1974-1981, vol. 1, p. 385, (withmap), 157, with further bibliog- Dimitriadou1986.

This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:17:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 5l6 NATHAN T. ARRINGTON fromPlataion Street, but with no cross-streetrecorded, cornes a complete casualtylist from the fighting in theChersonese in 447 (IG F 1162).95 Nearthe findspots of these lists, at Kerameikouand Plataion Streets (Pits),10 regularpits (L. 1.10-1.35,W. 0.35-0.65,D. 0.80-1.05m) were founddug into the Academy Road.96 The pitsformed a rough semicircle of threeirregular rows near the western edge of the road. Clairmont suggested thatthey originally held larnakes containing the ashes of fallen soldiers, withbases for stelai bearing casualty lists set above them.97 The positions ofthe pits present a challenge to Clairmonts interpretation, however, for thehaphazard placement of thegraves and theaccompanying stelai on theroad itself would have created more of a nuisance(especially for the relayrunners who competed on the road) than an impressive and respectful memorial.98Moreover, some of the inscribedlists would have been crowdedand concealedby others, making them difficult to read.There wereno tracesof ash or wood within the cuttings.99 The chronology,too, is problematicfor Clairmont s interpretation. The pitsappear to havecut throughfour of the five ancient surfaces of the Academy Road andwere inturn cut by a Hellenisticdrain. Although the published report does not providedates for the road surfaces, a comparison with the dated surfaces furthernorth at Plataion54 and Zografousuggests that the digging of thepits took place in theHellenistic period.100 If so, the pits themselves, and anymonuments they might have been associatedwith, would not havebeen visible for long, because of their destruction by the Hellenistic drain.Perhaps, rather than being receptacles for larnakes, the pits served somefunction related to theraces held along the road. They may have supporteda stand for spectators or judges. Alternatively, they may have beenassociated with other activities of the ephebes who gathered at the Marathoncenotaph. In anyevent, in lightof their location and unusual nature,itseems likely that the pits were in some way connected with events thattook place in thedemosion sema. Betweenthe Academy and Old AcademyRoads, at Agisilaouand ThermopylonStreets, excavations for a drain(Pol 3a) anda nearbyhouse plot(Pol 3b) haveproduced other relevant material.101 Although the area was subjectto considerablereuse and thepublished report is cursory,it seemsthat at leastone and possibly two polyandria were located here. In thedrain excavation (Pol 3a) a wallof isodomic masonry, preserved two courseshigh and with an excavatedlength of 1.50 m,was found built on a floorof marbleslabs. The constructionappears similar to thatof the better-preservedpolyandria on SalaminosStreet (Pol 4, discussedbelow).

95. On thefindspot, see Matthaiou Meiggsand Lewis 1988,pp. 125-128, 97. Clairmont1981; 1983,pp. 41- 2003,p. 198.The firstedition of IG I no. 48; Pritchett1998, pp. 27-29. 42, 265, n. 60, fig.6, location3, fig.8. (Suppl.,pp. 108-109,no. 446a) reports 96. Alexandri1967, pp. 86-88; Cos- 98. On therelay races, see p. 526, thatit was foundat an uncertainloca- taki2006, pp. 484-485,no. VIA These below. tionand was in thepossession of the pitsare different from the holes found 99. H. A. Thompsonap. Clair- ArchaeologicalService; IG I3says only in frontof the Dipylon Gate, on every mont1983, p. 265, n. 60. thatthe findspot is uncertain.See fur- roadsurface except the lowest, which 100. Karagiorga-Stathakopoulou therAPMA 1, p. 67, no. 326;Tod 1933, varyin shapeand width from ca. 0.30 1978,pp. 21-22; Costaki2006, pp. 100-102,no. 48; Peek 1955,p. 8, to nearly2 m (see Ohly 1965,figs. 15- pp. 534-535,no. VIIL19. no. 18; Clairmont1983, pp. 165-169; 17). 101. Alexandri1968a, p. 33.

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Investigationof the house plot frontingthe drain excavationslightly furtherto the north(Pol 3b) revealedfunerary activity from the Late Classical and Roman periods,so thestructure need notbe associatedwith a post-Classicalhouse or laterindustrial use. The excavatorsdate it to the Late Classical period.The excavationof the house plot (Pol 3b) also revealeda cuttingor trenchin the bedrock;although the reportprovides fewdetails, this too is reminiscentof thecuttings made forthe polyandria on Salaminos Street.Within the trenchwas foundan inscribedmarble steledated to the 4th century;fragments of an inscribedfunerary column of similardate were found nearby. The absenceof othermaterial that can be firmlyassociated with state burials, such as casualtylists, is presumably due to laterplundering of the sitefor construction material. Such activity wouldhave freed up thearea for five Late Romanburials also foundin the excavationof the house plot.102 An importantgroup of polyandriawas discoveredat Salaminos 35, east of the AcademyRoad (Pol 4). The site,excavated in 1997, has not yetreceived full publication, and whatfollows is an attemptto makesense of the fewpublished, and sometimescontradictory, statements about the excavation.103 The excavator,Charis Stoupa,has reportedthe remainsof fivesub- terraneanpolyandria set into cuttings in thebedrock (Fig. 6). The firsttwo aresituated along the eastern edge of the plot, oriented northwest-southeast and parallelto one another.Both are long,narrow structures, 0.90-1.10 m wide,carefully constructed with floors of poros slabs and walls of poros ashlarsin isodomicmasonry. The wallsoriginally consisted of two courses, witha totalheight of 1.10-1.25 m.The firstpolyandrion (excavated length 9.85 m) was foundstill partly covered with stoneslabs. Within were remainsof cross-walls and at leastthree male cremationburials. The second polyandrion(excavated length 10.30 m) was constructedat a level 0.20- 0.30 m lowerthan the first.Anathyrosis on the northernmostpreserved wall blocks revealsthat the structureonce extendedfurther northward. A shallowcutting covered with siltysoil beneaththe south side of the structurecontained funeral vessels and sherdsfrom the firstand second quartersof the 5th century.This cuttingpredates the constructionof the polyandrion.The coverslabs of the second polyandrion had collapsedand sealedin manycremated bones and sevenvessels dating to thethird quarter ofthe 5 th century.A thirdpolyandrion (excavated length 1.75 m) appears to be situatedto the northof and perpendicularto the first,extending eastwardinto the unexcavatedarea. Constructedin a similarmanner, it was on the insidewith lime and containedbones fromat least 102. On the ofthe plastered dismantling one skeleton, with ofa bronze West ofthe north demosionsema, see n. 18,above. together fragments kalpls. end ofthe second nearthe center of the tracesof a fourth 103. See Stoupa1997; Blackman polyandrion, lot, 1998,pp. 8-11; EYTinO1 (1997), polyandrion,oriented southwest- northeast, are said to be visible.The slab p. 68; Touchais1998, p. 722; Burk- pavementupon whichit restedis widerthan thatof the firstthree poly- halterand Philippa-Touchais2003, andria;either the fourthstructure was muchwider than the othersor it 709; see also Rose 2000,with p. did not extendacross the entirepavement. Beyond the western end of the http://www.archaeology.org/online/fourth a fifth westwardwith the same ori- features/athens;thephotographs posted polyandrion, begins,extending on thewebsite are particularly helpful entation(excavated length 3.10 m). Burntbones fromat least two adult forunderstanding the layout of the site. maleswere found inside.

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Figure6. Polyandriaexcavated at Northof the fifth and at a elevationis a polyandrion higher poroswall, Salaminos 35 (Pol 4). DrawingN. T. orientedsouthwest-northeast, parallel to thepolyandrion. The wall is three Arrington,after photograph in Stoupa1997, courses(1.70 m) wide and preservedone coursehigh. The preservedpor- pl. 27:a tionis only2.85 m in lengthand it extendsout ofthe excavation pit, but an ashlarfound 10.10 m to the northeast(not readilyvisible in thepublished photographsand so notindicated in Fig.6) maybelong to thesame wall. This wall probablyonce held thebases on whichthe casualty lists were erected. In the southwesternpart of theplot, at a higherelevation, a structure was foundthat predated the polyandria. It musthave been removedby the excavatorsand is no longervisible in the publishedphotographs, unless it is to be identifiedwith a groupof ashlarblocks in thesouthwest that do not appearto be fullyexposed.104 The structure(max. p.L. 4.60, W. 0.48, H. 2.15 m) consistedof two walls of rough stone slabs or mudbrick (reports differon theconstruction material), with traces of a third. Stoupa suggests 104.The rectangular,two-room thatthis structurewas also a which she dates on ceramic polyandrion, structurecutting the fourth polyandrion groundsto the firstquarter of the 5th century,contemporary with some and prominentin thephotographs is ofthe material from the cutting beneath the second polyandrion described presumablyRoman or later. 105. A ofthis circular en- above.A cylindricalash urnwas foundin the structure,set into a stone portion closureseems to be visiblenear the slab in a in the bedrock.The tombwas surrounded a circular cutting by lower (northwest)corner of fora tumulus.105 excavationin thenorthwestern right-hand enclosure,possibly Finally, theaerial photograph accompanying area of the plot also revealedfour isolated graves dating from the second theexcavation report (Stoupa 1997, halfof the 6th to the early4th century. pl. 27:a).

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Withinthe same modern block in which the Salaminos polyandria were discovered,atPlataion 30-32 (CL 6),part of the inscription from the Mara- thoncenotaph (IG F 503/504Lapis C) was foundbuilt into the eastern retainingwall of the road.106 The sameblock also produced, at Sfaktirias23 (CL 7), a fragmentary4th-century inscription: [ ] lôoç'E^Aótôi nácr'i vacatocínÇovteç (SEG XXVIII 240).This is probablythe heading of, or a commemorativebase for, a casualtylist or other war-related monument.107 Most of thearchaeological evidence for the public cemetery comes fromsites to the south of an ancientcross-street that roughly followed the courseof modern Sfaktirias Street. There is, however, evidence further tothe norththat is alsouseful for locating the cemetery, even if not all of it is ofa publicfunerary nature. When Cicero walked with his friend Atticus from theDipylon Gate to the Academy, they passed by the gardens of Epikouros (Cic. Fin. 5.1.3).The siteof the gardens appears to havebeen found by StefanosKoumanoudis in 1871,at an unspecified spot on ZografouStreet (Epi 1). Fewdetails are recorded about this 19th-century excavation, which tookplace very close to theAcademy Road, but we knowthat a Roman courtyardand stoa-like building were discovered.108 Not faraway, in sep- arateexcavations (Epi 2,3), were found several statues of philosophers dat- ingto the2nd century A.D., two of which Dontas identified as copiesof a well-knownEpikouros type.109 Although four of the statues were built intoa LateRoman wall, their good state of preservation indicates that they wereoriginally displayed in a coveredsetting, such as a stoa.Moreover, theirlarge size suggests that they were not transported particularly far for use as buildingmaterial. Dontas reasonably concluded that the structure foundby Koumanoudis at Epi 1 waspart of the gardens of Epikouros, an identificationthat helps to determinethe route taken by Cicero, and in turnprovides more evidence for the location of the demosion sema. Muchfurther to thenorth, a stone-pavedsurface excavated at Plato- nos85 andMylon Street (Pol 5), on the western edge of the Academy Road, mayonce have belonged to a polyandrion.110Thepavement, which recalls theflooring of the polyandria on SalaminosStreet (Pol 4), wason theeast sideof the plot and continued up to the southeast corner of Platonos Street. Theexcavated length (11.50 m) is close to the length of the Salaminos structures.The pavementwas laid on a naturalsilty surface containing Classical sherds,at a depthof 2 m belowthe modern street level.111 The reportalso notesthe use at thesite of a modernkiln or furnace, which disturbed the ancientremains. It is possiblethat it burned marble and limestone, which wouldhave been available in abundancein an areawith public graves.

106.Matthaiou 2003, p. 198. On perich1977, p. 213 and,in notesvolume, p. 64. Fourothers were found at Mara- thesite, see Alexandri1973-1974a, pp. 119-120; Peek 1980,pp. 69-70, thonos61 (Epi 3), excavatedby Alex- pp. 91-92; Clairmont1983, pp. 39, no. 80; Clairmont1983, pp. 41, 215. andriin 1968; see Alexandri1969a, 106-111,fig. 6, location80; Costaki 108.The excavationwas firstre- pp. 56, 59-60; 1969b;Garland 1982, 2006,p. 544,no. VIII.31. On thein- portedby Koumanoudis in Prakt1872, p. 152,no. El; Clairmont1983, p. 40, scription,see Matthaiou1988; Meiggs pp. 6-7; Dontas (1971,p. 22) connects fig.7, location69. and Lewis 1988,pp. 54-57, no.26; itwith the gardens of Epikouros. See 110. Lygkouri-Tolias1994b. Hansen1999; Tracy 2000-2003; Mat- also Plin.Z/iV19.51. 111.The connectionbetween the thaiou2000-2003; Steinhauer 2009, 109. Dontas 1971,pp. 18-19. One pavementand a wall oflimestone p. 123. Forthe significance of this statuewas foundat Achilleos52-54 blocksfound below it is notclear from monument,see do. 505-506. above. (Epi 2), excavatedby I. Threpsiadisin thebrief published report. 107.Alexandri 1968a, p. 95; Stup- 1963; see Krystalliand Kaloudi1964,

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At thevery end of his descriptionof the stateburials, shortly before reachingthe Academy,Pausanias (1.29.15) mentionsthe tomb of the oratorLykourgos, son of Lykophron,of the deme Boutadai.The position of the passage in Pausaniass account stronglysuggests that this was a publicburial. His familyplot was discoveredin 1979,when excavationat Vasilikon56 and Kratylou(within the same excavationplot as Pol 6) revealeda rectangularpyre (2.40 x 1.20 m) containingburned wood, some bones,and some 5th-centurysherds. In the fillabove the pyrewere two marblekalpides, an inscribedlekythos, and twoinscribed stelai that secure theidentification of the area with the family plot.112 A poroswall facedthe road,with a funerarybase attachedto it,angled toward travelers coming fromthe Academy. The structuredates to thelate 4th-early 3rd century.113 In additionto the privatefamily burials in the plot,individuals from severalgenerations were buried at publicexpense. A decreeof 307/6,pre- servedamong the livesof theAttic orators falsely attributed to Plutarch, callsfor an honorificstatue of Lykourgos, the public display of his decrees, and an allowanceat thePrytaneion for his eldestson, Lykophron, honors justifiedin part by the fact that that "the ancestors of Lykourgos, Lykomedes and Lykourgos,were honored by the demos when living,and when they died the demos gave themburials at public expensein the Kerameikos becauseof their bravery."114 The sameauthor notes (842e) thatsome of the descendantsof Lykourgoswere also buried"at public expense" (ôîiuoaioc), and thatthe graves survived to his day.It appears,then, that members of at least fourgenerations of the familywere honoredwith public burials (individually,not in polyandria),and thatthe familyplot was foundpre- ciselywhere Pausanias saw Lykourgoss publicgrave, close to theentrance to theAcademy.115

112. On thesite, see Karagiorga- betweenthe orator s tomband other attributedto Plutarch{Xorat 852a; Stathakopoulou1979, pp. 18-20 publicmonuments, and thestrong cf.843e). (wherethe address is mistakenlygiven probabilitythat a polyandrionwas 115. It is possiblethat pseudo- as Vasilikonand Kratylou56); Vasilo- locatednearby (see below),it seems Plutarchwas mistakenin assigning to the poulou1987; Catling 1988, p. 9; Sie- mostreasonable to acceptLykourgos s so manypublic burials family wert1999, p. 1; Costala2006, pp. 557- familyplot as a partof the demosion ofLykourgos, but if so, it wouldonly 558,no. X.4. Forthe inscriptions, see sema,since that was thespace that was strengthenthe case thatthe family in thedemosion especiallyMatthaiou 1987 (= SEG deemedmost appropriate for public burialplot was located XXXVII 160-162).Siewert (1999, p. 1) burials,and theone thatreceived the sema,because the mistake would have maintainsthat the public burial men- majorityof them. beeneasier if the graves in question tionedby Pausanias was locatednot 113. Also associatedwith the family weresituated among other public herebut nearby; see thediscussion in plotare four amphora burials, two burials.The presenceof private graves Matthaiou1987, pp. 41-42, on whether marblesarcophagi, two terracotta cists amongpublic ones presents no problem or notthere were two grave sites for forchildren, a tile-coveredgrave, and here,since many other private burials in thearea Lykourgos.Stupperich (1977, p. 25, a poroscist. The excavatordates all havebeen found bordering bur- n. 4) accountsfor the private graves by 11 gravesto thesecond half of the theAcademy Road. Becausesingle can be either speculatingthat Lykourgos's descen- 5thcentury, although in mostcases ials,unlike polyandria, can be dantsinherited the public burial plot. no gravegoods are described. publicor private,private graves Of course,not all publicburials were 114. Kai oí rcpoyovoioí AvKoúpyoi), distinguishedarchaeologically only locatedin thedemosion sema. However, A')Kouf|ôr|çxe Kai AvKovpyoç,Kai whenthe deceased is a childor a fe- whomreceived in lightof the proximity of the tomb Çôvxeçéxiucòvxo imo xo'> ôr|uo') Kai male,neither of public ofsuch burials ofLykourgos to thoseof the Tyranni- xeXe')XT|aaoivaúxoíç ÒY àvÔpayaoíav burial.Examples private thedemo- cidesand Ephialtes(as indicatedby ëôcoKEvó ôíiuoç ôriuoGÍaç xacpàç év withinthe space occupied by a Classicallarnax thesequence of Pausanias's account), KepaueiKcp.The decreeis preserved sionsema include (and thelack of any distinction in thetext amongthe lives of the Attic orators thusa childs burial)at Kerameikouand

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Figure7. Fragmentof thebase of a listof Athenian casualties at Potei- Acrossfrom the burial plot of Lykourgosand foundduring the same daia, 432 b.c. (IGV 1179a). London, excavation,on theeastern side of the Academy Road (whichnarrowed here BritishMuseum 1816.6-10.348. in itsfinal approach to theAcademy), two parallel walls were found, oriented Photo©Trustees of the British Museum northwest-southeastand constructedof poros stoneslaid on a hard red layercovering the bedrock (Pol6).116The walls, with an excavatedlength of 2.50 m,stood 1.10 m apart.The northeasternwall was preservedto a height of 1.90 m (two courses);most of it layunder modern Kratylou Street. The southwesternwall, facingthe ancientroad, was preservedto a heightof 2.40 m (threecourses). The excavatordated the walls to thelate 4th or early 3rdcentury and interpretedthem as theremains of two separate periboloi. There would have been littleneed to build two periboloiso close to each other,however, and thepublished report and illustrationdo notreveal the presenceof any fillingmaterial between them, which would have been necessaryif they were in factthe two faces of a single,thicker wall. The struc- tureinstead resembles the rectangular polyandria found at S alaminosStreet (Pol 4). Fromsomewhere in thearea of the Academy itself, Lord Elginremoved an inscribedbase thatonce held a casualtylist of theAthenian dead who foughtat Poteidaiain 432 (IG F 1179a; Fig. 7).117An epigramon thebase securesthe identification,but the precisefindspot is unknown,so it has notbeen plottedon Figures2-4. Finally,southeast of Hippios Kolonos and at a considerabledistance fromthe sites discussed above, on a trafficisland in DiligianniTheodorou Streetnear Palaiologou Konstantinou (CL 8), just eastof the Larissa train station,a casualtylist for cavalry was foundin 1995, probablyin reuseas 118 a coverfor a marblesarcophagus (SiJGXLVIII 83).

PlataionStreets (Pits) (Alexandri1967, 38; Stupperich1984, p. 641; Matthaiou 118. Parlama1992-1998, p. 536; p. 88), and thegraves of women (iden- 1987,p. 42, n. 15; Meyer1993, p. 116. Touchais1998, p. 726; Parlama2000; tifiedby grave offerings) at Siatistisand 116. Karagiorga-Stathakopoulou Moreno2007, pp. 100-101,n. 114; Monastiriou(Alexandri 1972, pp. 127- 1979,p. 18. Matthaiou2009, pp. 203-204; Papa- 130) and at Pythodorou29 and Plato- 117. London,British Museum zarkadas2009, pp. 69-70, 76-77. nos20 (Lygkouri-Tolias1989, p. 24). 1816.6-10.348.See Tod 1933,pp. 127- I thankLiana Parlamafor kindly pro- The privategraves are discussed in 128,no. 59; Stupperich1978, pp. 92- vidingdetailed information on the greaterdetail in Arrington2010, pp. 40- 93; Clairmont1983, pp. 174-175; findspot. 41; see also Clairmont1983, pp. 3-4, Lewis 2000-2003,pp. 10-11.

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The Public Cemetery and the Academy Road

Althoughthe publishedmaterial from these rescue excavations is scanty, it is neverthelesspossible to drawsome conclusionsabout the location of the demosionsema. The public cemeteryof the Atheniansfollowed the AcademyRoad fromthe Tomb ofthe Lakedaimonians in theKerameikos archaeologicalpark to the entranceof the Academy.It did not extend farto thewest, probably because of the presenceof the wagon road that closelyparalleled the Academy Road on thatside, but it appearsthat it did spreadeastward, in viewof the findspotsof likelypolyandria at Pol 2 and Pol 3a and b. The centeror heartof thecemetery lay in the area bounded on the northby SfaktiriasStreet (which followsthe line of an ancient cross-street)119and on theeast by Thermopylon and Agion Asomaton;on thewest it extendedslightly beyond the western edge of Plataion Street, whilethe southernboundary ran fromthe Tomb of the Lakedaimonians approximatelyto the cornerof Dipylou and Agion AsomatonStreets.120 Forseveral decades the southern border of the cemetery probably lay along theline of modern Peiraios Street, where the temple of Artemis Ariste and Kallistewould have been a fittingboundary marker. In thisearliest phase, the monumentswould have clusteredaround the Marathon cenotaph, nearCL 6. At the otherend of the road,near the Academy,graves must haveclustered around the tomb of the Tyrannicides. As moreburials were added,the cemeteryexpanded. (The casualtylist found near the Larissa trainstation [CL 8] is a strikingexception to an otherwiseregular pattern, to whichI returnbelow.) The AcademyRoad had a profoundimpact upon theappearance and meaningof the demosion sema. Although not all publicgraves were situated alongthe road itself, many were, and thecemetery was intimatelyconnected withthe road, both topographically and conceptually.The AcademyRoad has been excavatedat over40 locations.121The remarkablewidth of the - - road a littleover 40 m at one point dwarfsthat of all otherAthenian roads, inside or outside the city walls.122The nearest parallel is the PanathenaicWay, the intramural continuation of the Academy Road, with a widthof 29 m in theHellenistic period.123 The averagecity street within thewalls was 3.50-4.50 m wide.124The AcademyRoad is unusuallydeep as well: in manylocations the successiveroad surfaceshave a cumulative depthof over a meter,and in someover 2 meters,indicating an exceptional amountof use, as well as care forits functionalityand appearance.125It

119.Traces of this street were found closerto theend thanthe beginning of logicalpark has thewhole width of the in an excavationat Germanikouand hisdescription. Our travelermay have roadcertainly been excavated within a Thermopylon42 (Costala 2006,p. 537, wandered,but surely by the time he singleplot, although a widthof 40 m no.VIII.22). describedthe base forSicily he was was foundin an excavationfor a drain 120.The findspotsof the casualty notstill near the city walls. Clearly, on PylouStreet (Costaki 2006, pp. 570- listsand base at CL 1, CL 2, and CL 3 CL 1 was movedfor the construction 571,no.X.26). appearto be situatedalong the Old ofthe Valerian Wall. 123. Costaki2006, p. 88. AcademyRoad, but all werefound in 121. Costala 2006,pp. 455-459. 124. Costaki2006, p. 87. secondaryuse. Moreover, Pausanias 122. A horosoutside the JJipylon 125. E.g., at Plataion4 and Agisi- mentionsthe polyandria from the three Gate is 40.65 m froma secondbase laou,17 layersof surfaces and repairs, battlesscholars have associated with (probablyfor another horos) still in situ 1.98 m deep (Costaki2006, pp. 489- base CL 1: Sicily,Delion, and Koroneia on theopposite side of the road. At no 490, no. VI.ll); at Plataion,Granikou, (Paus. 1.29.11,13, and 14). All appear pointoutside the Kerameikos archaeo- and Salaminos,7 layers,2.30 deep

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seemsclear that the Academy Road was built to receiveand convey huge crowds,in spiteof the fact that it did notlead to an urbancenter such as Piraeus,Acharnai, or Eleusis. The annualraces from the Academy through theDipylon Gate, while an importantaspect of the road's use, can only partlyexplain its unusual dimensions. Although the runners continued into thecity, the road narrowed after passing through the Dipylon Gate, and in theLate Classicalor EarlyHellenistic period the width of the road in frontof the gate was halved as well. In spiteof these constrictions, however, theraces continued to be held,and ancient parallels suggest that a width of10 m wouldhave been more than enough for 10 runners.126 The contrastbetween the Old Academyand AcademyRoads em- phasizesthe remarkable character of the latter. The width of the Old Acad- emyRoad is ca. 5-6 m,with a minimumof 3 m at Kerameikouand MyllerouStreets and a maximumof over 11 m at Lenorman84.127 This is widerthan the average road within the walls, but still not particularly impressive.Moreover, excavations have revealed no sectionof the road that is morethan a meterthick, in sharp contrast to the heavy use and repeated resurfacingsattested for the Academy Road. In fact,there are signs that, by theHellenistic period, the Old AcademyRoad may have been neglected. At Lenorman84, the west retaining wall of the road collapsed, together with partof the road itself. It wasrepaired in the 1st century at thelatest, when a newroad surface was laid overthe destroyed section.128 At Lenorman and Konstantinoupoleosthe road was destroyedin the2nd centuryand appearsnot to havebeen repaired or reused.129Since repairs were made in one spotbut not another,families or privategroups may have been responsiblefor the maintenance ofindividual sections of the Old Academy Road,rather than public officials, who wouldhave had an eyeon the preservationand upkeep of the whole. Horoi alongthe Academy Road, on the otherhand, show that it was notjust a normalroad but had an official,public function. Most of theselarge, carefully crafted markers are inscribed with the words OPOI KEPAMEIKOYand dated to thesecond half of the 4th century.130 These werenot the earliest horoi, however. An earlierexample, found in situin thenorthwest corner of the Agora, is inscribedHOPOI KEPAMEIKOand datedon the basis of letter forms to ca. 400.131 The lowestcourse of the east wallof the Tomb of the Lakedaimonians is built over the base of a horos, whichmust therefore be earlierthan 403 (andearlier than the horos that currentlystands upon it).132 A horosbase found near the northwest tower ofthe Dipylon Gate should date to ca. 478,the period of the construction

(Costaki2006, p. 486, no.VI.6); at 127.Costaki 2006, p. 546,no. VIII.34, no. H31; Siewert1999, pp. 5-7; Stro- Paramythiasand Plataion52, 10 layers, p. 574, no.XI. 1. szeck2003, pp. 55-67; Costaki2006, 1.50 m deep (Costaki2006, pp. 535- 128. Costaki2006, p. 574, no.XI. 1. pp. 97-99. 536,no. VIII.20). 129. Zachariadou,Kyriakou, and 131. AgoraI 5770. See Ritchie 126.The lanesin ancientstadia Baziotopoulou1985, esp. p. 46; Costaki 1984,pp. 199-203,761-762, 766, werebetween 0.88 and 0.92 m wide 2006,pp. 521-524,nos. VIII.2-4. TA 41; AgoraXIX, p. 28, no. H30; (Miller2004, p. 37); thosein modern 130. KerameikosI 238-240; AgoraI Stroszeck2003, p. 55. It was found tracksare 1.25 m.The racesalong the 6835; /GIP 2617-2619; SEGXIl 143, nearAdrianou and Thiseiou Streets AcademyRoad arediscussed below, XLI 122. See Ritchie1984, pp. 199- (Costaki2006, pp. 476-477,no. V.34). p. 526; on reductionin thewidth of the 232, 204-220,226-229, 756-766,TA 132. See Ohly 1965,fig. 15. road,see n. 9. 42-44, 46; AgoraXIX, pp. 11-13,28,

This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:17:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 524 NATHAN T. ARRINGTON of thegate, judging from its place in the foundationsand its relationship to the surroundingstreet levels.133 Finally, the dimensionsof a horos base southwestof the Dipylon Gate differfrom those of the otherbases, suggestingthat it too belongsto an earlierseries. Since the word Ó5óç does notappear in anyof theinscriptions, these horoi are not simpleroad markers.Whatever the specific meaning of theword "Kerameikos" in this context,the stonesclearly delimit civic space, laying public claim to the areaand preventingintrusive building.134 The spacewas certainlyinviting. When theinjunction of thehoroi had lostits force and theimportance of thestreet as a displayfor monumental graves began to fade,the surfaces of thewide, open boulevard became the ideal settingfor private cemeteries.135 The AcademyRoad was an open, public space that challengesthe meaningof thevery word "road." It facilitatedthe transportationof large groupsof citizensto thegraves outside the cityand was broadenough to accommodatethe publicperformance of certainrituals and ceremonies, suchas the funeraloration. The wagon road thatparalleled the Academy Road to the westprovided an alternativeroute for those who wantedor neededto bypasssuch activities. The AcademyRoad s daringopenness was an invitationto walkand explorethe landscape, and manyancient authors attestto the factthat strolling through the area was a popularactivity.136 The unusualfeatures of the road would suggest,even withoutthe other archaeologicalevidence collected above, that the public cemetery lay nearby.

A CULTURAL WEB

The site chosenfor the demosionsema was not an obviousone. This was not a highlyvisible or well-traveledarea. The floodingof the Eridanos Riverand industrialactivity in frontof the Dipylon Gate meantthat the cemeteryhad to be situatedca. 200 m fromthe city walls. This extramural locationcontrasts with the morecentral placement of the dead in other cities,such as Megara and Sparta.The Megariansbuilt their bouleuterion nearthe graves of theirancient war dead in responseto instructionsfrom 137 theDelphic oracleto takecounsel with the majority (Paus. 1.43.3). The Spartansburied some of theirdead nearthe city center and distinguished

133.Stroszeck2003,p.55. levelspace an invitationto occupation, awayfrom the crowds. He distinguishes 134. Forthe maintenance of city withan abundanceof good building betweenthe inner and outerKeramei- roadsby public officials, see Aeschin. materialto be foundin thenearby kos,although other authors sometimes 3.25 andthe Schol. ad loc.(on óôorcoioí); funeralmonuments, but the width of use theterm "Kerameikos" for the area Dem. 3.29,13.30; A tb. Pol. 54.1-2; theroad provided easy access for carts ofthe Classical Agora. On thedistinc- Costaki2006, pp. 178-187.For the and equipment.Most rescueexcava- tionbetween the inner and outerKera- term"Kerameikos," see n. 13,above. tionshave followed the road itself very meikos,see Papadopoulos2003, p. 276; 135. Late Romanto EarlyByzan- closely;see mapsin Arrington2010, Ruggeri2005. tinegraves have been found on the pp. 224-225. 1 suspectthat they would 137.A Megariancasualty list of streetat, e.g., Plataion 30-32 (Alexan- be muchmore fruitful ifthey focused ca. 425-400 was broughtto thelocal dri1973-1974a, pp. 91-92). The di- on thearea slightly further to theeast. museumaround 1950 froma houseat mensionsof the road explain in part 136. E.g., Cic. Fin. 5.1-5; Lucian, thecorner of Matrozou and K. Schina whyso muchmaterial, such as the Iupp. trag.15; Philostr. VS 2.151%. Streets,near the center of the city = casualtylists, was removedfrom the Proklos {In PiatonisParmenidem 127c) (Kritzas1989 SEG XXXIX 411; vicinity.Not onlywas theclear and describesthe Kerameikos as a place Low 2003,pp. 101-103).

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warcasualties, and possibly also women who died in labor, with inscriptions (Plut.Lye. 27.1-3; Mor. 238d).138 Note also Pausanias s description (3.14.1) ofthe cenotaphs of Brasidas, Leónidas, and Pausanias,not far from the theater.In thesetwo cities the war dead were thus placed at thecenter of communallife.139 The Atheniancasualties, by contrast, could be moreeasily forgotten. The AcademyRoad itself was not a majorthoroughfare that would provide thedead with the desired living audience. Although it led to demesites andimportant sanctuaries, itdid not serve any major urban center.140 The manyvisitors who came from the harbor at Piraeusand enteredthe city via theDipylon Gate would not have passed through the original site of thedemosion sema. A locationalong the well-trodden roads from the city to theharbor would have been a moreobvious choice, and indeedsome ofthose who died fighting the Amazons were buried by the Piraeus Gate (Plut.Tòes. 27.3). Why, then, did thedemos choose the Academy Road as thesite for the public cemetery? One importantreason was theabsence of funerary activity in thevi- cinityof the Academy Road prior to the establishment ofthe cemetery. As thearchaeological evidence discussed above shows, the area was relatively freeof earlier graves, and thus presented the Athenians with a cleanslate on whichthey could write their new history and traditions.141 Topographically, itturned away from the locus of aristocratic funeral display, while embracing thetombs of the Tyrannicides and Kleisthenes.142 Anotherreason for the choice was the religious and civic significance ofthe Academy Road, which predated the establishment ofthe cemetery. At one end of theroad, in theAcademy itself, the Athenians honored Hekademos,a hero who helped the Dioskouroi find Helen when Theseus stoleher from Sparta (Plut. Tòes.32.3; Hsch.,s.v. Amoraux). In the Academyprecinct were altars dedicated to Eros,Prometheus, the Muses,

138. Bruléand Piolot(2004) argue militarygravestones were found in the inventionof traditions by Hobsbawm thatthe notion that Spartan women cityproper, however, and othersmay (1983); of memoryand identityby werehonored with inscriptions in the originallyhave stood there, too. More- Gillis(1994, esp. p. 8); and ofmemory Classicalperiod is basedon an insecure over,the standardization of the stones and socialbelonging by Cubiti (2007, textualemendation in Plut.Lyc. 27.3, suggestspublic rather than private pp. 132-140). wherethe manuscript reading yuvoukÒç agency.Spartan polyandria (for which 142. Aroundthe same time as the Tcoviepcoç [or iepcòv] ajcooavovxcov see Low 2006,pp. 93-101) were establishmentof the cemetery, and was emendedby K. Latteto yuvociKÒç locatedoutside the city. perhapsas a resultof legislation, private Xexoxx;arcoOavovxcov. Many scholars 140.The SacredWay led overthe gravesbecame much more humble, acceptthe emendation (see, e.g., Lo- Aigaleosrange to Eleusisthrough the stylisticallybreaking with the past: raux1981). Survivinginscriptions for pass at Daphni,while a roadfrom the Cic. Leg.2.26.64-65. On thelaw, see womenwho diedin childbirth(IG V.I LeokoriouGate rantoward a pass Clairmont1970, pp. 11-12; Stupperich 713,714, 1128,1277) areall Hellenistic furthernorth, in thefoothills between 1977,pp. 71-86; Clairmont1983, or later. Aigaleosand Parnés.The Academy pp. 249-250, n. 13; Morris1992-1993, 139. Low (2006,pp. 86-91) argues Road,however, ended at theAcademy. pp. 38-44; Humphreys1993, pp. 88- thatthe style (uniform and plain)and The demeKerameis was certainly 89; Morris1994, pp. 76, 89, n. 43; distributionof Spartangravestones locatedin thevicinity of the road, and Stears2000, pp. 42-54; Hildebrandt (whichshe interprets as memorialsand probablyalso Boutadai;Lakiadai and 2006,pp. 77-84. Giudice(2002) argues notgrave markers per se) pointto a Eiresdaiwere further away. Oion Kera- thatthe aristocratic imagery on several decentralizedprocess of commemora- meikonhas notyet been located. See white-groundlekythoi reacts against tiondriven by individuals and families Der NeuePau/y, s.v. Attika, p. 237. thedemocratic sumptuary legislation. ratherthan the state. Eight of the 17 141. Comparethe discussion of the

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143 Athena,and Herakles,and a sacredolive tree (Paus. 1.30.1-2). On the occasionsof the Panathenaia,Hephaisteia, Prometheia, and Epitaphia, relayrunners carried torches from the altarsof Eros or Prometheusin the Academyto theAcropolis or thealtar of Hephaistos in thecity, emulating the war dead in theirquest forarete (Paus. 1.30.2; Schol. Ar. Ran. 131; Polemonap. Harp.,s.v. À,ocu7t(xç).144The Epitaphia were an additionto the patriosnomos for the burialof the war dead, and the Prometheia,about whichwe have littleinformation, may also postdatethe beginningsof thedemosion sema.145 The factthat the torchraces were supervised by the ArchonBasileus (Ath. Pol. 57.1), however,suggests a pre-Kleisthenicorigin forsome of them.146 The racesassociated with the Hephaisteia may predate the cemetery:Herodotos (8.98.2) notesthe existenceamong the Greeks of a torchrace in honorof thegod, and an Athenianinscription of 421/0 (IGV 82) documentsa reorganizationof the festival.147The Panathenaia beganin the mid-6thcentury and presumablyalready included the torch race,which began at the Peisistratidaltar of Eros (Paus. 1.30.1). Two sanctuariesin thevicinity of theAcademy Road mustalso have contributedto thechoice of this site for the public cemetery: that of Artemis Aristeand Kallisteand thatof Dionysos Eleuthereus(Paus. 1.29.2). The latteralmost certainly predated the cemetery, and theformer probably did as well. The shrineof Artemis Ariste and Kallistewas locatednear Agisilaou and Plataion(AK 1, 2).148A base dedicatedto Kalliste(IG IP 4665) and a reliefof thegoddess (IG IP 4666), bothdated on thebasis of letterforms and styleto the4th or 3rdcentury, provide the earliest epigraphic evidence forthe shrine,while a dedicationby the priestAntibios (SEG XVIII 87) datesto 249/8or shortlythereafter, and an honorarydecree for the priest Antidoros(IG IP 788) is datedby archon year to 235/4.149Yet Hellenistic inscriptionsreveal that Athenians rather than foreignerswere involved withthe shrine,150 so it was nota latecult imported from abroad. Pausanias

143. One altarhas beenfound, at 525; cf.Charlier et al. 2009). Rausch to thegoddess, see p. 515, above.Kou- Eteokleous9 and Platonos:Karagiorga- (1997,esp. p. 245) also arguesfor a manoudissuggested that an inscrip- Stathakopoulou1978, p. 23. 5th-centurydate. Humphreys (2004, tionfound near the Dipylon Gate and 144. See Frazer1913, vol. 2, p. 90, n. 33, p. 168,n. 93) seemsto dedicatedto Artemiswithout epithets pp. 391-393;Parker 1996, p. 254, n. 17; favora laterdate, and Jacoby (1944, also belongsto theshrine (IG IP 4689; 2005,pp. 183,472, 479. p. 65) believesthat the Epitaphia re- Koumanoudis1872, p. 395; 1873, 145. On theEpitaphia, see Jacoby placedthe Genesia in the2nd cen- p. 135; APMA1, p. 63, no.296). See 1944,pp. 63-65; Humphreys1985, tury.On thePrometheia, see Deubner alsoTsirigoti-Drakotou 2006 foran p. 227, n. 33; Pritchett1985, pp. 106- 1932,pp. 211-212; Parker2005, inscriptionfound during work on 124; Rausch1997, pp. 187-189,243- p. 479. theKerameikos metro station, which 245; Parker1996, p. 136,n. 54; Prit- 146. Rausch1997, pp. 179-180. mentionsa goddessidentified only as chett1998, pp. 29-37; Parker2005, 147. See Deubner1932, pp. 212- otyaOrj.It is muchmore likely that the pp.469-470. Ephebicinscriptions tes- 213; Davies 1967,p. 35; Parker2005, priestesshonored in thisdecree served tifyto theEpitaphia and theassociated pp. 471-472. Mattingly(1997, pp. 353- AgatheTyche, who had a shrinenear torchraces during the 2nd century 354) arguesthat the festival was estab- thelong walls (IG IP 1035,line 48), (IG IP 1006,1030). Deubner (1932, lishedin 421/0by Hyperbolos. thanArtemis Ariste and Kalliste,as pp.230-231) pushesthe celebration 148. See above,p. 515 and nn.90, Tsirigoti-Drakotousuggests. backto the5th century on thebasis of 91. Parker(2005, p. 57) callsthe loca- 150. Mikalson1998, p. 149 (in con- representationson lekythoi. The letter tionof the shrine near the demosion trastto thoseinvolved with the deity formsof possible prize vessels have semaa coincidence. recordedin IG IP 1297,1298). beendated as earlyas 480 (IG F 523- 149. Forother inscriptions related

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(1.29.2)designates the cult statues xoanay a termthat he usesfrequently, albeitnot exclusively, for pre-Classical statues.151 Moreover, he attributes theepithets Ariste and Kalliste to the poet Pamphos, who predates Homer (8.35.8,8.37.9). Originallythis goddess was associated not with warfare, but with preg- nancyand childbearing. (She was not Artemis Agrotera, as we mighthave expectedif themilitary cemetery had predatedthe shrine.) Hellenistic anatomicalvotives discovered nearby point to theseaspects of the cult.152 It seems,then, that the shrine of Artemis predated the establishment of thepublic cemetery, which was located not near the cult site of an explicitly militarydeity, but rather one who was intimately linked to the survival and continuityofthe polis.153 The smalltemple (votòç où ueyotç,Paus. 1.29.2) of Dionysos Eleuthe- reusplayed an importantrole in the annualpreparations for the City Dionysia.Before the festival, the statue of the god was carriedfrom his templein thecity to thisextramural sanctuary, then conveyed back into thecity (/GIP 1006,1008, 101 1).154 The festivaldates to thePeisistratid periodand the sanctuary of Dionysos Eleuthereus is probablyeven older. Accordingto tradition,a certain Pegasos of Eleutheraibrought the cult statueto theAthenians. When theyfailed to welcomeit warmly,the genitalsof the Athenian men were afflicted with a painfuldisease, and an oracleinstructed them to honorthe god with phalloi made at publicand privateexpense (Schol. hi. Ach.243). The eventis notprecisely dated, but Pausanias(1.2.5) relegatesPegasos to thedistant past, prior to thefoun- dationof the City Dionysia.155 As a veneratedobject appropriated from Boiotia, the statue of Diony- sosEleuthereus throws some of the defining characteristics ofthe cemetery intorelief: namely, the celebration of conquest and the inclusion of non- Atheniansamong the burials in thedemosion sema. However, the role of thesanctuary in establishingthe Academy Road as a suitablesite for the publiccemetery derived more from the fact that it was thestarting point of theprocession in whichthe statue was carriedto thetheater, where

151. Bennett1917, pp. 15-16; Don- 153. On therelationship between 154. Pickard-Cambridge1968, ohue 1988,pp. 145-147 {contraBen- warfareand childbirth,cf. Medea's pp. 59-61; Parker2005, p. 318. The nett);Pritchett 1998, pp. 204-294, espe- claimthat she would rather go to war exactlocation of the extramural temple ciallythe conclusions on pp.293-294. thricethan give birth once (Eur.Med. remainsunknown: Frazer 1913, vol. 2, 152.Athens, National Archaeolog- 247-250). Once thedemosion sema was pp. 379-380;Judeich 1931, p. 412; icalMuseum 5199, 5200; IG IP 4667; establishedand thenumber of graves Trwios,Athens, pp. 301-302; Papa- Forsén1996, pp. 135-136;Parker 2005, increased,the cult of Artemis began to chatzis1974-1981, vol. 1, p. 385, n. 2; p. 412.The goddesswas notentirely accrueincreasingly chthonic meanings, Sourvinou-Inwood1994; 2003,p. 69. disassociatedfrom death, however, as and thegoddess on theAcademy Road ContraSourvinou-Inwood, it couldnot therewas alwaysthe risk that an un- sooncame to be knownas Artemis havebeen in theAcademy proper. healthypregnancy would end in the Hekateas well.A glossby Hesychios 155. Pickard-Cambridge1968, demiseof the mother or infant.The (s.v.KaAAicTTi), that some call Kalliste pp. 57-58; Sourvinou-Inwood1994, onlyother appearance of Artemis Kal- ArtemisHekate, testifies to themulti- pp. 270, 273-275; Parker1996, pp. 75y listein Pausaniasis a shrineabove the ple coexistentunderstandings of the 93-95. Koumanoudisidentified a rep- tombof a certainKallisto in Arkadia, goddess(es)worshipped at theshrine. resentationof Dionysos on a base northof Megalopolis, and theperiegete The goddessin thisguise was already foundin theKerameikos as Dionysos notesthat the epithet Kalliste was orig- knownto Aeschylus,who has thecho- Eleuthereus(IG IP 4789; Koumanoudis inallyArkadian (Paus. 8.35.8;Papa- rusin Supp.676-677 invokeArtemis 1872,p. 403; 1873,p. 135; APMA1, chatzis1974-1981, vol. 4, p. 325, n. 5). Hekatefor help in childbirth. p. 64, no. 304).

This content downloaded from 71.168.218.10 on Tue, 18 Mar 2014 10:17:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 528 NATHAN T. ARRINGTON peoplegathered to celebratea distinctlyAthenian festival.156 It is significant that,at leastduring the Hellenistic period, the cult statue was transported fromthe militarycemetery to the theaterby the ephebes,young men in militarytraining. Other militaryaspects were added to the festivalafter theestablishment of the cemetery: the strategoi made thepre-performance libationsand in 468 werenamed the judges of the dramaticcompetition; alliesbrought their tribute onto the stage; and war orphans who had comeof agewere presented to thecitizens in thetheater.157 Some ofthese additions, I would argue,only make sense if the extramuraltemple was situatedin the demosionsema. The templeemphasized the communalaspects of the AcademyRoad, and the cemeteryin turninfluenced the ritualaspects of thefestival. The AcademyRoad linkedthe cemeteryto the Agora,the adminis- trativeand politicalheart of the city.158 The religiousand civicassociations ofthe road, and theirimportance for the city s identity,became particularly manifestduring the Panathenaia.The procession,with its pronounced militaryaspect, assembled in theKerameikos near the state graves, visually and thematicallyconnecting the living with the dead,the citycenter with itscitizen army and allies.159 Althoughnearly every public spot in theAttic landscape had itscivic and religioususes, the monuments and activitiesset aroundthe Academy Road created a particularlystrong nexus of political and communal associations.These featuresof the topography, combined with the absence ofpre-Classical funerary remains, made the Academy Road and itsvicinity an ideal choice forthe site of the demosionsema. In this space,with the tombsof theTyrannicides and Kleisthenesat hand,the demos gathered to watch torchraces organizedby tribe,worship a deityconnected to fertilityand childbirth,and celebratethe distinctly Athenian festival of the City Dionysia.The cemeterywas enmeshedin a thickcultural web that emphasizedthe unityof the polis and the continuityand survivalof the livingcommunity rather than the loss of its individualdead. At the same time,the civicand religiousactivity that took place along and aroundthe roadmitigated the psychological force of death by emphasizing ideals and valuesthat transcended the moment of death:ancient religion, traditional practicesand cults,and local history.160Visitors to the graveswere not confrontedby the dead alone.By gatheringrepeatedly as a communityfor celebrationsin thevery space where they buried their dead, the Athenians provedthe endurance and continuity of the polis, their gods, and themselves.

156. Goldhill1987; Wilson 2009. mostlyby graves and potteryworkshops 159. See Shear2001, esp. pp. 128- 157. Plut.Cim. 8.7-9; Schol.Ar. (Papadopoulos2003, pp. 272-297). 129.The martialaspects would have Ach.504, citing Eupolis; Isoc. 8.82; Papadopoulosdates this event as late beenparticularly emphatic following Aeschin.3.154. as 480. T. L. ShearJr. (1993, pp. 418- theAthenian victory over the Chalki- 158.1 owe thispoint to J. L. Shear; 424; 1994,esp. pp. 231-239) placesthe diansand Boiotiansin 506 (pp. 531- on thepolitics of Athenian civic space, constructionof the Old Bouleuterion 532). see furtherShear 2007. Aroundthe and theStoa Basileiosnear the turn 160. In herstudy of funeral orations, timeof the establishment of thedemo- ofthe century, prior to thePersian de- Loraux(2006, esp. pp. 26-28, 42, 58) sionsema, the Classical Agora also struction.Miller (1995, p. 224, n. 4) is rightlystresses the civic aspects of the seemsto havebeen created in an area notconvinced that any public buildings speeches,their emphasis on community, thathad previouslybeen occupied predatethe sack. andtheir forward-looking character.

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THE POLITICAL AND CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE LEOKORIOU ROADS

In establishingthe demosionsema near the Academy Road, the demos de- fineda new funeraryspace. The choicewas motivatedin partby the road's web of culturalassociations, but it also drew a deliberatecontrast with the districtimmediately to the east, along the Leokoriou Roads, where aristocraticvalues were celebrated. The LeokoriouRoads had a noble,elite history, frequently expressed throughassociation with horsesand horsemanship.These roads were a particularlyappropriate place forsuch aristocraticrhetoric because they werephysically and conceptuallylinked to thehallowed ground of Hippios Kolonos, where,together with the hero-knightKolonos, Poseidon and Athenawere worshipped in theirguise as horsedeities (Soph. OC 54-61, 887-889,1070-1073; Eur. Phoen. 1707; Paus. 1.30.4;cf. Ar. Eg. 551-553).161 The connectionbetween horses and politicaland economicpower appears frequentlyin ancientsources (e.g., Hdt. 3.86-88.3; Thuc. 6.12; Isoc. 16.33; Arist.Pol. 4.1289b33-38) and is well knownto modernscholarship.162 In democraticAthens, horse owners were often subject to suspicion,and some- timeseven to persecution.Megakles, son of Hippokrates,ostracized in 487/6and again ca. 471, was lambastedon two ostrakafor being a "horse breeder"(Í7uuoTpó(poç),163 and on a thirdsomeone scratched the image of a man ridinga horse.164During the coup of 411, manyof the cavalryseem to havesided with the oligarchy, accompanying Theramenes when he tried to rescuethe oligarch Alexikles from the democratic hoplites at Eëtioneia 165 (Thuc. 8.92.6). Glenn Bugh suggeststhat, in responseto thesehippie outrages,the restoreddemocracy may have curtailedsome of the rights of the knights.166Under the Thirty Tyrants the knightsjoined rankswith the3,000 at Phyle(Xen. Hell. 2.4.2), foughtthe democratsat Mounychia (2.4.10), helpedthe Ten keeporder in thecity (2.4.24), and unitedwith the 167 Lakedaimoniansin thebattle in Piraeus(2.4.31). When thedemocracy was restoredon thisoccasion, it severelyreduced the number and privileges of the cavalry.168

161.Also attestedare hero shrines 164. Siewert2002, p. 143,T 1/158, howthe cavalry may have shaped its ofPrometheus, Peirithoös, Theseus, p. 524, fig.3. self-imagein the4th century, see Low andAdrastos (Soph. OC 55-56; Paus. 165. Hignett1952, p. 272; Siewert 2002. 1.30.4).Here toowas thetomb of 1979,pp. 286-287; Bugh 1988, pp. 114- 168. Membersof the Thirty may Oedipus,whose arrival in Athensand 118. havebeen involved in cultactivities on deathare described by Sophocles in 166. Bugh 1988,p. 118. Hippios Kolonosbefore they seized theOedipus Coloneus. On thetopogra- 167. On thequestion of whether the power.A manwith the unusual name phyof the area, see Jebb 1900, pp. xxx- knightswere among the 3,000 or had a XoupéXeoçKikdwcuç, later a member xxxiv;Svoronos 1903, pp. 387-405; separate"special status," see Bugh 1988, ofthe Thirty, appears as a neokorosin Judeich1931, pp. 45, 414; Schilardi pp. 123-124. Forthe cavalry under the an inscriptionrecording the transfer 1968;Kirsten 1973. Thirtyand theirtreatment during the of a cultfrom Hippios Kolonosto 162. Spence1993, pp. 180-224; restoration,see Bugh 1988,pp. 120- theAcropolis in 413/2because of the Camp 1998,pp. 10-13; Low 2002; 143; Spence1993, pp. 180-224; Né- threatposed by the Spartan occupation Griffith2006, pp. 308-322. meth1994, p. 99. Formore general ofDekeleia (IG I3 405; Woodward 163. Brenne1994, p. 16,figs. 11-13; treatmentsof the period, see Krentz 1963,pp. 156-163; SEGX 220; Siewert2002, pp. 112-114, T 1/101- 1982;Wolpert 2002, esp. pp. 3-71, with Thompson1971). 102,cf. 103-104. furtherbibliography. For a discussionof

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It appearsthat the demos was nevercompletely comfortable with the cavalry.Yet just to the east of the publiccemetery, the Leokoriou Roads werein all periodsthe principal (although not exclusive) setting for displays of power and prestigeinvolving references to horses.The graveswere splendid,and equineimagery was especiallypronounced on funeraryvases fromthe Geometricperiod onward,including Geometric lids, Archaic horseamphoras, and black-figurelekythoi, to namejust a fewof the more commonexamples.169 Even if thesevases were visible only at the timeof burial,they belonged to a culturallanguage that expressed wealth, splendor, and power.The casualtylist found near the Larissa railroad station (CL 8), which at firstglance appears to be an anomalyin the distributionof such lists,probably shared in this discourse.Although it was foundin a secondarycontext, the factthat it was largelyintact (lacking only the crowninganthemion) and reusedfor a privateburial suggests that it was not transportedfar. The list recordsthe name of cavalrycasualties and is toppedwith a friezeportraying horsemen. It is not a normalcasualty list,for it mayhave been erectedby cavalrymembers rather than by the demos.170It seemslikely that it neverstood in the demosionsema proper. Two moreburials near the Leokoriou Roads also deservemention for theirhippie associations. At Madytou 11 (H 1) nearHippios Kolonos,in the Late Classical period,a man was buriedin a marblecist with an iron swordon his chest,a bronzepetasos helmet at his feet,an ironstrigil, and two alabastra.Helmets of thistype are usuallyworn by cavalry. The grave also containedseveral bronze discs and otherobjects that may have been ornamentsfor a horseor rider.171Athenian Classical burialswith armor are extremelyrare; indeed, I knowof no otherinhumation in the entire area northwestof Athens that containedweapons or armor,with the exceptionof the arrowheads in theTomb of the Lakedaimonians.Finally,

169. Excavationsrich in suchmate- mentionedby Thucydides. Badián 2000,p. 399). Althoughthe second list rialinclude those at Kriezi23-24 (ap. Moreno2007, pp. 100-101,n. 114) lacksa geographicrubric, an accom- (Alexandri1967, pp. 92-96,especially believesthat a secondconflict at Spar- panyingepigram refers to thewalls grave13); Psaromiligkou4 (Alexandri tolosis alludedto in thetreaty of 421 ofAlkathoös, the Megarian king who 1972,pp. 142-144);Peiraios and Kalo- thatestablished the Peace ofNikias builtthe city's fortifications; this indi- girouSamouil (Schilardi 1968, p. 41); (Thuc. 5.18.5). Papazarkadas(2009, catesthat at leastsome of the casual- and Peiraios57 (Alexandri1968a, pp. 69-70) remarksthat either the ca- tiesfell in a battleat Megara.Mat- pp. 79, 82-84). Cf. Camp 1998, sualtylist is "anoddity" or, more likely, thaiou(2009, pp. 203-204),however, pp. 10-17. thetwo battles were fought in thesame drawsattention to Isae. 5.42,where 170.The inscriptionconsists of year.Pritchett (1998, pp. 27-29) em- thespeaker claims that his grandfather, twolists, possibly inscribed at differ- phasizesthe fact that there were more MenexenosDikaiogenous, died as enttimes, of which the first records battlesin thePeloponnesian War than phylarchat Spartolos;noting that the thehorsemen who diedat Tanagra thoserecorded by Thucydides. Accord- samename appears in thesecond list and Spartolos.The fightingat Tanagra ingto theexcavator, a second list of here,he arguesthat at leastfour of the couldbe a referenceto thebattle of casualtiesin Ionic scriptwas added casualtiesbelong to a conflictat Spar- 426,or to thatoí 424/3at Delion. to thestone over a decadelater, above tolosinstead. Thucydides(2.79.2-7) describesonly thefirst, in thespace that would orig- 171.The ornamentsincluded four one battleat Spartolos,a skirmishin inallyhave been occupied by a painted bronzediscs, one largerbronze disc, 429/8in whichthe Athenians were tainia.As theexcavator notes, the slop- threesmall bronze wheels, four bronze defeatedand cavalrylosses in particular piercutting of the second list indicates cube-shapedobjects, and one bonewith arenoted; the list, however, probably thatthe stonecutter had to workon a twoholes. On theburial and thegrave refersinstead to a battlecontempora- verticalsurface, and thatthe stele was goods,see Alexandri1972, pp. 68, 70; neouswith that at Tanagra but not thereforealready in place(Parlama 1973.

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Figure8. Hellenisticfunerary stelewith horse and groom(H 2). Athens,National Archaeological Museum 4464. PhotoE. Babnik,courtesy NationalArchaeological Museum, Athens

a well-knownfunerary relief of a horseand an Africangroom, now in the NationalArchaeological Museum in Athens(Fig. 8), was also setup near Hippios Kolonos in the 3rd or 2nd century.172It was foundin 1948 at Adrianoupoleosand VoreiouIpeirou Streets (H 2), reusedin a Late Roman or EarlyChristian grave.173 Cuttings on thesides of the relief indicate that itbelonged to a largermonument, which probably commemorated a knight, or perhapseven a horse.174 The literarytestimonia and the archaeologicalevidence make it clear thatthe Leokoriou Roads wererife with aristocratic associations. By juxta- posingthe public cemetery with this area, the democracy created a striking contrastbetween the old and new values that servedto underscorethe distinctivecharacter of thenew democraticideology. The oligarchsof 411 recognizedthe topographicsemantics of the districtnorthwest of the citywhen theyconvened a meetingof theAssembly on Hippios Kolonos ratherthan on the Pnyx(Thuc. 8.67). Some scholarshave suggestedthat, sincethe hilllay outside the citywalls and a Spartanforce was occupying

172. Athens,National Archaeolog- statuebase"), but the significance of the ical Museum4464: Ridgway1990, hippieimagery remains regardless of pp. 350-351; Stewart1990, p. 221, thespecific purpose of the monument. fig.787. The identificationof therelief 173. Schilardi1968, p. 49; as funeraryis not entirely certain (Ridg- Schuchhardt1978, p. 75. wayconsiders it "comparable to a very 174. See Schuchhardt1978, p. 97, largegrave relief"; Stewart describes forthe suggestion that the monument it as "eithera votiverelief or partof a commemoratedthe horse itself.

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Dekeleia,only armed men would have come to the meeting.Under these circumstancesfew unarmed poor would have attended, and thosewho did mighthave been intimidatedby the armedconspirators.175 Others have proposedthat there was a historicalprecedent, or thatthe sanctuarysite added to the solemnityof the event.176Some or all of theseexplanations maybe true,but an understandingof the significanceof the site allows us to appreciatemore fully the orchestratedsymbolism of the moment.177 The Assemblywas removedfrom its normalmeeting place and brought to an arearich in ancienthistory and Athenianlore.178 The oligarchsused thissetting to appealto traditionalAthenian values and ideals (thepatrios politeia)that had been set aside when the demos chose to establishthe demosionsema along the Academy Road.179

CIVIC IDENTITY AND THE ATHENIAN PAST

Atheniansof thegeneration following the reforms of Kleisthenescontin- uallyfaced decisions about how to handletheir own past. The issuebecame particularlypressing when it involvedthe use of space, since the need fornew construction(monuments, burials, wells, roads) forcedthem to confrontthe physical remains that keep memoriesalive. There aresigns of continuitybetween the democracy and itsaristocratic past, as forexample in thetreatment of many sacred buildings, particularly those on theAcropolis; butthere was also destruction,like that of the funerary monuments reused in theconstruction of the Themistoklean Wall, and assertiveappropriation, as has been suggestedin the case of some aristocraticburials in the Kerameikos,where the South Hill tumulus,for example, was coveredand turnedinto a more commoncemetery, and gravespierced the tumulus behind the Tritopatreion.180Many scholarshave interpretedClassical funeraryritual and art,particularly that associated with state burials, as a processof adopting aristocratic tendencies.181 In somerespects, such as the frequentdesignation of the war dead as agathoi,the festival of the Epitaphia,

175. Ostwald1986, pp. 373-374; 179. Forthe political significance (Plut. Them.19.4). While it is generally Kagan1987, p. 147;Munn 2000, p. 140; ofthe setting, see Palmer1969, p. 41; agreedthat the Pnyx was remodeledat Wolpert2002, p. 36; Hornblower2008, Kirsten1973, p. 15; Siewert1979, theend ofthe 5th century, the question p. 949. Gomme,Andrewes, and Dover p. 287; Hornblower2008, pp. 949-950. remainswhether or notthe Thirty were (1981,p. 167) disputethis proposal, Hornblowerappears to thinkthat the responsiblefor the changes. Kourou- arguingthat the hill was notparticu- significancedepended on thepresence niotisand Thompson (1932, pp. 134- larlyfar from the city walls. amongthe oligarchs of cavalry in con- 136),Thompson (1982, pp. 139-140), 176. Gomme,Andrewes, and Dover siderablenumbers. I would argue in- Krentz(1982, pp. 62-63), and Strauss 1981,pp. 166-167. steadthat Hippios Kolonos retained its (2000,p. 266) acceptPlutarch's testi- 177.Andrewes (1992, p. 475, n. 17) aristocraticassociations regardless of mony,while Moysey (1981) makesthe observesthat "the location must have theidentity of the majority of the oli- case againstit. somespecial significance which eludes garchs.It is worthnoting that a similar 180. On thetombs in theKeramei- us." instanceof the political manipulation kos,see Knigge1991, p. 32. 178.In a similarfashion, the new ofspace is said to haveoccurred in 181. E.g., Morris1992-1993, p. 41; constitutionwas representedas a return 404/3,when the Thirty allegedly shifted Czech-Schneider 1994, p. 16; Stuppe- to Solon'scouncil of 400. On these thespeaker's platform on thePnyx to rich1994, p. 93; Whitley1994; Low attemptsto appealto olderconstitu- faceinland rather than toward the sea, 2003,pp. 99, 108; Loraux2006, tionalforms, see Wolpert 2002, p. 155, on thegrounds that farmers were more pp. 229-278. nn.18, 19. amenableto oligarchythan mariners

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andthe use oftumuli as gravemarkers, this is probablytrue. In selecting theAcademy Road and its environs for the demosion sema, however, and in makingthe road remarkably wide and open, the demos chose to create,in an areawith important religious and civic connotations, a new space that emphasizedthe contrast with the elite, individualistic, and divisive values celebratednearby in thevicinity of the Old AcademyRoad andHippios Kolonos.In manyways, the Old AcademyRoad, with its history of splendid burialsand its military connections, would have been the perfect spot for a publiccemetery. The newdemocracy, however, wanted something different. It createda spacein whichselect aristocratic funerary customs could be appropriatedsafely, yet close enough to theold spacethat those walking throughthe landscape were invited to appreciatethe contrast between the oldand new values. At thesame time, the rituals enacted and the dangers commemoratedwithin the cemetery, shared as theywere across political boundaries,helped the citizens to forgea collectiveidentity. This is the identityto whichKleokritos appealed following the battle in Piraeusin 404,when he askedthose who fought with the Thirty, "Why do youwant tokill us? You know we neverdid you any wrong, but have shared with you inthe most solemn rites and sacrifices and the most beautiful festivals, and wehave been your partners in dance and companions in class and comrades at arms,and we haverisked many dangers with you, on bothland and sea, 182 on behalfof our shared safety and freedom" (Xen. Hell. 2.4.20). The youngdemos created this space to minimizethe impact of indi- vidualdeaths and to celebratea new community. Indeed, community was thedefining aspect of the entire state funeral ceremony. Together the Athe- nians mourned,and remembered. The funeralorations told the 182. xi àrcoKxeívai gathered, ßouÄxaGe;tîjieîç crowdwho were, withtheir and yôtp')'ià<; kœkov¿lèv oùÔèv rccimoxe they beginning mythicalhistory enumerating éïïoif|oa|iev,^exeoxT|Ka|iev ôè ')(iîv Kal theirnoble characteristics. The dead,too, were a community:names united iepôv xœvaejivoxaxcov Kai övoicovKai on a list,without patronymics, organized according to the Kleisthenic èopTcovtcòv mAAíaxcov Kai GDyxopei)- tribalsystem, solely defined by their status as Atheniansand their service xai Kai a')|j.(poixr|TaiyeyevrineGa Kai to Athens.The demoscreated these two communities, the dead and the

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NathanT.Arrington Princeton University department of art and archaeology McCORMICK HALL PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY 08544 [email protected]

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