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{Replace with the Title of Your Dissertation} Assessing the Dream: The March on Washington, Selma, and American Collective Memory A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Meagan A. Manning IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS Catherine R. Squires, Giovanna Dell „Orto May 2011 © Meagan A. Manning 2011 Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank my committee members, Dr. Catherine R. Squires, Dr. Giovanna Dell „Orto, and Dr. David Pellow, for their continued dedication to the completion of this project. Each member added a great deal of their own expertise to this research, and it certainly would not be what it is today without their knowledge, guidance, and support. I would also like to thank the School of Journalism and Mass Communication at the University of Minnesota for allowing me the opportunity to pursue graduate studies in Communication. A big thank you to the graduate student community at the SJMC is also in order. Thanks also to my family and friends for the pep talks and their interest in my work. Finally, thank you to Wilco, Radiohead, and The Hold Steady for getting me through all of those long days and late nights. i Table of Contents List of Tables .................................................................................................................... iii List of Figures .................................................................................................................... iv Introduction ..........................................................................................................................1 Literature and Methods ........................................................................................................5 The March on Washington.................................................................................................45 The Selma to Montgomery March .....................................................................................98 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................140 Works Cited ....................................................................................................................144 ii List of Tables Table 1 ...............................................................................................................................56 Table 2 ...............................................................................................................................66 Table 3 .............................................................................................................................110 Table 4 .............................................................................................................................127 iii List of Figures Figure 1 ..............................................................................................................................68 Figure 2 ............................................................................................................................129 iv Introduction In the last two decades, it has become standard practice for the nation to commemorate civil rights and the corresponding events that helped encourage change in the racial fabric of American society during the 1950s and 1960s. Countless documentaries, museums, memorials, retrospectives, and films, the observance of a national Martin Luther King, Jr. holiday, and the establishment of ethnic studies departments have all contributed to the remembrance of civil rights evolving into an integral part of our national history. More recent events such as the election of Barack Obama have rekindled fervent debates over the meanings of race in American society and interpretations of America‟s racial past. As we attempt to re-envision the United States as a multicultural space, we also revise complex and often controversial histories. Houston Baker notes that these revisions and the memories they produce fall into one of two camps: nostalgic memory and critical memory. Nostalgic memory, argues Baker, “writes the revolution as a well-passed aberration” and “actively substitutes allegory for history.”1 In contrast, critical memory “is the cumulative, collective maintenance of a record that draws into relationship significant instants of time passed and the always uprooted homelessness of now.”2 Because journalists construct the first draft of history, they also work on the front lines of memory creation, contributing both nostalgic and critical memories to the public consciousness. As we move farther away in time from the civil rights era, mediated representations increasingly substitute for the voices directly involved in that particular 1 Houston Baker, “Critical Memory and the Black Public Sphere,” Public Culture 4 no. 1 (1994): 3. 2 Ibid. 1 historical moment during which notions of race in America were reconfigured. Largely through these mediated representations, public memories of the Civil Rights Movement have been codified to focus on individual people and events rather than structural factors. A focus on individuals presents a narrow, uni-dimensional view of the movement making it easier for movement meanings to be reinterpreted, recast, and remembered in subsequent decades. By producing “nostalgic memories,” media outlets perpetuate phenomena like color-blind racism, anti-affirmative action rhetoric, insistence on “cultures of poverty,” stereotypes such as the “welfare queen,” and pushes for multiculturalism and post-racialism. This seemingly abstract codification presents very concrete societal implications for people of all races and ethnicities, as memories can influence politicians, public policy, national discourses, and personal attitudes about race. While it is impossible to assess all forms of mediated representations in a single study, it is nonetheless important for scholars to examine specific facets of media treatments of the civil rights era in the hope of one day painting a fuller picture of the media‟s impact on how race functions in American society. Therefore, this research explores how two specific marches of the Civil Rights Era were covered, memorialized, and remembered in and through the media. Building off the large body of work on collective memory and journalists‟ role in shaping that memory, I examine the link between newspaper coverage produced immediately following the March on Washington in 1963, and all marches, successful or otherwise, from Selma to Montgomery in 1965. Furthermore, this analysis situates that initial coverage with subsequent narratives penned between the fifth anniversary of the marches and the present. Implicit in this discussion will be an attempt to distinguish history, what 2 Pierre Nora defines as “the reconstruction, always problematic and incomplete, of what is no longer” from the how the media influences the process of committing historical events to memory, as at times, the way history is remembered can have a more powerful influence on culture and discourse than the initial events themselves.3 My primary inquiry is to shed light on the process through which the Selma and Washington marches moved from singular events into the fray of American culture writ large. A broader goal of mine is to locate the emergence, if any, of an overarching storyline, or narrative, consistent across newspapers that aids in shaping American collective memory of these two events, thus advancing the body of work on memory studies. Both the March on Washington and Selma to Montgomery marches constitute watershed moments within the larger civil rights movement and sought to draw the attention of the federal government to racial issues in the United States. Beyond this baseline, however, they differ greatly. The March on Washington and Martin Luther King‟s “I Have a Dream” speech delivered that day, arguably constitute the most universally remembered and referenced moments of the civil rights era. Furthermore, the march itself and King‟s speech are continually resurrected in conversations on American race relations—most recently when Barack Obama accepted the Democratic nomination for president on the 45 years to the day after the march occurred. This may largely be due to organizer efforts aimed at making the march a national introduction to the goals of the movement. Richard Lentz deems the event, along with the entire year of 1963, a time that 3 Pierre Nora, “Between Memory and History: Les Lieux de Memoire,” Reflections 26 (1989): 7. 3 “would not be overshadowed as symbolic” in American culture.4 The march from Selma to Montgomery highlights a darker, yet equally poignant facet of the 1960s struggles against inequality. Though it has often been cited as the impetus for passing the monumental 1965 Voting Rights Act, Selma is not commemorated or invoked in the same way as the March on Washington. We do not revisit the text of speeches by Hosea Williams given in March 1965 or mourn the deaths of Jimmie Lee Jackson, James Earl Reeb, and Viola Liuzzo collectively as a nation. Juxtaposition of these two singularly significant yet unequally commemorated events has the ability to greatly contribute to the study of American collective memories of the civil rights movement. 4 Richard Lentz, Symbols, the Newsmagazines, and Martin Luther King, (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990), 75. 4 Chapter 1- Collective Memory and its Relationship with History Collective Memory The vast and varied body of literature
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