I INTRODUCTION and RESEARCH DESIGN in India As Well As in Most

CHAPTER – I

INTRODUCTION AND RESEARCH DESIGN

In India as well as in most developing countries, the excessive growth of population and the increased trend towards urbanization have led to many things such as haphazard growth of industries, unplanned housing and utility networks, conversion of precious agricultural and forest land into urban land etc. Urban land is one of the important resources provided to man by which necessary human activities are performed. An accurate and uptodate information about the urban land is indispensable for scientific planning and management of urban resources of an area taking into consideration the potentials and the constraints to the environment. The rational planning and management of urban land is possible through the regular survey of the land use which helps in delineating land suitable for various activities.

IMPORTANCE OF THE PROBLEM

An important feature of urbanization in India is the dualism of urban growth decelerating at macro level. But in Class I cities it is growing. An analysis of the distribution of urban population across size categories reveals that the process of urbanization in India has been large city oriented. This is manifested in a high per centage of urban population being concentrated in

1 class I cities, which has gone up systematically over the decades in the last century.

The massive increase in the per centage share of urban population in class I cities from 26.0 in 1901 to 68.7 in 2001 has often been attributed to faster growth of large cities, without taking into consideration the increase in the number of these cities. Undoubtedly, the faster demographic growth is an important factor responsible for making the urban structure top-heavy. From the reports of growth rates for different categories of towns during 1970s and subsequent decades, one can note that the Class I cities have experienced a distinctly higher growth rate than lower order towns except those in Class VI. Indeed, the latter do not fall in line with the general pattern of urban growth in other size categories as they are governed by factors exogenous to the regional economy.

The less developed countries (LDCs) are experiencing a process of rapid urbanisation. The fraction of population living in urban areas in these countries increased from 17 to 37 per cent between 1950s and 1990s and it was expected to surpass the 50 per centage mark before 2020. By that time,

77 per cent of the population in the more developed countries is expected to be urban, still close to the 1990 figure of 73 per cent.

2 The rates of urbanisation in the LDCs are, however, not exceptionally high by historical standards. The ratio of urban to total population in the

LDCs increased from 17 to 26 per cent over the 25-year period from 1950 to

1975. This is the same increase experienced by the more developed countries over the last quarter of the nineteenth century.

While the per centage of urban population in the LDCs is getting closer to that of the more developed countries, the pattern and size of urban agglomerations are diverging from what can be observed in the more developed regions, and particularly in European countries. During the previous decades, European urban systems become increasingly balanced, in the sense that the share of population living in their largest cities had fallen.

The urban sectors of LDCs have instead been absorbed by their largest cities. In their classic study, calculate several measures of urban primacy for the city size distributions of 44 countries (the exponents of Pareto distributions, and also the ratio of each country's largest city to the sum of the population of the top five or the top 50 cities). They then investigate several factors to which urban primacy may be related, and show that countries that are less developed, have lower transport costs, or export a

3 smaller fraction of their Gross National Product (GNP) tend to have a larger degree of primacy.1

1.2. WORLD LEVEL URBANISATION

On achieving the United Nation’s Millennium Development Goals

(MDGs), the international community’s unprecedented agreement on targets towards the eradication of extreme poverty and hunger, will depend to a large extent on how well the government of developing countries manage their cities. Cities are currently home to nearly half of the world’s population and over the next 30 years, most of the two-billion increase in global population is expected to occupy the urban areas in the developing world.

This represents a significant departure from the spatial distribution of population growth in the developing world that occurred over the past 30 years, which was much more evenly divided between urban and rural areas.

The level of world urbanization today and the number and size of the world’s largest cities are unprecedented. At the beginning of the twentieth century, just 16 cities in the world of which the vast majority situated in advanced industrial countries contained a million people each or more.

Today, almost 400 cities contain a million people each or more, and about

1 United Nations:(2009) World urbanization prospects: the 2003 revision Data tables and highlights. New York: United Nations.

4 seventy per cent of them are found to be in the developing world. By 2007, for the first time in human history, more people in the world were living in cities and towns than in rural areas and by 2017 the developing world is likely to become more urban in character than rural.2

If well managed, cities can offer important opportunities for economic and social development. Cities have always been focal points for economic growth, innovation, and employment. Indeed, many cities grow out of some natural advantage in transport and raw material supply. Cities, particularly capital cities, are where the vast majority of modern productive activities are concentrated in the developing world and where the vast majority of paid employment opportunities are located.

Cities are also centres of modern living, where female labour force participation is the greatest and where indicators of general health and wellbeing, literacy, women’s status, and social mobility are typically the highest. Finally, cities are also important social and cultural centres that house museums, art galleries, film industries, theaters, fashion houses, and other important cultural centres.3

2 United Nations: (2004) human settlements programme (UN-HABITAT). The state of the world’s cities 2004/2005: globalization and urban culture. Nairobi/London: UN-HABITAT/Earthscan; 2004. 3 United Nations human settlements programme (UN-HABITAT) : (2003). The challenge of slums: global report on human settlements. London: Earth scan.

5 High population density may also be good for minimizing the effect of man on local eco - systems. High population density typically implies lower per capita cost of providing infrastructure and basic services. Despite the high rates of urban poverty that are found in many cities, urban residents, on an average, enjoy better access to education and health care, as well as other basic public services such as electricity, water, and sanitation than the people in rural areas.4

Nevertheless, as cities develop, managing them becomes increasingly complex. The speed and sheer scale of the urban transformation of the developing world presents formidable challenges. Particular concerns are the risks to the immediate and surrounding environment, to natural resources, to health conditions, to social cohesion, and to individual rights. For many observers, however, the greatest concern is surely the massive increase in the numbers of the urban poor. Available data suggest that in a large number of the world’s poorest countries, the proportion of urban poor is increasing faster than the overall rate of urban population growth.5 An estimated 72 per cent of the urban population of Africa now live in slums. The proportions are 43 per cent for Asia and the Pacific, 32 per cent for Latin America, and

4 United Nations: (1980) Patterns of urban and rural population growth. New York: United Nations. 5 United Nations: (2001) World urbanization prospects: the 1999 revision. New York: United Nations.

6 30 per cent for the Middle East and Northern Africa. Rapid urban growth throughout the developing world has seriously outstripped the capacity of most cities to provide adequate basic services for their citizens. Yet each year city attracts new migrants who, together with the increasing native population, expand the number of squatter settlements and shanty towns, exacerbating the problems of urban congestion and sprawl and hampering local authorities’ attempts to improve basic infrastructure and deliver essential services.6

To deal with these challenges will, at a minimum, require accurate projections of future urban growth, which in turn must be based on both a solid foundation of high-quality statistics and a good understanding of the likely patterns and trends of urban change. But this is not an easy task. There are enormous difficulties in obtaining reliable data on urban populations and quite major errors have been made in the past with respect to projections of some of the world’s largest cities. Take for example, the case of Mexico

City. In 1980, demographers predicted that Mexico City would contain over

31 million people by the year 2000. But the actual population of Mexico

City in the year 2000 turned out to be only 19 million, a massive number but

6 Amitabh Kundu: (2009). Trends and Patterns of Urbanisation and their Economic Implications, working papers on urbanisation.

7 nowhere near the 1980 projection. Or consider for a moment, the case of

Lagos, Nigeria: in 1980, the best data available led demographers to believe that the population of Lagos was around million. At that time, they forecast that the city would grow to around 4.5 million by the year 2000.7

World urbanization: current estimates and future projections

World population has grown exponentially in the 20th century from around 1.6 billion in 1900 to around 6.1 billion today, with each additional billion people being added more rapidly than the last. The vast majority of this growth has occurred in the developing world.The size of urban population and distribution in major geographic areas over the period of

1950 – 2030 are furnished in Table 1.1.

7 Garza G.; (2004) The transformation of the urban system in Mexico. In: Champion T, Hugo G, editors. New forms of urbanization: beyond the urban–rural dichotomy. Aldershot: Ashgate Press. p. 153–70.

8 Table 1.1 Urban population sizes and distribution by major geographic area, 1950–2030 S. Region Population millions over the No. Total Population (millions) years 1950 1975 2000 2030 1. World 2,519 4,068 6,071 8,130 More Developed Regionsa 813 1,047 1,194 1,242 Less Developed Regionsb 280 3,021 4,877 6,888 2. Rural areas 1,786 2,552 3,214 3,185 More Developed Regions 386 344 311 228 Less Developed Regions 1,400 2,208 2,902 2,958 3. Urban Population 733 1,516 2,857 4,945 More Developed Regions 427 703 882 1,015 Less Developed Regions 306 813 1,974 3,930 4. Percentage of Population Living in 29.1 37.3 47.1 60.8 Urban Areas World More Developed Regions 52.5 67.2 73.9 81.7 Less Developed Regions 17.9 26.9 40.5 57.1 5. Distribution of the Urban 100 100 100 100 Population(World) More Developed Regions 58.3 46.4 30.9 20.5 Less Developed Regions 41.7 53.6 69.1 79.5 Source : UNO Report 2010, p.264. a The more developed regions comprise Europe, North America, Australia, New Zealand, and Japan. b The less developed regions comprise all regions of Africa, Asia (except Japan), Latin America and the Caribbean, plus Melanesia, Micronesia, and Polynesia.8

8 Goldstein S. Urbanization in China, 1982–87. Effects of migration and reclassification. Popul Dev Rev 1990;16: 673–701.

In 1950, just over one-half of the population of the developed world and just under one-third of the population of the entire world lived in urban areas. In those days there were only around 733 million people living in urban areas around the world and eighty-three cities in the world could boast for a million or more residents. Continued urbanization over the last 50 years has resulted in a situation whereby close to half of the world’s population

(47.1 per cent) now live in urban areas. In absolute terms, the numbers of urban dwellers almost quadrupled between 1950 and 2000 going from 733 million to 2.857 billion. Especially over the last two decades, globalization driven by advances in transportation and telecommunications, and a positive political climate has created a global economy characterized by unprecedented levels of urbanization and creation of more and bigger cities than ever before. Many cities, particularly those in East Asian countries that have enjoyed robust economic growth have grown spectacularly over the past 25 years, in some cases more than quadrupling in size.9

Over the next 20 years (i.e. 2010–2030), the world’s population is projected to grow at an annual rate of 1.8 per cent, or nearly double the rate expected for the total population of the world (almost one per cent per year).

9 Jones GW: (2002) Southeast Asian urbanization and the growth of mega-urban regions. J Popul Res 19:119–36.

10 At this rate of growth, the world’s urban population can be expected to double in 38 years. By 2030, demographers predict that around 61 per cent of the world’s population will be living in urban areas, at which time the world’s urban population will be approaching 5 billion.

Compared against the rapid rise in the urban population, the growth of the world’s rural population has been relatively slow. While the world’s urban population increased four-fold between 1950 and 2003, the world’s rural population has only doubled going from 1.8 billion in 1950 to 3.2 billion in 2000. And while the world’s urban population is expected to increase by almost 2 billion over the next 30 years, the world’s rural population is actually expected to decline from 3.3 billion in 2003 to 3.2 billion in 2030. Thus, all future population growth for the foreseeable future is expected to be absorbed in urban areas.

Urbanization and city growth are caused by a number of different factors including rural– urban migration, natural population increase, and annexation. Because rates of natural increase are generally slightly lower in urban than in rural areas, the principal reasons for rising levels of urbanization are rural–urban migration, the geographic expansion of urban areas through annexations, and the transformation and reclassification of

11 rural villages into small urban settlements. The expansion of the metropolitan periphery can be caused both by the arrival of new migrants and by the sub-urbanization of the middle class out of the central city. The relative importance of each of these causes of urbanization and sub- urbanization varies between regions and countries.10

As stated above, over the next 20 years, population growth in general and urban population growth in particular is expected to be particularly rapid in the developing world, averaging 2.3 per cent per year during 2010–2030.

Although much of the popular rhetoric on urbanization has left the impression that cities are currently growing too fast and that growth should be limited or somehow diverted, it is important not to loose sight of the fact that, for the most part, there is an economic logic to the pattern of urbanization. In most cases, high growth rates are an indicator of success rather than failure and most of the world’s largest cities are located in countries with the world’s largest economies for example many cities in

Pacific Asia, have experienced dramatic economic growth, reflecting the fact that the region is completely integrated into the new global economy. Cities on the forefront of global restructuring such as Hong Kong, Singapore,

10 McGee TG. The emergence of desakota regions in Asia: expanding a hypothesis. In: Ginsburg N, Koppel B, McGee TG, editors. The extended metropolis: settlement transition in Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press; 1991. p. 3–25.

12 Seoul, and Taipei have enjoyed unprecedented growth rates of more than 10 per cent per annum throughout the 1970s and early 1980s. All now rank among the top trading cities in the world and in fact, the levels of gross national product (GNP) per capita in Hong Kong and Singapore exceed those of many European countries.11

Table – 1.2

Urban population sizes and distribution by major geographic

area, 1950–2030

Region 1950 1975 2000 2030 Urban population (millions of inhabitants) Africa 33 103 295 748 Asia 232 575 1367 2664 Europe 280 446 529 545 Latin America and the Caribbean 70 197 393 602 Northern America Oceania 110 180 250 354 Percentage of population living in urban areas Africa 14.9 25.3 37.1 53.5 Asia 16.6 24.0 37.1 54.5 Europe 51.2 66.0 72.7 79.6 Latin America and the Caribbean 41.9 61.2 75.5 84.6 Northern America 63.9 73.8 79.1 86.9 Oceania 60.6 71.7 72.7 74.9

11 National Research Council: (2003) Cities transformed demographic change and its implications in the developing world. Washington, DC: National Academies Press.

13 Distribution of the world’s urban population Africa 4.5 6.8 10.3 15.1 Asia 31.7 37.9 47.8 53.9 Europe 38.2 29.4 18.5 11.0 Latin America and the Caribbean 9.5 13.0 13.8 12.2 Northern America 15.0 11.9 8.8 7.2 Oceania 1.1 1.0 0.8 0.6 Source : UNO Report 2010, p.269. Table - 1.3 Distribution of large cities by major geographic area, 1950–2015 No. of cities over the years Region 1950 1975 2000 2015 DISTRIBUTION OF THE WORLD’S LARGEST CITIES Africa 1 1 2 3 Asia 7 14 16 15 Europe 12 6 3 2 Latin America and the Caribbean 4 4 6 6 Northern America 6 5 3 3 Oceania 0 0 0 0 NUMBER OF CITIES WITH AT LEAST ONE MILLION RESIDENTS Africa 2 8 35 63 Asia 27 86 194 288 Europe 20 47 62 60 Latin America and the Caribbean 7 21 49 73 Northern America 14 31 41 51 Oceania 2 2 6 6 Total 72 195 387 541 Source : UNO Report 2010, p.274.

14 investment, making it next to impossible for urban authorities to provide adequate basic infrastructure or essential services. Nevertheless, if the population of Africa continues to grow as expected over the next 15 years, then by 2015, incredibly, there will be more cities with at least a million people in Africa than in either Europe or North America (Table 1.3).

The urban population (UN, 1993) was estimated to be 2.96 billion in

2000 and 3.77 in 2010. It is estimated that nearly 50 million people are added to the world's urban population and about 35 million to the rural population each year. The share of world's population living in urban centers has increased from 39 Per cent in 1980 to 48 Per cent in 2000. The developed countries have higher urbanization level (76 Per cent in 2000) compared with developing countries (40 Per cent in 2000) The urbanization level has almost stabilized in developed countries. African and Asian countries are in the further process of urbanization.12

12 United Nations human settlements programme (UN-HABITAT):(2003) Water and sanitation in the world’s cities: local action for global goals. London: Earthscan;

15 Table – 1.4

Total land Percentages Population Residing in Urban Areas by Regions (1980-2010)

World/Region 1980 1985 1990 2000 2010

in in in in in

Percentages billion Percentages billion Percentages billion Percentages billion Percentages billion World 39.4 1.752 41.2 1.997 43.1 2.282 47.6 2.962 52.8 3.779 More developed 70.2 0.797 71.5 0.838 72.7 0.880 75.8 968 79.1 1.060 region Less Developed 28.8 0.954 31.5 1.159 34.3 1.401 40.3 1.993 46.8 2.717 region Africa 27.3 0.130 29.6 0.164 32.0 0.205 37.6 0.322 44.2 0.493 Asia 26.2 0.678 28.6 0.813 31.2 0.974 37.1 1.369 43.8 1.845 Latin America 65.0 0.233 68.4 0.273 71.5 0.315 76.6 0.400 80.4 0.482 Source : World Urbanisation Prospects- The 1992 Revision ,United Nations. New Work, 2010.

Volume and Trend of Urbanisation in India

India shares the most characteristic features of urbanisation in the developing countries. Number of urban agglomerations /towns has grown from 1827 in 1901 to 5161 in 2001. Total population has increased from

23.84 crores in 1901 to 102.7 crores in 2001 whereas the population residing in urban areas has increased from 2.58 crores in 1901 to 28.53 crore in 2001.

(table 1.5) This process of urbanization in India is shown in Fig 1. It reflects a gradual increasing trend of urbanization. India is at acceleration stage of the process of urbanization.13

Table – 1.5

Populations of India by Residence (1901-2001)

Number of Census Urban Total Urban Rural years agglomeration population population /town 1901 1827 238396327 25851873 212544454 1911 1825 252093390 25941633 226151757 1921 1949 251321213 28086167 223235046 1931 2072 278977238 33455989 245521249 1941 2250 318660580 44153297 274507283 1951 2843 361088090 62443709 298644381

13 Simmonds R, Hack G: (2000). Global city regions: their emerging forms. London: Spon Press.

1961 2363 439234771 78936603 360298168 1971 2590 598159652 109113977 489045675 1981 3378 683329097 159462547 523866550 1991 3768 844324222 217177625 627146597 2001 5161 1027015247 285354954 741660293 Sources: Various Census reports, 1991 - 2001.

Fig 1: Process of Urbanisation in India (1901 – 2001)

According to 2001 census (Table 3), in India out of total population of

1027 million about 285 million live in urban areas and 742 million live in rural areas. Sex ratio, defined as number of female per 1000 male, for urban, rural and total India are 900, 945, 933 respectively.

Table – 1.6

Population of India by Sex and Residence : 2001

India Male Female Total Persons Sex ratio Urban 150135894 135219060 285354954 900 Rural 381141184 360519109 741660293 945 Total 531277078 495738169 1027015247 933 Source : IND_CEN01, Census 2001, Office of the Registrar General .

Table – 1.7 Degree/Index of Urbanisation (1901-2001) in India Census year Percentage Percentage Urban- Rural Ratio(per Urban Rural cent) 1901 10.84 89.15 12.16 1911 10.29 89.71 11.47 1921 11.18 88.82 12.58 1931 11.99 88.01 13.63 1941 13.86 86.14 16.08 1951 17.29 82.71 20.91 1961 17.97 82.03 21.91 1971 18.24 81.76 22.31 1981 23.33 76.66 30.44 1991 25.72 74.28 34.63 2001 27.78 72.22 38.47 Sources: Various Census reports, (1901 – 2001).

Fig : 2 Degree of Urbanisation in India : 1901 – 2001

Trends of Urbanization in Tamil Nadu

Tamil Nadu is one of the most urbanized States of India both in terms of degree of urbanization (per centage of population in urban areas) and town density (number of towns per thousand square kilometers). Further, the better spatial spread of towns in the State results in strong rural-urban linkages. The continuous economic growth in the State has led to the declining role of agricultural sector in the State’s economy. The share of agriculture in the Sate’s net state domestic product has declined from about

53 per cent in 1950-51 to about 16.65 per cent in 2001-02. This in part reflects the increasing role of urban sector in the State’s economy and the consequent transfer of resources from rural to urban areas including human resources. An overview of the trends in urbanization and industrialization in

Tamil Nadu is a prerequisite to understand its implications for overall economic development and more importantly its impact on agricultural sector. Over the last one century, Tamil Nadu’s population has increased steadily from about 19 million in 1901 to 62 million in 2001, recording an average annual growth rate of 2.22 per cent while urban population has grown at a much faster pace of 9.07 per cent per annum. This has led to a ten-fold increase in urban population from 2.70 million in 1901 to 27 million in 2001. Consequent to the steep increase in urban population, the degree of urbanization as measured by the per centage share of urban population to total population has increased from about 14 per cent in 1901 to about 44 per cent in 2001. In consequence of this phenomenal growth in the share of urban population, Tamil Nadu has emerged as the first in terms of degree of urbanization among all the States in India.

Urbanization is taking place at a faster pace in Tamil Nadu in recent years. During the decade of 1991-2001, the rate of migration from rural areas to urban areas has overtaken the population growth rate in rural areas, thus resulting in the decline of rural population in Tamil Nadu by about 5.20 per cent while the urban population increased by 42.49 per cent. The total population in the State during the decade has increased by about 11.19 per cent when compared to a decadal growth of 15.39 per cent during 1981 to

1991. The share of urban population to total population in Tamil Nadu has been close to 44 per cent during 2001 and the projections for the year 2008 reveal that the share of population should have crossed 50 per cent (Tamil

Nadu-An Economic Appraisal, 2009-10).

RELEVANCE OF THE STUDY

The major objective of the study is to examine the factors affecting the process of urbanization and the consequences on the conditions of people in urban cities by focusing on both the temporal and spatial dimensions.

Hence, the researcher has analyzed both the time-series and cross-section data on urbanization and related variables. Even though the detailed time- series data on indicators of urbanization and related factors are available only at State-level, aggregation of data at State-level would inevitably suppress some important spatial variations across different regions of the state. These variations could be more effectively captured through the econometric analysis of cross-section data. Both the share of urban population to total population and the land put to non-agricultural uses as the key indicators of urbanization and non-agricultural development in the State so as to capture both the human and geographical (land use) dimensions of the processes of urbanization and industrialization in the State. The time- series analysis is based on the data for the last 50 years for the State of Tamil

Nadu from 1960-61 to 2009-10, while the cross-section analysis is based on district-level triennium average (2006-07 to 2009-10) with the districts serving as observation units. One of the positive impacts of urbanization on rural livelihood is the increased wages for agricultural work due to the cultivation of labour-intensive commercial crops like fruits and vegetables that are demanded largely by urban population. To capture the impact of urbanization on agricultural wage differentials using cross-section data across districts have been used. The model of agricultural wage differentials single equation regression model is similar in spirit to those study which use single-equation regression models to studies the factors determining inter- industry and inter-regional differences in equilibrium wages.14

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

In physical terms, urban centres are the habitats of large populations with distinctive economic strength, life style, livelihood, organization, land use and institutions. Therefore, development of urban centres requires a proper planning. In India, urban centres are generally governed by different urban local bodies, but in order to maintain the urban infrastructure and services a huge amount of resources are required. After the 74th amendment

14 Chen and Edin, 2002; Edin and Zetterberg, 1992; Foster and Rosenzweig, 1993; Gibbons and Katz, 1992; Groshen, 1991

of Indian Constitution, three levels of government, namely, Union

Government, State Government and Local Government have to cooperate to fulfil the financial requirements of urban centres. While the Union

Government enacts the policy statements and acts, the State Government has to provide the necessary legal and financial base for the municipalities and city corprations (Reddy,2005)15, and the actual work is undertaken by the municipalities and city corporations themselves. Several studies have shown that there is an absence of firm data on municipal revenue and expenditure in

India. However, it is assumed that per capita expenditure is relatively low.

Against this conceptual background the principal avenues for the investigation thereby incorporates the extent to which the urban centres of

Tamil Nadu are able to provide certain infrastructure and services to their inhabitants. To have a deep insight of the level of urban development this study is focusing on Tiruchirappalli city. So the extent to which urban services are being provided by the city corporation to the satisfaction of residents of different localities and social groups of Tiruchirappalli is investigated in this study.

15 Reddy P.L.: (2005) “Municipal Administration in India” Deep and Deep publishers, New Delhi, p. 117.

Urbanisation and industrialisation must go hand in hand with each other. The faster rate of industrialisation helps the tempo of urbanisation in a larger manner and also the need for further expansion of cities and sub urban in a well phased manner. Urbanisation process would take a short period of changes because of the sudden and artificial creation of demand for lands. Especially in the fast growing city in Tamil Nadu like

Tiruchirappalli city the tempo of urbanization has registered a remarkable rate of progress. The present study makes an attempt to analyse the process and pattern of urbanization around Tiruchirappalli corporation limit.

In general it is an attempt made by the researcher to measure the growth of urbanisation in Tiruchirapalli town in an analytical and critical manner. The researcher, being a resident of Tiruchirapalli town is keenly interested to understand the process of urban growth centres in the corporation limit. Since, there is a vast coverage of geographical area, it mainly shows the way in which the developments, take place on urbanization in the different parts of the corporation limit. There is the existence of both depressed pockets and developed pockets in this town.

This research mainly focuses on the process and pattern of urbanisation among the different regions say highly developed zones, moderately developed areas and lesser developed areas in this town.

SCOPE OF THE STUDY

This study is entirely different from other studies in the sense of analysing the process and pattern of urbanisation in Tiruchirappalli District of Tamil Nadu and hence there is a vast scope for analysing the “pros” and

“cons” of urbanisation. It is highly useful to the policy makers and urban administrators so as to chalk out proper plans and to regulate the overall urban development.

The present study on urbanization is vast in coverage and the pattern of urbanization is distinct in this area. There is a vast scope for the policy makers and planners to regulate/chalk out proper policies and plans for the regularisation of activities. Many studies have been carried out in similar lines in this district, but no attempt has been made to analyse the process and pattern of urbanization in Tiruchirappalli district in the particular angle.

Hence, it is a good attempt made by the researcher to measure the tempo of the growth of urbanization in Tiruchirappalli district in Tamil Nadu and to analyse the factors responsible for faster growth rate.

Therefore, in the present research an attempt is being made to judge urban development through the concept of urban quality of life by analysing the availability and accessibility of basic needs such as health, education, housing and household amenities, transport and communication. Again, under these heads several sets of indicators have been chosen, which will be elaborated further in the methodology section.

OBJECTIVES

1. To introspect critically the role played by the municipalities and local

bodies in the urban development of Tamil Nadu and partcularly the

Tiruchirappalli Town.

2. To trace the spatial and temporal trends in the pattern of urbanisation

in Trichirappalli city.

3. To analyse the distributional aspects of the services and amenities

availed by the different population groups and localities.

4. To analyse the levels of disparity in physical and social infrastructure

and basic amenities in terms of their progress and quality in the study

area.

5. To study the intra-city variations in the physical, social infrastructure

and basic amenities in this area.

6. To study the relationship between different socio-economic and

demographic characteristics of the households and availability of

basic amenities and services.

HYPOTHESES

1. The spatial urban development in this area is largely decided by the

composite index rather than any other indices.

2. There is a marked disparity in housing characterstics among SC/ST

and other social groups in this area.

3. The intra-city variations about the physical and social infrastructure is

largely variated.

4. Tempo and speed of urbanization is more found in semi – urban areas

than rural areas.

METHODOLOGY

Research material has been extracted from both primary and secondary sources. The study focuses at micro level and primary source of information i.e. household survey data have been analysed. Nevertheless, secondary sources of have also been analysed at a macro level for comprehending the overall urban development of Tamil Nadu, with special reference to Tiruchirappalli Corporation Limit.

Variations in the urban development as reflected through the spatial differentiation has been considered as the function of different means of development. Here development involves the physical and social means of development. In physical means of development, availability of goods, toilet facilities, and drinking water (tap. well, tank, etc.), electricity, house and household amenities, transport and communication have been considered.

Within the social means of development educational and health facilities, library, park, play ground, cinema hall etc, have been considered. Indicators collected through sample surveys have been clubbed into different sets to analyse the spatial pattern and the level of urban development among the different social groups of Tiruchirappalli city.

DATA BASE AND SAMPLE DESIGN

The present study is based on both primary and secondary data. The town/city level information has been used mainly for the purpose of comparative study of the towns /cities of Tamil Nadu. The study incorporates Tiruchirappalli city as a distinct urban geographical unit. Data at city and ward level on various social, demographic, economic and physical environments have been collected form secondary sources.

Municipal level study has been done to capture the internal variations in the

level of development of physical and social infrastructure in Tiruchirappalli city.

Wards like Cantonment and Thillainagar can be categorised as the most developed wards; Golden Rock and Srirangam as the moderately developed wards and Tharanallur and Beemanagar as the least developed wards of the Tiruchirappalli city. Once the wards were selected, three areas from each ward had been taken for household surveys. The criteria for selection of areas for household surveys were slightly different. On the basis of personal interviews of municipal officials, three residential areas of lower, middle and high-income groups had been selected from each ward. The rationale for such a selection is based on the non-availability of household data on income. After the selection of areas they were grouped into three strata, i.e. (i) high-income group areas, (ii) middle-income group areas and

(iii) low-income group areas, as given below in Table 1.8.

SIZE AND COMPOSITION OF SAMPLE HOUSEHOLDS

The present survey covered 300 households selected on a random basis out of 15 housing areas of the above selected wards. In each area 20 households were surveyed.

Among 60 wards in Tiruchirappalli city corporation a random selection of 8 ward has been made as sample. (ie. 7.5% of universe is taken into account as a sample) The names of selected wards are Cantonment ward

(56), Thillainagar ward (57), K.K. Nagar ward (19), Golden Rock ward (17),

Srirangam ward (27), Srinivasanagar ward (13), Gandhi Market ward (22),

Palakkarai ward (11) Then from each ward, 5 areas are selected by the technique of stratified sampling. Among the total of 2055 household heads,

300 household a heads have been interview by the researcher.

STRATIFIED RANDOM SAMPLING TECHNIQUE

Table – 1.8

Partial clssification of wards on the basis of composite Index

Selection of Samples

Highest composite Index Middle value of Average value of 5 Areas with composite Index 5 Area composite Index 5 Area with with 1. Cantonement Ward 1. Golden rock Ward 1. Beemanagar Ward 2. Thillai Nagar Ward 2. Srirangam Ward 2. Gandhi Market ward 3. Annamalai Nagar ward 3. Karumandapam ward 3. Tharanallur Ward 4. K.K. Nagar ward 4. Tiruvanikovil ward 4. Palakkarai ward 5. Worraiyur ward 5. Sirnivasa Nagarward 5. Senthaneerpuram ward

The information regarding infrastructure and basic services at area level has been gathered through primary surveys. The sample areas have been selected in a way that they can best represent the average picture of residential areas of Tiruchirapplli. Initially, six municipal wards have been selected on the basis of composite index. The ward with highest value of composite index represents the developed ward and ward with middle value of composite index represents average development. Again the ward with lowest value of composite index represents the less developed ward. For the analysis of levels of development of different socioeconomic groups stratified random sampling has been done and households have been

selected from lower, middle and upper areas of the each municipal ward. It is true that geographical location may not necessarily be an indicator of people's status but such a selection has been done due to the nonavailability of data on per capita income. After selecting the areas, a total of 300 households from 15 housing areas (20 household from each areas) spreading in 8 wards have been taken as samples for detailed investigation. For the selection of households a simple random sampling has been utilized.

PRE-TEST

To conduct survey on urbanization among the selected 300 samples in the three areas the researcher prepared a separate well structured pre test schedule.With this schedule, the researcher contacted 30 samples ie. in each zone 10 samples were interviewed and some observations were made. Based on the raw data collected the interview schedule was finalised.

TIME PERIOD

The present research covers a short period of time say one year (2009

– 2010). About 10 months time was spared by the researcher to collect the necessary information from various sources. Primary data pertaining to the study were collected from respondents during 2009 – 2010 only.

STATISTICAL TOOLS

Simple graphs, Pie diagrams, Pictograms, Mean, Standard deviation,

Inter correlation, Matrix, Adjusted values and Rotated matrix techniques had been used wherever possible.

LIMITATION OF THE STUDY

Like all researchers, this researcher also faces some constraints. The topic chosen by the researcher on urbanization in Tiruchirappalli city is in macro level, but it can not touch all the wards in this corporation. Among the total of 60 wards, a random selection of 8 wards (2 areas from each ward) ie

15 areas are covered. ie., micro level study has been carried out. Owing to time constraint the researcher could not contact all the households. There may be the possibility of exclusion of certain important areas, but the result of the experiment does not affect much, in the selection of “Index” of

Highly, Moderate and Low are followed with the help of some variables.

The selected respondents could not respond in enthuastically some areas, especially in the high composite index group but in contrary in the low composite index area group members responded in an interesting manner. Besides the data on urbanization, extent of geographical areas and so on provided by the government officials are only in provisional figures

and the exact extent of area turned into urbanization could not be computed.

The research is purely based upon the data gathered from field survey and secondary data sources. There may be the possibility of exclusion of certain important data and a plain truth, the result of the experiment could not been affected too much.

CHAPTERIZATION

CHAPTER – I Introduction and Research Design

CHAPTER – II Concepts and Review of Literature

CHAPTER – III Profile of the Study Area.

CHAPTER – IV Urbanisation Activities in Tamil Nadu.

CHAPTER – V Analysis and Interpretation of Data

CHAPTER – VI Summary of Findings

Recommendations and Conclusions

Bibliography

Appendix

CHAPTER - II

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

The study of urban development and quality of urban life incorporates several dimensions of a city life their physical and quality of life keeping all this in view, we can categorise the available literature on urbanisation under separate heads like: (i) Concept of Urbanisation (ii) Processes of

Urbanisation (iii) Urbanisation, Environment and Development and (iv)

Components of Good Quality of Urban Life.

(i) Concept of Urbanisation

Mumford (1938)16 had defined the city as a geographical place, an economic organisation, industrial process, thereafter of social action and aesthetic symbol of collective unity.

The term urbanisation also implies the movement of people to the urban areas. Taylor (1953)17 had used the term in the same way and had stated that "Urbanisation is a shift of people from villages to city". Davis and

Golden (1954) had also explained urbanisation in an elaborate way.

According to them, "urbanisation represents a revolutionary change in the

16 Mumford, I. (1938): The Culture of Cities, Harcourt Brace & Co., London, pp. 284-292. 17 Taylor, G. (1953): Geography in the Twentieth Century, Matheun & Co. Ltd. London, pp. 524-527.

whole pattern of social life and itself is a product of basic economic and technological developments".

Definition of Urban Community

Urban communities can be defined in any number of ways including by population size, population density, administrative or political boundaries, or economic function. Some countries define their urban population as those people living within certain administrative boundaries— such as in administrative centres or municipals (as in El Salvador), municipality councils (as in Iraq), or in places having a municipality or a municipal corporation, a town committee, or a cantonment board (as in

Bangladesh or Pakistan). Other countries prefer to classify their urban population using either population size or population density as the primary consideration.

The ‘United Nations’ report world urbanization prospects, upon which much of this section is built, merely presents urban data that reflect national definitions, which are far from consistent.

Thomson (1955)18 had viewed urbanisation as being the same and he provided a broad idea about it and had stated that urbanisation is

18 Thomson, W.S. (1955): 'Urbanisation' in Encyclopaedia of Social Science, Vol.15, MacMillan, p. 189.

characterised by movement of people from small communities to generally larger ones whose activities are primarily centred in government, trade, manufacture or allied interests. The definition of urban area has been also given by United Nations Demographic Year Book (1955)„ and its definition can be categorised into three major groups: (1) Classification of minor civil divisions on chosen criteria which includes: (a) type of local government, (b) number of inhabitants, and (c) proportion of population engaged in agriculture; (2) Classification of administration centres of minor rural areas as urban; and (3) Classification of certain size localities (agglomerations) as urban, irrespective of administrative boundaries.

According to Ehrlich (1956)19, urbanisation is a process of population concentration towards city and the scholar has identified the elements in the process i.e. (i) the multiplications of points of concentration, and (ii) increase in the size of individual concentrations themselves.

Gibbs (1961)20 had referred the word 'urban' in terms of demographic attributes (size/density) or economic variables (per centage of non- agricultural workers). He had also stated that in its demographic sense, urban

19 Ehrilich, H.T. (1956): "The Process of Urbanisation", in J.J. Spangler and O.P. Duncan (eds.), Demographic Analysis, Glencoe, 111.: Free Press (1956), p. 338. 20 Gibbs, J.P. (ed.) (1961): Urban Research Methods, Von Nostrand Company, Inc., Princeton, New York, p. 14.

is usually considered as an agglomeration of a given size. In terms of economic variables he had identified an urban area as one, where more than three-fourth of the total population is engaged in non-agricultural occupations.

Hauser (1965)21 had characterised urbanisation as a change in the pattern of population distribution, involving an increase in the relative size of the urban population and also a growth in the number of such places.

Riesman (1964) had interpreted urbanisation as the whole process of changing a society.The consequences of this has been also explained by him.

Urbanisation results into a transformation of a society from a homogenous one to a heterogeneous mass.

Gosal (1922)22 had provided a detailed description about the town.

"According to him an urban place acts as a central place for its umland. It is the focus of distinct human settlement, characterised by the complexity of human life and economic activities. He had further described that a town has an internally differentiated land use pattern, and is essentially the centre of innovation and diffusion of new ideas.

21 Hauser, P.M. (1965): "Urbanisation: A Review", in The Studies of Urbanisation, Edited by Hauser, P.M. and Schonove, L.F., John Wiley & Sons Publication, Inc., pp. 37. 22 Gosal, G.S. (1972): "Urban Geography: A Trend Report in Survey of Research in Geography", ICSSR, New Delhi, pp. 230-235.

Prakasa Rao (1983)23 had expressed, a similar thought about urbanisation and had stated that urbanisation involves the transformation of rural attributes to urban ones, the concentration of people at a point and also the multiplication of points of concentration, i.e. urban settlements.

Singh and Singh (1988)24 had chosen certain socio-economic parameters to define urbanisation and were of the view that urbanisation meant the proportion of total population concentrated in urban settlements. It is also the expression of the contemporary political, social, economic and cultural processes prevailing in a region.

Mandal (1998)25 had provided an extensive definition of urbanisation.

He had used certain demographic, social and economic parameters and had categorised them into four factors in explaining urbanisation. These factors are: (a) concentration of people at one place, (b) population shift (migration) from rural to urban area, (c) occupational shift from agriculture to non- agriculture and (d) land use shift from agriculture to non-agriculture.

23 Prakasa Rao, V.L.S (1983); Urbanism in India: Spatial Dimension, Concept Publications, New Delhi, pp. 13-18. 24 Singh, S.C. and Singh, B.N. (1988): "Statistical Relationship Between Urbanisation and Non- Agricultural Workers in U.P. Himalaya", The National Geographical Journal of India, Vol. 34, p. 3, Sept., pp.218-22. 25 Mandal, R.B. (1998): "Growth of Urbanisation in India", in Mandal, R.B. and Peters, G.L. (eds.), Dimensions in Geography, Concept Publication Company, New Delhi, p. 57.

Processes of Urbanisation

Urbanisation does not occur evenly over space and time, because processes leading to urbanisation change from one region to another and from one period of time to another. Dayal (1959)26 had placed forward the opinion that rural poverty and unemployment problem push people from rural areas, whereas higher wages and better living conditions in urban areas pull population, towards cities thus increasing the urban population.

Bogue and Zachariah (1962)27 had opined that in India and in fact almost everywhere in the world, the rate of reproductive change is not very different in rural areas from the urban areas, and urbanisation does not take place as a result of the vital processes alone. They have cited the example of

Calcutta, where the registered number of deaths was always greater than the registered number of births up to 1951.

Davis (1967)28 had suggested that the factor of natural increase was scarcely significant for the growth in urban population. Haggett (1972)29 had observed in his study that urbanisation in European countries was

26 Dayal, P. (1959): "Population Growth and Rural Migration in India", National Geographical Journal of India, 5 (4), December, pp. 179-85. 27 Bogue, D.J. and Zachariah, K.C. (1962): 'Urbanisation and Migration in India' in Roy Turner (ed.), India's Urban Future, Oxford University Press, pp. 27-28. 28 Davis, K. (1967): "The Origin and Growth of Urbanisation in the World", in H.M. Nayer and C.F. Cohn (eds.) Readings in Urban Geography, University of Chicago Press, p. 59. 29 Haggett, P. (1972): Geography: A Modern Synthesis, Harper International Edition, New York, pp. 109- 115.

mostly a product of industrialisation and rural to urban migration. But urbanisation in developing countries had been the product of population explosion in the rural areas, which accelerated the massive migration of population to the urban centres.

Many scholars have treated urbanisations as the child of industrial revolution. So with the rise of industrialisation, the pace of urbanisation increases. However, according to Sundra Ranising (1979)30, five major factors determine the process of urbanisation, They are, (i) agricultural revolution, (ii) industrial revolution, (iii) commercial revolution, (iv) increasing efficiency of transportation, and (v) the demographic revolution.

Bogue (1979)31 had studied the processes of urbanisation in the U.S. in 1950s and had been of the view that urbanisation has a positive relationship with industrialisation and negative relation with agricultural density. He had also pointed out that high agricultural density indicates the lack of modernisation in agriculture, which ultimately results in low per centage of urban population. He found that in rural areas where agriculture was highly mechanised and modernised, very less number of people lived.

30 Sundra Ranising, J. (1979): Urban Planning in India, Ashish Publishing House, New Delhi. 31 Bogue, D.J. (1979): "Urbanism in United States", American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 60, pp. 471-86.

Preston (1979)32 had studied the urbanisation process in developing countries. He viewed that urban growth in these countries had been mainly due to natural increase of urban population. In one of his studies he had examined the data of 29 developing countries and had found that 24 countries had a faster rate of urban natural increase than net in-migration.

Premi (1981)33 had provided a broad analysis of the factors of urbanisation and had identified them as: (a) natural increase in the existing urban areas, (b) net rural to urban migration, (c) relocation of the rural settlements in urban areas due to the extension of municipal boundaries, and

(d) the emergence of new points of concentrations. Premi had also pointed out that the first three components indicate concentration of urban activities in the already existing urban centres, while the emergence of new towns and cities suggest a dispersal of urban functions over a wider geographical area.

It has been pointed out in the Census of India (Occasional Paper,

1981) that besides natural growth (net addition due to birth and death) and area changes (emergence of new towns); net gain due to movement of human population from rural to urban area had been a significant factor in

32 Preston, H. (1979): "Urban Growth in the Developing Countries, A Demographic Reappraisals", Population and Development Review, Vol. 5, no. 2, June, pp. 195-215. 33 Premi, M.K. (1981): "Role of Migration in the Urbanisation Process in Third World Countries—A Case Study of India", Social Action, Vol. 31, July-September, pp. 291-309.

the process of urban growth of any geographical area. Again, Rakesh

Mohan (1985)34 had taken urbanisation as a determinant as well as a consequence of economic development.

Ramchandran and Ramchandran (1987)35 had explained that the survival and growth of cities depend upon the functions they perform. In ancient times towns evolved due to surplus agricultural production and concentration of political power. Today organised commerce and manufacturing technology are the new forces resulting in the urbanisation.

(Ghosh, 1987)36.

Mitra (1992)37 had analysed India's urbanisation in the light of a number of aspects such as unprecedented growth of urban areas and had pointed out the proliferation of slums in recent years. He had stated that one of the demographic features of urbanisation in several newly developing countries in the past decades was the substantial increase in labour force through the natural increase of population and rural to urban migration in particular.

34 Mohan, R. (1985): "Urbanisation in India's Future", Population and Development Review, Vol. 11, no. 4, December, p. 619. 35 Ramchandran, R. and Ramchandran, N. (1987): "Regional Pattern of Manufacturing Towns in India", Indian Journal of Regional Science, Vol. 15, no. 1, p.32. 36 Ghosh, D.K. (1987): 'Population Environment and Resources and Third World Development', Greenwood Press, Westport. 37 Mitra, A. (1992): "Pattern of Urbanisation in India: An overview", The Indian Journal of Social Science, Vol. 5, no. 2, pp. 188-205.

Urbanisation, Environment and Development

Many scholars believe that not only the increasing population pressure but also industrialisation and economic development are deteriorating the urban environment. For example Khosla (1988)38 held the same view and according to him population growth contributed to urban pollution.

Basically, industrialisation processes raise the standard of living of the people involving more per capita transportation, energy usage, industrial gas consumption, and results in urban environmental problems. World Council on Environment and Development (1987) in a report had brought forth that basically the majority of essential human needs can be met only through goods and services provided by industries. But in this process, industry at one hand extracts materials from the natural resource base and on the other hand releases both wasteful materials and pollution into the human environment. Therefore, industries have the ability to create regional imbalance by causing either resource depletion or environmental degradation.

38 Khosla, P.K. (1988): "Global Urbanisation Environment and Mankind", in Ecology of Urban India, edt. by Singh, P., Ashish Publication, New Delhi.

On the basis of 1981 Census data, Gupta (1989)39 had studied the relationship between industrialisation, urbanisation and rural development, in the context of the major Indian States. This paper is divided into two sections and in the first section, the author had discussed industrialisation, economic and technological development and urbanisation links. The author had also selected ten variables to determine industrial, economic and technological development of the study area.

Pollution problems in India are becoming more and more serious due to rapid and unplanned urbanisation and industrialisation, and the most serious effects of these include the increase in air pollution, water pollution, noise pollution, problems of solid waste management, and proliferation of slums and squatters. Singh and Kayastha (1989)40, in their study had demonstrated that in case of Jamshedpur town, the wastes in the form of liquid and gas from iron and steel industry have created several environmental ills. These pollutants not only result in morbidity among the population but also significantly pollute river Subarnarekha and the soils of the surrounding region.

39 Gupta, K. (1989): "Industrialisation, Urbanisation and Rural Development in India", in Population Transition in India, S.N. Singh, M.K. Premi, B. Ashish (eds.), B.R. Publishing Corporation, Vol- 2, pp. 335- 343. 40 Singh, A.K. and Kayastha, S.L. (1989): "An approach to Urbanisation and Environmental Pollution Problems in India—An Instance of Jamshedpur", in Urban Environment in India, Singh, A.K. and Singh, K.K., (eds.) Inter India publication, New Delhi.

A strong relationship and an inseparable association between development and environment had been identified by Dafuiani (1991)41.

This relationship had been so strong that a non-concomitant concentration of effects of one negates the importance of others and results into distortion and disequilibrium of the environment. As a result, environmental problem per se are those, which could be overcome by the developmental process.

However, development without goal-oriented objectives will create environmental problems, resource depletion, physical, chemical and biological pollution.

Choudhary (1995)42 had examined the impact of population growth and economic development separately on global warming. According to him the nature of environmental problems depend upon the level of economic development (GNP), the nature of industrialisation, the degree of urbanisation and the effectiveness of public policies. In general, due to low economic development, developing countries experience immediate environmental problems related to scarcity and safety of drinking water, inadequate sanitation facilities, air pollution in urban areas, soil depletion

41 Dalfulani, A. (1991): "Environment and Development Policy", Journal of Rural Development, Vol. 2, no. 2, pp. 127-139. 42 Choudhary, M. (1995): "Global Population Growth, Economic Development and Environment Impact— Case Study of India 1991-2001", Economic and Political Weekly, Dec, pp. 3163-3166.

and degradation, indoor pollution from burning biomass (wood, coal and dung) and outdoor pollution from burning coal for industrial production.

Generally, large metropolitan centres and large cities dominate economic development and economic activities and also contribute towards the corresponding environmental damages/stress. Prasad (1995)43 in his report had pointed out that India's current position in economic development had identified its relationship with urban environment. He had stated that by

2025, one out of every four households would suffer from lack of safe drinking water. Similarly,according to Gosal (1972) 44 one out of every four households would face inadequate Sanitation by (2025). Concentration of sulphur dioxide would increase by 70 per cent, and per capita municipal waste has been projected to double by the year 2025 from the present level.

Henderson (1988)45 held the same view that there is a strong relationship between economic development and urbanisation. In many developing countries the worst forms of environmental problems occur in very large urban areas because of the heavy polluting industries that are forced to be set up in the large urban areas. He had suggested that these

43 Prasad et al “Urbanisation and Environmental Degradation, TaTa Mc Graw Hill Publications, P.112,, Bombay 1995. 44 Gosal, G.S. (1972): "Urban Geography: A Trend Report in Survey of Research in Geography", ICSSR, New Delhi, pp. 230-235. 45 Henderson, J.I. (1988): Urban Development: Theory, Fact and Illustration, New York, Oxford University Press, pp. 1-10.

industries should be located in small cities and in hinterlands where raw materials are located. This would not only limit the size of large urban areas but perhaps a part of the population would also migrate there.

Park (1997)46 in his book had set up the interrelationship between population, resource and environment. For this he had devised a model which shows the inter linkages among them. It is stated by the author that an increase in the number of people on the earth will increase the utilisation of limited resources and thus it would inevitably lead to decrease in environmental quality resulting in the emergence of several health problems.

The extensive use of resources leads to depletion of resources which in turn reduce the per capita availability.

Lodha and Tatya (1997)47 had studied the environmental hazards due to industrial pollution in Udaipur and Jodhpur and had described that the various large scale chemical units of Rajasthan are responsible for the widespread air and water pollution in their neighbourhood. It is also mentioned that these units are wrongly situated from the point of view of both drainage and wind direction. Therefore, the effluents from these factories are spoiling the surface as well as the ground water resources.

46 Park, P. (1997): The Environment, Princple and Applications, Routledge Publication, London, pp-5-6. 47 Lodha, P. and Tatya, R.R. (1997): 'Environment impact due to mining of Jodhpur sand stone', in Environment Essays, Ashish Publishing House, New Delhi.

Dube and Kumar (1997)48 in their study had highlighted the environmental problems of Varanasi city. They mentioned that increasing population, urbanisation and consumerism are adding to solid waste generation and disposal problems in the city. They had stated that despite all possible efforts by the people of Varanasi, wastes remain lying for several days in the garbage dumping sites. Thus the wastes pollute the entire surrounding.

The large increase in the number of vehicles particularly in the urban areas also raises the level of air pollution. According to Ramchandran

(1998)49 the density of petrol driven vehicles in Hyderabad-Secundarabad had gone up nine times per square kilometre, during 1981-96. This had resulted in frequent traffic jams and deceleration of speeds of vehicles on roads. Other manifestations had been the emission of higher level of hydrocarbons and carbon monoxide due to partial burning of the fuel.

In India large scale migration from the villages to urban centres for employment, services, education, medical facilities etc. have caused changes in the socio-economic and cultural life style and also have resulted in

48 Halford, W. (1959): "Preserving Amenities", in The Quality of Urban Life and the Perception of Liability: A Case Study of Neighbourhoods in Benin City, Nigeria, written by Omuta, G.E-D. Social Indicators Research, Vol. 20, pp. 417-440. 49 Ramchandran, C. (1998): "Urban Environmental Degradation: A Study of Air Pollution in Hyderabad", Indian Journal of Regional Science, Vol.30, No. 2, pp. 89-107.

unplanned and haphazard urban development according to Dube and

Kumar (1997)50. The misuse, overuse and exploitation of natural recourses also have resulted in land scarcity, housing congestion, overcrowding and traffic congestion problems in cities. Simultaneously, these have resulted in the non-availability of fresh air, pure drinking water along with various environmental problems like sewerage, garbage disposal, water, air and land pollution.

Components of Good Quality of Urban Life

There is no unanimity over the constituents of a good quality of life.

Initially standard of living has been related with economic development of the country, but economic development is not an end in itself, rather than it is a means to better life. Gardener (1965)51 had stated the same view, that the object of economic development is the welfare and dignity of the individuals. We must concern ourselves, not with aggregate statistics, but with the progress made in assuring each person a full satisfactory life, adequate levels of personal consumption, including food and housing, health and education and also satisfaction of those political, cultural and spiritual needs that are fundamental to all human beings. So there is no direct

50 Dube, K.K. and Kumar, CS. (1997): "Environment Problems in Varanasi City: A Geographical Perspective", National Geographical Journal of India, June, 1997, Vol. (43), (2), pp. 102-111. 51 Gardener, R.N. (1965): "The Politics of Population: A Blueprint for International Co-Operation" in Population Crisis, Ed. Larry, K.Y. & Stuart, M. Indiana Press, Bluemington Indiana, p. 286.

relationship between economic goods or commodities on one hand and welfare or well being on the other.

Lowdon Wingo (1973)52 in his article had mentioned that quality of life is a term in the public domain, any one has right to define it in his /her own way. It is fundamentally a normative construct, like welfare and happiness and presents problems of clarity in its definitions. He has further mentioned that the definition of quality of life must include two fundamental elements, (a) an internal psycho-physiological mechanism which produces the sense of gratification, and (b) external phenomenon which engages that mechanism.

Liu (1974)53 had considered quality of life as a concept, which varies across time, place and individuals. It had been defined as the output of two aggregate inputs: physical quantifiable goods and services and material wealth and non-physical non-measurable psychological factors such as common belongings; self-actualisation, and others.

52 Lowdon, W. (1973): "The Quality of Life: Towards a Micro-Economic Definition", Urban Studies, Vol. 10, pp. 3-18. 53 Liu, B.C. (1974): 'Quality of life Indicator; A Preliminary Investigation', Social Research Indicators, Vol. 1, 1974.

William (1976)54 had been of the view that defining the term 'quality' even for an individual is a difficult task and that for the society, it is perhaps impossible. He had also observed the quality of life in terms of basic human needs and these needs are essentially related to the totality of goods, services and situations.

Research by Andrews and Whitey (1976)55 shows that structural analysis of the aspects of quality of the life reveals three clusters of domains.

The first cluster represents satisfactions, with domains related to important primary groups such as family, marriage and friendship. The second cluster is concerned with the satisfaction of the domains related to transactions with the environment such as work and level of education. The third cluster represents satisfaction with domains related to less personal aspects of the environment such as transportation and neighbourhood. Olsen and Merwin

(1977)56 had observed that whatever contributes to the quality of life of a population, ultimately it is the people who determine it. People's notion of quality of life is thoroughly infused with normative values concerning what

54 William, J. R. (1976): Quality of Life—Critical Chokes for Americans Lexington Books, Massachusetts. 55 Andrews, F.M. and Whitey, J. (1976): Social Indicator of Well Being: American Perspective of Life Quality, Plenum, New York, pp. 16-28. 56 Olsen, M.E. and Merwin, D.J. (1977): "Towards a Methodology for Concluding Social Impact Assessment Using Quality of Social Life Indicators", in Finsterbusch, K. & Wolf C.P. (Eds.) Methodology of Social Impact Assessment, Hutchinson, Pennsylvania, pp. 43-63.

is good and right in their life. Thus, in a similar manner, Helburn (1982)57, for instance, had argued that in a given time, place and society, both necessities and amenities are culturally defined. Therefore, quality of life is highly relative and evaluative, and what is beneficial to one group of people may be detrimental to another.

Mukherjee (1987)58 states that even though concept of quality of life quality of life(QOL) is new in most of the developing countries, its notion has spread all over and the venture has become so popular that politicians, policy makers, researchers and social workers who previously spoke of welfare of the masses, now speak of 'QOL of people. According to Ceccato and Snickers (1998)59 quality of life is a complex concept which has often been associated with numerous other concepts such as level or people's satisfaction with their conditions. Therefore, it is difficult to have a consensus about what QOL is, especially because QOL has been based on so many different approaches. Basically, quality of life is not an absolute concept but it is multidimensional by nature. It is quite possible that what

57 Helburn, N. (1982): "Geography and the Quality of Life", in Annals of American Association of Geographers, Vol. 72 (4), pp. 445-456. 58 Mukherjee, R. (1987): The Quality of Life; Valuation in Social Research, Sage Publication, New Delhi. 59 Ceccato, V. and Snicker, K.F. (1998): "Objective and Subjective Indicators to Evaluate Quality of life in Two Districts in the Stockholm Region", in Breuste, J., Feldmann,H. and Uhlmann, O. (eds). Urban Ecology, pp. 271-77.

may appear very important to a particular person in one context may appear to be meaningless to another.

Many researchers and scholars had opined that quality of life approach is very much concerned with the level of satisfaction of the needs of population. It is assumed that satisfaction of these needs generates the welfare of the population and enhances the quality of life. Studies in the past also identified a number of approaches to the study of satisfaction in life.

However, two different but complementary approaches have been frequently used. 'They are the discrepancy approach and the domain satisfaction approach (Hooi and Keng, 1995)60. The discrepancy approach assumes that feelings of satisfaction are dependent on the way individuals perceive and evaluate aspects of their lives in relation to important standards. The other approach is based on the premise that individuals tend to divide their lives into separate but related aspects (called domains), such as family, work, health and so on.

The effects of the processes of urbanisation are not confined to the economic transformation of a society alone, but their consequences are to be seen in the physical and social transformation of the people also. Mitchell

60 Hooi, S. W., Keng, K.A. (1995): "Assessing, Quality of life in Singapore: An Exploratory Study", Social Indicators Research, Vol. 35, pp. 71-91.

(1956)61 argues that urbanisation has accelerated the process of economic development. It does not only imply the growth of national income but also qualitative changes in the levels of living, provision of basic amenities and emergence of a healthy value system and modern culture.

Holford (1959)62 states that, amenity is not a single quality. It is a catalogue of values which include the beauty that an artist sees, and an architect designs for. Amenity includes utilities like- light, clean air, water, domestic and community services, comfort stations or facilities that reduce the drudgery and hazards of mere existence.

Gardener (1965)63 believes that education plays a multifaceted role in the development process. It enhances people's understanding among themselves, society, and their natural environment, living skills, increases productivity by improving work skills, and lowers reproduction by raising women's status in society. It plays an important part in the nature and quality of an individual's life and work. So education is a process and the end product for the achievement of good quality of life.

61 Mitchell, J.C. (1956): "Urbanisation, Detribalisation and Stabilisation in Southern Africa: A Problem of Definition and Measurement", Report of the International African Institute, London. 62 Halford, W. (1959): "Preserving Amenities", in The Quality of Urban Life and the Perception of Liability: A Case Study of Neighbourhoods in Benin City, Nigeria, written by Omuta, G.E-D. Social Indicators Research, Vol. 20, pp. 417-440. 63 Gardener, R.N. (1965): "The Politics of Population: A Blueprint for International Co-Operation" in Population Crisis, Ed. Larry, K.Y. & Stuart, M. Indiana Press, Bluemington Indiana, p. 286.

Hartley (1972)64 states that continuous increase of population makes the job of improving the quality of life in general, and human potential in particular, more difficult and automatically it also reduces the per capita income.

A number of studies have consistently showed dual quality of life is very much related with family life. Andrews and Whithey, (1976)65;

Northam (1975)66 states that perhaps in terms of their relative explanatory powers, it is the socio-economic component that can be considered as the most significant element of the quality of urban life.

Richard (1994)67 points out that the experience of several countries clearly shows that improvement in the physical quality of life can be brought about even at low levels of per capita GNP and that a high level of per capita

GNP does not necessarily bring about improvement in the physical quality.

64 Hartley, S.F. (1972): Population Quantity versus Quality, A Sociological Examination of the Cause and Consequences of the Population Explosion, Princeton Hall, Sociology Series Inc. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, p. 3. 65 Andrews, F.M. and Whitey, J. (1976): Social Indicator of Well Being: American Perspective of Life Quality, Plenum, New York, pp. 16-28. 66 Northern, R. M. (1975): Urban Geography, John and Wiley and Sons, New York. 67 Richard, F. and Barbara, H.C. (1994): The Relevance of Kerala, Report of the Independence Commission on Population and Quality of life; Caring for the Future, a Radical Agenda for Positive Change, Oxford University Press, New York.

Several studies have shown that the higher income groups have better access to the basic requirements of medical and educational facilities. For example, Singh and D'Souza, (1980)68 in a study of slum and pavement dwellers of different cities of the country have observed that people with higher income are more equipped to send their children to good schools for the quality education. Panikar and Soman (1984)69, also report that in cities, poor have very little access to higher quality and free medical services. It has been also pointed out that better quality of life is primarily determined by the health status of a population and their health status is shaped by factors such as the level of income, standard of living, housing, sanitation, water supply and by the coverage and accessibility of medical care facilities.

Streeten (1984)70 has pointed out that basic amenities mainly refer to the minimum specified quantities and level of such things like shelter, water, sanitation, medicine, and education that are necessary to prevent ill health and underdevelopment of human beings. According to Ceccato and

68 D. Souza (1980)“Slums and is Problems Urban Ecology, PP.271-272. 69 Panikar and Soman (1984) “Indian Metroplies and then problems urban affairs Vol.62, No.3, p:137 – 139. 70 Streeton, P.P. (1984): "Human Development: Means and Ends", American Economic Review, 84, pp. 232-237.

Snickars (1998)71, people living in a place with better services and infrastructure are highly satisfied and their working capability is better than those who do not.

According to UNDP's Human Development Report (1988)72 human development depends on the extent of the availability of the resources required to fulfil the basic choices of the people: (i) to lead a healthy life, and (ii) to acquire knowledge and access to the common resources needed for a decent standard of living.

Haq (1995)73 considers that, level of human development depends mainly on the literacy levels, per capita income and life expectancy. Sharma and Prabhavati (2000)74 have stated that besides per capita income of any person, their quality of life also depends on health, education amid nutritional status. However the role of GDP/GNP cannot be ignored as it still acts as a good facilitator for most aspects of development and is closely associated with human development indicators.

71 Ceccato, V. and Snicker, K.F. (1998): "Objective and Subjective Indicators to Evaluate Quality of life in Two Districts in the Stockholm Region", in Breuste, J., Feldmann,H. and Uhlmann, O. (eds). Urban Ecology, pp. 271-77. 72 Report of U.N.O on Human Development Report, (1988). 73 Haq, M. (1995): "Are Cities Sustainable", in Serageldin, I. and Shivaramakrishnan, K. C. (eds.), Environment and Sustainable Development, World Bank, Washington DC. 74 Prabhavathi (2000)“Quality of Human life in Mega cities” Social Action Journal Vol.31, July – September, pp. 291 – 309.

Beyer (1965)75 has explained the causes for the emergence of slums in the cities, and is of the opinion that poor people can afford housing only in fragile and deteriorated environments, and because of their high concentrations in rather small habitable spaces, the housing stock gets deteriorated fast, and as this leads, the neighborhood also deteriorates further, reinforcing the initial sub-standard conditions.

Rao and Desai (1965)76 in their study of greater Delhi had focused on the impact of immigration during the period 1940-1957, which led to the rapid expansion of the city and changed the socio-economic setup of the urban area.

The concept of quality of life, as applied to the urban environment, is usually understood in two ways. Firstly it concerns the living environment and involves the patterns of inequitable advantages and opportunities that affect each citizen through accessibility to services, facilities and amenities.

Proximity to these is a key factor in improving living conditions. The other elements of the living environment include economic vitality and social equity, which encapsulate an infinite number of specific issues for example, quality and affordability of housing. The second approach in understanding

75 Bayer, G.H. (1965) : Housing and Society, The MacMillan Company, New York, pp.36-52. 76 Rao, V.K.R. and Desai, P.B. (1965): Greater Delhi: A Study in Urbanisation, 1940-1957, Asia Publishing House, Bombay.

urban quality of life, according to Period (1969)77 relates to the natural environment in urban spaces. This approach holds that such factors as air, water and soil quality and the amount of green space available affect the way we live. If population growth is rapid, then there will be more gaps between the resources and the needs of the city. A World Bank Report (1972)78 has articulated this dilemma in these terms 'what most distinguishes the current problems of the developing countries is their scale and intensity. The severity of the problems reflects primarily the overall rapid population growth and acute shortage of resources. In many developing countries, cities have grown far beyond anything imagined only a few decades ago. The essential infrastructure for a city like roads, public transport, health services, water supply, sewerage and sanitation are under pressure. Often, contaminated drinking water causes several water borne diseases like diarrhoea, dysentery; hepatitis, typhoid etc. (WCED 1987)79.

Within the developing countries negative impacts of rising level of pollution are greater for citizens living in slum and squatter settlements than for the elites and growing middle class in the city. Here, most of the low

77 William Period(1969):“Different Environmental” set-up “Urban Future” Oxford, University Press, pp.27 – 28. 78 Report of U.N.O on Human Development Report, (1972). 79 W.C.E.D. (1987): Our Common Future, Oxford University Press, Oxford.

income settlements are located in areas with low or even dangerous levels of environmental quality. (Douglass and Zoghlin, 1994)80.

Smith (1995)81 has supported the view of Douglass and had stated that industrial pollution of land, air, and water in the city affect the poor more than any other section of the community since it is primarily the poor who work and live in polluted environments. This situation is of course made much worse by the failure of the urban authorities to provide adequate infrastructural facilities, particularly in the fields of energy, water supply, and waste disposal, all of which combined with inadequate diets and inadequate housing conditions produce very high levels of morbidity and mortality amongst the urban poor.

Chakravarti (1997)82 has raised different issues, and has stated that little attention has been paid to the dangerously growing problems of non- industrial pollution of air, water, soil and noise; directly related to the overcrowding of the urban areas, in the developing countries. For example in

India, where specific data and report on non-industrial environmental pollution are not available and are not collected by private or government

80 Douglass, M. and ZoGhlin, M. (1994): Sustaining Cities at the Grass Roots: Livelihood, Environment and Social Network in Suanphly, Bangkok, TWPR, Vol. 16, (2). 81 Smith, D. (1995): "Third World Cities: Sustainable Urban Development", Urban Studies, Vol. 33, No. 4- 5, 659-677. 82 Chakravarti, A.K. (1997): "Non-Industrial Pollution Problems in Developing Countries", in Rais Akhtar (ed.) An Example of Urban India, Ashish Publications, New Delhi.

agencies, lack of awareness is creating deteriorating environmental condition in many crowded areas.

Evaelawn and Bengali (1993)83 have stated that the city provides good chances to their residents for upward mobility, particularly economic development, that are often absent in rural areas, and for that reason urban areas act as magnets for rural migrants. In case of basic amenities like medical and educational facilities, studies have shown that higher income groups have better access to these facilities.

Singh (1986)84 has reported that the poor have little access to higher quality of medical services available in the cities. He has also pointed out that rich people are better equipped to avail schooling and educational facilities than the low income groups. Of the socio-economic dimensions explaining much of the variability in urban quality of life, the housing component is most visible. Even a casual visitor or passerby cannot fail to notice differences in the physical quality of the housing. Ceccato and

Snickers (1998)85 in their study on the 'Quality of Life in Stockholm Region' have stated that people living in a place with better services and

83 Mir, A., Evaelawn, A., Bengali, K. (1993): "Poverty in Karachi: Incidence, Location, Characteristics and Upward Mobility", Pakistan Development Review, Vol. 32 (2). 84 Singh, P.D. (1986): Population Structure of Indian cities, A Case Study of the Cities of Bihar, Inter India Publications, New Delhi, p. 173. 85 Snickers, (1998) “Quality of life: An Empirical Study”, IASSI Quarterly, Vol.18. p.12.

infrastructure evaluate their living places more highly than those who do not, even if in both areas the population affirm to be, in general, satisfied with their living place.

Suresh (1999)86 has identified the house as a basic need and being as important as food and clothing. He states that high and rapid urbanisation and high cost of conventional dwelling units have continued to widen the gap between demand and supply in housing.

All over the world growing urban population has become a key challenge for the urban planners and policymakers. Reliable energy, safe drinking water, sanitation facilities, efficient transport and modern telecommunication systems are very much essential for every resident of urban centres. Therefore, proper financial measures are essential to improve the quality of infrastructure and that of basic services in urban areas.

Past studies have shown that cities containing large population and having high urban growth find themselves in an extremely difficult situation.

While studying public expenditure on urban infrastructure Roy and Nath

(1986)87 have asserted that the ability of developing countries to maintain

86 87 Sharma, B.D. (1968): "Urbanisation and Economic Development", The journal of Public Administration, Vol. 14, no. 3, July-September, pp. 474-487.

and expand their stock of urban infrastructure, in response to population growth depends upon administrative, financial, and management skills of their administrators.

Bahl and Linn (1983)88 have set out a framework for pinpointing the sources of revenue that are appropriate to finance expenditure. He has also viewed that borrowing is an appropriate source of financing capital outlays on infrastructural services, particularly public utilities and roads.

Baross and Linden (1990)89 have asserted that 'urban chaos' is perhaps the most accurate description of metropolitan or large-scale city growth in developing countries and this has been especially true in Africa where urban administration appears not to be up to the mark.

Chatterji and Mitra (1990)90 have mentioned that in India nationalisation of peripheral land in Delhi has completely failed. They have pointed out that access to land for low-income-housing has become impossible for the poor people and it is not because of the policy, but

88 Bahl, Roy W., Johannes. F. Linn (1983): 'The Assignment of Local Government Revenues in Developing Countries,' in Charles E. MacLure, Jr., (ed.), Tax Assignment in Federal Countries, Canberra: Australian National Press, p. 56. 89 Baross, P. and Lindon, J.V.D. (1990): The Transformation of Land Supply Systems in Third World Countries, London, Avebury. Bayer, G.H. (1965): Housing aHZ Society, The MacMillan Company, New York, pp. 36-52 90 Chatterji, Mitra, B. (1990): 'Land Supply for Low-Income Housing in Delhi', in: Baross, P. and Lindon, J.V.D. (eds.) The Transformation of Land Supply Systems in Third World Countries, London, Avebury, pp. 193-224.

because of the inefficient administration and unrealistic price control mechanisms.

Cohen (1990)91 has recognised that public-sector bureaucracy has played a major role in the build-up of the current crisis. He has argued that the inflated expectations of the public sector carried within them the seeds of ultimate financial crisis. While comparing the different modules of urban governance, Pierre (1999)92 has argued that despite different models of local urban management, state factors play an important role in shaping urban governance.

Gilbert (1992)93 states that few governments in the developing nations have ever managed their cities very well and in general, their water systems leak: there are frequent electricity black-outs; there is a lack of competent policing and there are pot and rat holes on the roads. Therefore governments of these countries should take more efforts in this direction.

91 Cohen, M.A. (1990): "Macroeconomic Adjustment and the City", Urban Studies, Vol. 27, pp. 49-59. 92 Pierre, J. (1999): "Model of Urban Governance, The Institutional Dimension of Urban Politics", Urban Affairs Review, Vol. (34), No. 3 pp.372-396. 93 Gilbert, A. (1992): "Third World Cities: Housing, Infrastructure and Servicing", Urban Studies, Vol. 29, pp. 435-460.

Johannes and Deborah (2002)94 have placed forward three arguments in support of fiscal decentralisation. The first is that if expenditure and tax rates are determined by those who run the city rather than those who run the country; local preferences will be better addressed, local services will improve, and local residents will be more satisfied with government services. The second argument made in support of fiscal decentralisation is that stronger local governments will contribute to the development of democratic institutions, because people can identify themselves more closely with local rather than the central government. The third argument is that local revenue mobilisation will increase, because local governments are more aware of and can tax more effectively than the central governments.

Mohan and Dasgupta (2005)95 have explained that it is not necessary that higher tax rates would improve the income of urban local bodies, actually improved tax administration and better compliance will go a long way in increasing resources for investment in urban infrastructure. They

94 Johannes, F.L. and Deborah, L.W. (2002): "Financing Infrastructure in Developing Country Mega- Cities", in Mega City Growth and Future, Ronald, J., and Ellen, B., (eds.) United Nations University Press, New York, pp. 256-305. 95 Mohan, R. and Dasgupta, S. (2005): "The 21st Century: Asia Becomes Urban", Economic and Political Weekly, January 15, pp. 213-223.

have also proposed an improvement in the user charges that account a very small proportion of total revenues in developing countries.

Kim (1997)96 states that enormous wealth generated through urbanisation is not being utilised properly to finance shelter and urban infrastructure development and service delivery; so as to further economic development and to improve the quality of life of urban dwellers.

The model proposed emphasises the trade-off between increasing returns and transport costs, traditionally highlighted by central place theory.

Losch (1940)97, developing the work of Christaller (1933)98, describes the distribution of economic activity as a compromise between maximising the number of firms operating in a market (presumably because of some form of aggregate increasing returns) and minimising transport costs (Mulligan,

(1984)99 can be seen for a review of the literature on central place theory, and Henderson, (1972)100 for a critical evaluation of this theory).

96 Kim, K.H. (1997): "Housing Finance and Urban Infrastructure Finance", Urban Studies, Vol. 34, pp. 1597-1620. 97 Losch (1940)“Market Failure and Externalities”, American Economic Papers on Sociology, Vol.60, PP.486. 98 Christaller (1933), City and Region, Freeman Company, San Fransisco USA. 99 Mulligan (1984)“Central Place Theorem” Urban Economics, II Edition, TaTa Mc Craw Hill Publishers, Bombay. 100 Henderson, J.I. (1972): Urban Development: Theory, Fact and Illusion, New York, Oxford University Press, pp. 1-10.

Urban economists have built on a similar tension between agglomeration and dispersion forces, but have generally stressed commuting costs and congestion rather than transport costs as the main factor limiting urban growth. The distinction can be regarded as a historical one: commuting costs, land rents and pollution have gained importance recently, during early urbanisation it is mainly the need to serve activities, such as agriculture, which makes use of dispersed resources that constrained city growth.

The main reason for this is the existence of multiple equilibrium in the location of economic activity, which arise from circular causation in the location, decisions of agents, firms and workers tend to locate close to large markets, which are in turn those where more firms and workers locate

(There are a variety of concepts related to this argument, such as Perroux's,

(1955)101, 'growth poles', Myrdal's, 1957102, 'circular and cumulative causation', or Hirshman's, (1958), 'forward and backward linkages', although its application to regional growth is usually associated with Pred, (1966).

These concepts, while extremely insightful, find it difficult to make their way into mainstream economic theory. Increasing returns to scale are

101 Perroux (1955):“Theorem of Economic Growth” Allied Publishers, New Delhi. 102 Myrdal’s “Asian Drama” (1957) Tata Mc Craw Hill Publishers, Bombay.

essential for explaining the geographical distribution of economic activities

(Scotchmer and Thisse, 1992103 call this the 'Folk Theorem of Spatial

Economies). However, only recently the developments in industrial organisation and trade theory have produced the tools to deal with increasing returns and imperfect competition in a tractable way. Of course, there are ways to get around imperfect competition, the most common of which is to rely on pure externalities to deal with agglomeration within a perfectly competitive framework. This strategy has yielded very useful insights on issues like why there are cities of different sizes and functions, notably in the work of Henderson (1974, 1988).104 The down side of relying solely on pure external economies is that one cannot relate the strength of agglomeration forces to micro features of the economy.

An overview of the process of urbanization and its impact on agriculture is essential to contextualize the urbanization process in India and to specify appropriate econometric models to study the drivers of urbanization and its impacts on rural sector. The most conspicuous but often neglected tension in the modern development paradigm is probably the competition for land and water resources between rural and urban users. The

103 Scotchmer and Thisse, (1992)theorem of Spatial Economics Journal of American Urban Geography, Vol. 221o.2, July – p218 – 222. 104 Henderson, J.I. (1988): Urban Development: Theory, Fact and Illusion, New York, Oxford University Press, pp. 1-10.

growing tension between the interests of vast majority of geographically widely distributed rural communities with very limited political power and the more concentrated urban elites with high degree of political and market power has the potential for snowballing into a major conflict between these two groups (Balasubramanian, 2003).105

Therefore, sustaining agricultural growth in the context of expanding and intensifying urban pressure has become an important policy issue in recent times. Population pressure together with increasing urbanization and industrialization has considerably reduced the land available for agricultural production, thus forcing agricultural intensification with attendant negative consequences for rural landscapes and agricultural environment (Alauddin and Quiggin, 2008).106

Urban growth is likely to have wide-ranging impacts on rural landscapes including loss of land used in food production, loss of open space for environmental uses, and seriously limiting the farmers’ option to remain in farming (Larson, et al, 2001).107

105 Balasubramanian, R.(2003) The Water Resource Problems in India – An Institutional Perspective, Paper presented in the Conference on Agricultural and Rural Society in Contemporary India, Barddhaman, West Bengal, December 17-20. 106 Alauddin, M. and J. Quiggin.(2008) Agricultural intensification, irrigation and the environment in South Asia: Issues and policy options, Ecological Economics,Vol.65 pp:111-124. 107 Larson, (2001) Wide ranging impacts on rural landscapes, Vol.2, pp.22.

Through increased pressure on selling their land and water for non- agricultural purposes, urbanization leads to increased opportunity costs of farming. Further, the present institutional arrangement in land, viz. market allocation of land to urban and agricultural uses allows the allocation of land to its highest priced use, rather than its highest valued use. The increased private control over land has led to the loss of rural landscapes in Poland, because both the farmers and the local governments stand to gain from the conversion of land from agricultural to urban uses. Low profitability in agriculture along with high prices of land for urban uses shifts their interest in favour of selling the land for non-agricultural purposes (Wasilewski and

Krukowski, 2002).108

Similar trends are observed in many parts of Tamil Nadu where decreasing profitability in agriculture and increasing price of lands for non- agricultural purposes have encouraged farmers to sell lands for non- agricultural, urban uses. In many areas, pollution and over exploitation of groundwater resources are the direct results of demographic shifts from rural to urban areas. Urban areas form concentrated points of demand for water

108 Wasilewski, A., and K. Krukowski.(2002):and Conversion for Suburban Housing: A study of urbanization around Warsaw and Olsztyn, Poland. Sustainable Agriculture in Central and Eastern European Countries (CEESA) Discussion Paper No.8, ISSN 1616-9166.

with relatively little fluctuation [in the demand for water] (Moench,

1992).109

The loss of productive agricultural lands and water resources causes reduction in food production, which may necessitate food imports. For example, urbanization and industrialization were found to be the important driving forces behind the conversion of farmlands in China (Zhang et al,

2004). In view of the fact that India’s population pressure on land and water resources is equally severe as that of China, the Chinese experience is likely to be repeated in India. Further, the process of urbanisation cannot be sustained in the long run since poverty induced expansion in informal sector in urban areas seems to be reaching an upper limit (Kundu, 2000).110

Because of the high costs associated with “reconverting” land back from urban to agricultural uses, it is important to consider if the continued loss of farmland to urban land could exacerbate a possible shortage of productive agricultural land in the future (Plaut, 1980).111

109 Moench, M.(1992):Drawing Down the Buffer: Science and Politics of Groundwater Management in India, Economic and Political Weekly, 27(13):A7-A14. 110 Kundu, A. (2000): Globalising Gujarat: Urbanisation, Employment and Poverty, Economic and Political Weekly, August 26, SeptemberVoll. 2,pp 3173 – 3181. 111 Plaut, T. 1980. Urban Expansion and the Loss of Farmland in the United States: Implications for the Future, American Journal of Agricultural Economics, 62: 537 – 542.

Even before the actual transfer of land for urban uses occurs there is a tendency for land being idled in anticipation of conversion (Berry, 1978)112 especially in the suburban areas, which could be witnessed in many parts of the world. In addition to the transfer of land and water resources, these resources are also degraded due to pollution caused by urban wastes and industrial effluents, thus rendering them unfit for agricultural production. In addition to the direct transfer of land from agricultural to urban uses, urbanization also affects agriculture indirectly through regulatory effects, technical efficiency effects, speculative effects and market effects (See

Lopez et al, (1988) for more details on these effects). All these indirect effects are most likely to reduce the efficiency of production, increase costs and reduce the profitability of staying in agriculture. The lands purchased by real estate developers from the farmers are not put to use immediately and remain idle for several years. In many parts of Tamil Nadu, speculative activities in land markets in the urban fringes have led to wasteful use or sub-optimal use of resources. A kind of urban absentee landlordism is emerging as a new phenomenon due to speculative activities in land market.

Secondly, the transfer of water especially groundwater towards urban uses also leads to fallowing of land and / or under use of lands. Thus, the transfer

112 Berry, D. 1978. Effects of Urbanisation on Agricultural Activities, Growth and Change, 9:2-8.

or degradation of one resource (land/water) has a direct bearing on the extent of use of the other resource (water/land). Increasing employment opportunities in urban areas leading to scarcity of labourers and higher wage rates for agricultural workers is also a major factor responsible for decline of agriculture in the peri-urban areas. Not only the members of agricultural labourer households but also of the agricultural families are increasingly opting for non-agricultural avenues for earning their livelihood. All these factors lead to decline of agriculture in urban fringes.

In Benin, the National Institute of Statistics and Economic Analysis considers any head town of a district must be with a population of 10,000 inhabitants or more, and with at least four of the following: post office, tax office, public treasury, bank, running water supplies, electricity, health centre and secondary school. Population density and the proportion of non- agricultural activities are not considered (Tingbé-Azalou, 1997).113 This is often the case in sub-Saharan Africa, where small towns are defined on the basis of administrative, demographic and infrastructural characteristics even when the majority of the population engages in agricultural activities (Gado

113 Tingbé-Azalou, A. (1997): “Cultural dimensions of rural-urban relations in Benin” in Baker, J. (editor), Rural-Urban Dynamics in Francophone Africa, Nordiska Afrikain-stitutet, Uppsala, pp. 79-89.

and Guitart, 1996)114, Exceptions to rules, however, include Senegal’s main religious centre, Touba, which is effectively a “sacred site” ruled by the religious hierarchy and where Islamic legislation prevails over state legislation. Indeed, Touba is still classed as a village despite an estimated population of over 300,000 which makes it the country’s second largest settlement (Gueye, 1997).115

Asia remains predominantly a rural continent, with two-thirds of its population living in rural areas in 1990. However, if both India and China were to change their definition of urban centres to one based on a relatively low population threshold - as used by many Latin American and European nations a large proportion of their population would change from rural to urban category In many nations, all settlements above a certain threshold, often 2,000 or 2,500 inhabitants and, in some countries, only a few hundred inhabitants, are considered urban. A large proportion of India’s and China’s rural population live in settlements which under such definitions would be reclassified as urban. Since India and China have a high share of Asia’s population this, in turn, would significantly change Asia’s level of

114 Gado, B. and Guitart, F. (1996):“ L’influence de Niamey sur les marchés de Baleyra et Kollo (Niger)” in Coquery-Vidrovitch, C., D’Almeida-Topor, H. and J. Sénéchal (editors), Interdépendances villes- campagnes en Afrique, L’Harmattan, Paris, pp .177-186. 115 Gueye, C. (1997), “Touba: les marabouts urbanisants” in Bertrand, M. and A. Dubresson (editors), Petites et moyennes villes d’Afrique Noire, Karthala, Paris, pp. 179-204.

urbanization - and even change the world’s level of urbanization by a few per centage points (Hardoy and Satterthwaite, 1989; UNCHS, 1996).116

b. Definitions of Urban Boundaries

A second problem is the definition of urban centres’ boundaries.

Especially in South East Asia, the growth of extended metropolitan regions where agricultural and non-agricultural activities are spatially integrated makes the distinction between rural and urban problems (Firman, 1996117;

Hugo, 1996118; Ginsberg et al., 1991119). The term kotadesasi joins the

Indonesian words kota (town) and desa (village) to describe urban and rural activities taking place in the same geographical area (McGee, 1987).120 The process occurs in many different locations with a radius as large as 100 kilometres and involves an intense mixture of land use with agriculture, cottage industries, industrial estates, suburban developments and other uses existing side by side, as well as the extreme mobility and fluidity of the population, including commuting and the movement of goods within the

116 Hardoy, J.E., Mitlin, D. and D. Satterthwaite (1992): Environmental Problems in Third World Cities, Earthscan, London. 117 Firman, T. (1996): “Urban development in Bandung metropolitan region: a transformation to a Desa- Kota region”, Third World Planning Review Vol.18, No.1, pp. 1-22. 118 Hugo, G. (1996): “Urbanization in Indonesia: city and countryside linked” in Gugler, J. (editor), The Urban Transformation of the Developing World, Oxford University Press, Oxford, pages133-184. 119 Ginsberg, N., Koppel, B. and T. G. McGee (editors) (1991): The Extended Metropolis Settlement Transition in Asia, University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu. 120 McGee, T.G. (1987): Urbanization or Kotadesasi - The Emergence of New Regions of Economic Interaction in Asia, Working paper, Environment and Policy Institute, East West Center, Honolulu.

region (ibid). In Africa, transformations in the peri-urban areas reflect regional differences and, while agricultural activities still prevail, significant shifts in land ownership and employment patterns take place, often involving the marginalization of both rural and urban poor. In northern Nigeria, the high cost of food and accommodation in the cities has resulted in high levels of daily commuting from peripheral villages which show a strong involvement in the urban food market, a high proportion of non-farm employment, a substantial increase in agricultural wage labour force and a burgeoning land market (Swindell, 1988).121

c. The Ecological Footprints of Urban Centres

Another uncertainty regarding the definition of urban boundaries is the fact that urban residents and enterprises depend for basic resources and ecological functions on an area significantly larger than the built-up area.

This is illustrated by the concept of cities’ ecological footprints, developed by Rees (1992)122 and Wackernagel and Rees (1995),123 which points to the large land area on whose production the inhabitants and businesses of any city depend for food, other renewable resources and the absorption of

121 Swindell, K. (1988): “Agrarian change and peri-urban fringes in tropical Africa” in Rimmer, D. (editor), Rural Transformation in Tropical Africa, Belhaven, London, pp 98-115. 122 Rees, W. (1992): “Ecological footprints and appropriate carrying capacity: what urban economics leaves out”, Environment and Urbanization Vol.4, No.2, pp 121-130. 123 Wackernagel, M. and W. Rees (1995): Our Ecological Footprint: Reducing Human Impact on the Earth, New Society Publishers, Gabriola.

carbon to compensate for the carbon dioxide emitted from fossil fuel use.

The size of a city’s ecological footprint is typically several times the area of the city itself although its size as a multiple of the city area will vary considerably, and is influenced by the wealth of the city and the energy intensity of its production base as well as by such factors as the basis on which the city boundary is defined. Although resources may be drawn from far beyond the city-region, especially for wealthy cities, for most urban areas, many such resources are drawn from close by. The concept is linked to the idea of carrying-capacity, or the need to balance resource consumption and waste discharge with the preservation of the functional integrity and productivity of relevant ecosystems (UNCHS, 1996).124

d. Sectoral Interactions

Definitions based on a sharp distinction between urban and rural settlements often assume that the livelihoods of their inhabitants can be equally reduced to two main categories: agriculture based in rural areas, and a reliance on manufacture and services in urban centres. However, recent research has shown that the number of urban households engaging in agriculture and that of rural households whose income is derived from non-

124 United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (UNCHS) (1996): An Urbanizing World: Global report on Human Settlements, Oxford University Press, Oxford.

farm activities is far higher than usual thought (Abramovay and Sachs,

1996125; Bhooshan, 1986126; Bryceson and Jamal, 1997127; Misra,

1986128; Saint and Goldsmith, 1980129). These sectoral interactions can also have a spatial dimension. For example, when one or some of their members migrate but, (as is often the case) retain strong links with their relatives in rural home areas, households can be defined as multi-spatial, combining farm and non-farm activities and rural and urban residence. Even where activities can be described as either rural or urban and are spatially separated, there is a continued and varied exchange of resources. Urban centres may provide markets as well as social and producer services for the rural population whereas, for many urban individuals, access to rural land or produce through family or reciprocal relationships can be crucial. The policy implications of sectoral interactions are particularly important. For example, rural development programmes have traditionally tended to increase

125 Abramovay, R. and I. Sachs (1996): “Nouvelles configurations villes-campagnes” in UNHCS (Habitat) Habitat II - Dialogue # 6: Land and Rural/Urban Linkages in the Twenty-First Century, Proceedings of the Conference held in Istanbul, June 6 1996, UNCHS, Nairobi. 126 Bhooshan, B.S. (1986): “Bangalore, Mandya and Mysore districts” in Hardoy, J.E. and D. Satterthwaite (editors), Small and Intermediate Urban Centres: their Role in Regional and National Development in the Third World, John Wiley, UK and Westview Press, USA, pp. 131-184. 127 Bryceson, D.F. (1997b): “De-agrarianisation: blessing or blight?” in Bryceson, D.F. and V. Jamal (editors), Farewell to Farms: De-Agrarianisation and Employment in Africa, Africa Studies Centre Leiden, Research Series 1997/10, Ashgate, Aldershot, pp. 237-256. 128 Misra, H.N. (1986): “Rae Bareli, Sultanpur and Pratapgarh districts, Uttar Pradesh, North India” in Hardoy, J.E. and D. Satterthwaite (editors), Small and Intermediate Urban Centres; their role in Regional and and National Development in the Third World, Hodder and Stoughton, UK and Westview Press, USA, pp. 185-224. 129 Saint, W.S. and W.D. Goldsmith (1980): “Cropping systems, structural change and rural-urban migration in Brazil”, World Development Vol. 8, pp. 259-272.

agricultural production but have rarely included non-farm activities such as the processing of raw agricultural materials and the manufacturing of agricultural equipment, tools and inputs, and this has resulted in the marginalization of some groups in rural areas. Similarly, urban housing strategies for low-income groups tend to neglect their need to diversify their incomes or produce foodstuffs for household consumption (for example, through urban agriculture) and maintain or to expand their social networks with rural areas (for example, by hosting newly arrived migrants in their homes) which can be restricted by narrow controls over settlement and land use in public housing projects (Chase, 1997). Straddling the rural-urban divide is, in some cases and for some groups, an important part of survival strategies. Policies which neglect this may increase their poverty and vulner- ability.

III. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

Much of the development debate of the last 40 years has centred on the changing relationship between agriculture and industry and on the

“correct” allocation of investment between the two sectors. Policies aiming at economic growth traditionally followed one of two different approaches.

The first favours investment in the agricultural sector, which can then provide the necessary surplus for industrial and urban development, whereas

the second approach argues that industrial and urban growth are pre requisites for a more modern and productive agricultural sector (Escobar,

1995 gives a detailed analysis of the development economics discourse). The relative influence of these theoretical positions has changed over time, as summarized below.

a. Modernization through Industrialization and Urbanization

In the early 1950s, development was conceptualized in terms of national economies taking off through the increase in the size of domestic markets and the creation of inducements to invest. In this way, the modern sector would progressively encroach upon the traditional sector, and the money economy upon subsistence or near subsistence. This dualistic construction based essentially upon Nurske’s (1953)130 and Lewis’ (1954)131 models has pervaded economists’ and donors’ views for several decades.

Industrialization and urbanization were the part and parcel of the modernization process. Lewis (1954) assumed that in densely populated rural settlements in the Third World, marginal productivity would be minimal. Therefore, the transfer of labourers from rural agriculture to urban industry could occur without decline in agricultural productivity. Indeed,

130 Nurske, R. (1953): Problems of Capital Formation in Underdeveloped Countries, Oxford University Press, Oxford. 131 Lewis, W.A. (1954): “Economic development with unlimited supply of labor” in Agarwala, A.N. and S.P. Singh (editors), The Economics of Underdevelopment, Oxford University Press, Oxford.

until the mid-1960s, rural to urban migration was perceived as a positive process and several studies focused on the implications of permanent settlement of workers and their families in urban areas (for example, Elkan,

1960132). However, by the end of the decade, it became clear that job creation in the manufacturing sector was much lower than expected and could not absorb the fast-growing urban populations. Concern with over- urbanization translated into policies attempting to curtail labourer migration to the cities. At the same time, the first studies on the urban informal sector

(Hart, 1973133; ILO, 1972134; Weeks, 1973135) sparked the still on-going debate on the sector’s development potential (for example, Portes, Castells and Benton, 1989136; Moser, 1978137; Standing and Tokman, 1991138).

b. Urban Bias

In this context, Lipton’s (1977)139 notion of urban bias made an important and provocative contribution to the debate. In his view, the rural

132 Elkan, W. (1960): Migrants and Proletarians: Urban Labour in the Economic Development of Uganda, Oxford University Press, London. 133 Hart, K. (1973): “Informal income opportunities and urban employment in Ghana”, Journal of Modern African Studies 11, pp. 61-89. 134 International Labour Office (ILO) (1972): Employment, Incomes and Equality: A Strategy for Increasing Productive Employment in Kenya, ILO, Geneva. 135 Weeks, J. (1973) :“Does employment matter?” in Jolly, R. et al. (1973), Third World Employment, Penguin, Harmondsworth, pp. 61-65. 136 Portes, A., Castells, M. and L.A. Benton (editors) (1989), The Informal Economy, The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore. 137 Moser, C. (1978): “Informal sector or petty commodity production: dualism or dependence in urban development?”, World Development Vol.6, No.9/10, pp. 1041-1964. 138 Standing, G. and V. Tokman (editors) (1991): Towards Social Adjustment, ILO, Geneva. 139 Lipton, M. (1977): Why Poor People Stay Poor: Urban Bias in World Development, Temple Smith, London.

poor were dominated and exploited by powerful urban interests. The most important class conflict in the Third World is between the rural classes and the urban classes, since “...the rural sector contains most of the poverty and most of the low-cost sources of potential advance; but the urban sector contains most of the articulate-ness, organization and power” (1977:13).

Lipton’s argument was subjected to intense criticism, mainly on the grounds of his conceptualization of indifferentiated urban and rural societies which do not take into account the existence of urban poor and rural rich

(Corbridge, 1982)140. On a descriptive and empirical level, Lipton provided a useful account of the relative flows of surpluses between rural and urban areas. However, the conflation of people with places makes it difficult to explain why these flows occur (Unwin, 1989)141. Bates (1981)142 extended the criticism of urban élites in his analysis of the role of African bureaucracies which, in the name of industrialization, were seen as over controlling their economics, skewing incentives and infrastructural investment towards urban areas and, generally, undermining the real material base of African economics, that is, agricultural production. More

140 Corbridge, S. (1982): “Urban bias, rural bias and industrialisation: an appraisal of the works of Michael Lipton and Terry Byres” in Harriss, J. (editor), Rural Development: Theories of Peasant Economies and Agrarian Change, Routledge, London, pp. 94-116. 141 Unwin, T. (1989): “Urban-rural interaction in developing countries: a theoretical perspective” in Potter, R. and T. Unwin (editors), The Geography of Urban-Rural Interaction in Developing Countries, Routledge, London, pp. 11-33. 142 Bates, R.H. (1981): Markets and States in Tropical Africa, University of California Press, Berkeley.

recently, the attack on rent-seeking, urban based bureaucratic élites has been taken over by neoclassical economics and implemented through structural adjustment packages aiming to drastically reduce the role of the State.

c. Structural Adjustment, Globalization and Decentralization

Neo-classical economics, underpinning IMF and World Bank reform of Third World economies, advocates rolled-back governments and public sectors and competitive free markets determining human capital formation, resource allocation and growth. Development strategies are export oriented and this, for many Third World Countries, means export of primary commodities, including foodstuffs. The hard currencies then earned can be used to buy-in foreign grains or increase the private capital pools available to farmers. In both cases, it is expected that, once the distorted price systems associated with import-substitution industrialization and other urban biased state policies have been removed, “...local agricultural production will blossom and expand” (Corbridge, 1989).143 However, for many small farmers, and especially in Africa, structural adjustment has resulted in a price squeeze with the cost of agricultural inputs and consumer goods rising faster than the prices of agricultural produce. Government cutbacks in

143 Corbridge, S. (1989): “Urban-rural relations and the counterrevolution in development theory and practice” in Potter, R. and T. Unwin (editors), The Geography of Urban-Rural Interaction in Developing Countries, Routledge, London, pp. 233-257.

subsidies often means that only large-scale farmers can buy inputs in bulk and sell in bulk to overcome high transport costs, or can afford to wait and sell their produce some time after harvesting, benefiting from seasonal price fluctuations. Hence, despite the goal of SAPs to reduce the rural-urban income gap (and, as a consequence, to lower the rates of rural to urban migration), access to international markets has proved not to be equal for all producers and deepening social differentiation in both towns and countryside is part and parcel of economic reform. Migration as a survival strategy has, therefore continued, together with income diversification and what Jamal and Weeks (1988) have typified as the “trade-cum-wage earner-cum-shamba class”, for whom straddling the rural-urban divide is an essential element of either survival or accumulation strategies.

Another central aspect of rural-urban relations in the 1990s is the decentralization of administrative functions, at least in part due to the increasing pressure from the international financial institutions and the donor community for political democratization and State reform. However, in many countries, this process is not immune from contradictions between the theory and practice of decentralization, and local authorities often face significant problems in escaping control and interference from the central government and in realizing financial and administrative autonomy

(Bertrand and Dubresson, 1997144; Jaglin and Dubresson, 1993145;

Nyassogbo, 1997146; Stren, 1991147; Ziavoula, 1997148). In policy terms, decentralization has renewed interest in regional development planning as well as in the role of small and intermediate urban centres in Third World development.

IV. RURAL-URBAN INTERACTIONS AND SPATIAL PLANNING

In surveying development strategies which affect rural-urban interactions, it is difficult to know what to exclude since virtually all policies have some effect on the form and the spatial distribution of national development. Macro-economic or pricing policies, or sectoral priorities which make no explicit reference to spatial dimensions, are often the most powerful influences affecting linkages between urban centres and the countryside. Neglecting the impact of these policies is often a major factor in the failure of spatial development strategies (Hamer, 1984149; Hardoy and

144 Bertrand, M. and A. Dubresson (editors) (1997): Petites et moyennes villes d’Afrique Noire, Karthala, Paris. 145 Jaglin, S. and A. Dubresson (editors) (1993): Pouvoirs et cités d’Afrique Noire: Décentralisations en questions, Karthala, Paris. 146 Nyassogbo, G. (1997): “Développement local, villes secondaires et décentralisation au Togo” in Bertrand, M. and A. Dubresson (editors), Petites et moyennes villes d’Afrique Noire, Karthala, pp. 89-110. 147 Stren, R. (1991): “Old wine in new bottles? An overview of Africa’s urban problems and the ‘urban management’ approach to dealing with them”, Environment and Urbanization Vol.3, No.1. 148 Ziavoula, R.E. (1997): “A new look at linking towns in the Congo” in Baker, J. (editor), Rural-Urban Dynamics in Francophone Africa, Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Uppsala, pp. 65-78. 149 Hamer, A. M. (1984): Decentralized Urban Development and Industrial Location Behaviour in Sao Paulo, Brazil: A Synthesis of Research Issues and Conclusions, Discussion Paper, Water Supply and Urban Development Department, the World Bank, Washington DC.

Satterthwaite, 1986a150). Despite widespread criticism of spatial planning

(see Gilbert, 1992151 for a review), its popularity with governments does not seem to have diminished. The next sections examine two main categories of spatial policies: those attempting to limit urban growth and control migration, and those whose goal is to increase the role of small and intermediate towns in regional development.

a. Controlling Urban Growth and Rural-Urban Migration

Concern over the over-urbanization of the Third World tends to portray urban growth as due mainly to rural-urban migration. This is seen as an indicator of regional and sectoral distortions in patterns of development as well as the origin of practical administrative difficulties in planning urban public services, and a possible source of social unrest in the cities. Such alarmism is often unjustified since natural increase is usually the primary reason for urban growth, which has also been faster where economic growth is the highest (Preston, 1988152; UNCHS, 1996153). Despite the fear of uncontrolled urbanization has resulted in widespread policies designed to

150 Hardoy, J. E. and D. Satterthwaite (1986a): “Government policies and small and intermediate urban centres” 151 Gilbert, A. (1992): “Urban and regional systems: a suitable case for treatment?” in Gilbert, A. and J. Gugler (editors), Cities, Poverty and Development (second edition), Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 220-62. 152 Preston, S.H. (1988): “Urban growth in developing countries: a demographic reappraisal” in Gugler, J. (editor), The Urbanization of the Third World, Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 11-32. 153 United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (UNCHS) (1996): An Urbanizing World: Global report on Human Settlements 1996, Oxford University Press, Oxford.

limit urban growth and control rural-urban migration on the grounds of migrants’ pressure on already insufficient housing and infrastructure. These policies usually have little impact aside from lowering welfare, especially for the poor and the middle-classes. In Dares Salaam and Jakarta, the only real effects of migration controls were to make life for the poor much harder while often increasing corruption as “illegal” migrants have to bribe officials in order to secure their stay in the city (Jellinek, 1988154; Gilbert, 1992155).

Authoritarian regimes in China and Kampuchea, and apartheid South Africa are able to implement drastic migration controls at a very high human cost and within political systems which contravened many human rights. After

1978, China began to relax its migration control largely, because these proved incompatible with the rapidly changing demand for labourer, especially in and around major foreign trade centres in the coastal regions

(Chen and Parish, 1996).156 In many cases, policy makers are deeply unaware of the impact of macro-economic policies on migration and urban development (Becker and Morrison, 1996157). Free market strategies, trade

154 Jellinek, L. (1988): “The changing fortunes of a Jakarta street-trader” in Gugler, J. (editor), The Urbanization of the Third World, Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 204-223. 155 Gilbert, A. (1992): “Urban and regional systems: a suitable case for treatment?” in Gilbert, A. and J. Gugler (editors), Cities, Poverty and Development (second edition), Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 220-62. 156 Chen, X. and W. L. Parish (1996): “Urbanization in China: reassessing an evolving model” in Gugler, J. (editor), The Urban Transformation of the Developing World, Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 61-92. 157 Becker, C.M. and A. R. Morrison (1996): “Public policy and rural-urban migration” in Gugler, J. (editor), Cities in the Developing World: Issues, Theory and Policy, Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 88-107.

liberalization and decreasing government intervention in the national economy have a significant impact on population movement and on the physical form of urban settlements. In Thailand, the government’s efforts to influence the pattern and process of industrialization, to control the growth of Bangkok’s extended metropolitan region, have not been effective despite incentives offered to firms to relocate outside the area. Indeed, it is transnational firms allied with local industry rather than the State which control the shape, form and character of urbanization in the region

(Parnwell and Wongsuphasawat, 1997158). The trend towards mega-cities is often linked to the continuing concentration of offshore enclave manufacturing enterprises in main urban areas, where the availability of cheap labourer, often female and migrant, is likely to be higher (Potter and

Unwin, 1995159).

158 Parnwell, M. and L. Wongsuphasawat (1997): “Between the global and the local: extended metropolitanisation and industrial location decision making in Thailand”, Third World Planning Review Vol.19, No.2, pp. 119-138. 159 Potter, R. and T. Unwin (1995): “Urban-rural interaction: physical form and political process in the Third World”, Cities Vol.12, No.1, pp. 67-74.

b. Small Towns and Regional Planning

Although, traditionally, the debate on rural-urban interactions has been dominated by interest in the ways in which very large cities influence the development of national space, small and intermediate urban centres are often seen as playing a crucial role in rural-urban interactions given the usually strong link and complementary relationship with their rural hinterland (Baker and Claeson, 1990160). Interpretations of rural-urban relationships and planning prescriptions are clearly linked and, while policy and theoretical considerations tend to overlap, they are discussed separately here for analytical purposes. This section reviews three main views on the role of small urban centres in regional development: the optimistic one, the pessimistic one and the intermediate position. It then summarizes recent models of spatial planning.

i. The Role of Small Towns in Rural Development: Changing Views and

Perceptions

In the 1950s and 1960s, small towns were generally seen as playing a positive role in development as the centres from which innovation and modernization would trickle down to the rural populations. A more recent

160 Baker, J. and C-F. Claeson (1990): “Introduction” in Baker, J. (editor), Small Town Africa: Studies in Rural-Urban Interaction, The Scandinavin Institute of African Studies, Uppsala, pp. 7-34.

and highly influential contribution to this positive view was the development of the concept of “urban functions in rural development” (Rondinelli and

Ruddle, 1978161; Belsky and Karaska, 1990162) for which the most effective and rational spatial strategy for promoting rural development is to develop a well-articulated, integrated and balanced urban hierarchy. This network of small, medium sized and larger urban centres is described as

“...locationally efficient - it allows clusters of services, facilities and infrastructure that cannot be economically located in small villages and hamlets to serve a widely dispersed population from an accessible central place” (Rondinelli, 1985163). The location of more service supply points supplying a variety of services, agricultural inputs and consumer goods to the rural areas is seen as playing a crucial role in rural development. While this approach has been widely used by large international donors such as

USAID, and still influences more recent regional planning models, it has been criticized on the grounds that low rural consumption is caused by social inequality and low incomes rather than by difficult access to supply

161 Rondinelli, D. and K. Ruddle (1978): Urbanization and Rural Development: A Spatial Policy for Equitable Growth, Praeger, New York. 162 Belsky, E.S. and G.J. Karaska (1990): “Approaches to locating urban functions in developing rural areas” in International Regional Science Review Vol.13, No.3, pp. 225-240. 163 Rondinelli, D. (1985): Applied Methods of Regional Analysis: The Spatial Dimensions of Development Policy, Westview Press, Boulder, Colorado.

(Hardoy and Satterthwaite, 1986b164; Morris, 1997165; Pedersen, 1997166;

Simon, 1992167).

Southall (1988)168 articulated the pessimistic view, also in response to

Rondinelli’s model. The main argument, echoing the “urban bias” debate, is that small towns contribute to rural impoverishment as they are “vanguards of exploitation” of the rural poor by external forces which, according to the case, may be colonial powers, multinational enterprises, central national government, local administrators and élites and, in some cases, international donors. However, when there is a relatively egalitarian class structure and free access to land, and where the stimulus to urban growth results in activity primarily by the people and for themselves ... small scale urbanization may be beneficial locally.

Hardoy and Satterthwaite (1986a, 1986c, 1988)169 are probably the most representative proponents of the third position which has been defined

164 Hardoy, J. E. and D. Satterthwaite (1986b): “A survey of empirical material on the factors affecting the development of small and intermediate urban centres” in Hardoy, J. E. and D. Satterthwaite (editors), Small and Intermediate Urban Centres: their role in National and Regional Development in the Third World, Hodder and Stoughton, London and Westview (USA), pp. 279-334. 165 Morris, A. (1997): “Market behaviour and market systems in the state of Mexico” in van Lindert, P. and O. Verkoren (editors), Small Towns and Beyond: Rural Transformation and Small Urban Centres in Latin America, Thela Publishers, Amsterdam, pp. 123-132. 166 Pedersen, P.O. (1997): Small African Towns: Between Rural Networks and Urban Hierarchies, Avebury, Aldershot. 167 Simon, D. (1992): “Conceptualizing small towns in African development” in Baker, J. and P.O. Pedersen (editors), The Rural-Urban Interface in Africa: Expansion and Adaptation, The Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Uppsala, pp. 29-50. 168 Southall, A. (1988): “Small towns in Africa revisited”, African Studies Review Vol.31, No.3 . 169 Hardoy, J. E. and D. Satterthwaite (1986c): “Some tentative conclusions” in Hardoy, J.

as “intermediate” (Baker and Claeson, 1990).170 Unlike much of the previous literature, Hardoy and Satterthwaite’s conclusions are drawn from detailed empirical studies from Latin America, Asia and Africa, and one major finding is that universal generalizations and prescriptions, which formed the basis of most spatial planning models, are not valid. Therefore, centralized policies may not be efficient since they cannot take into account the peculiarities and specifics of small towns and their regions. What is needed instead is real decentralization of decision-making, with investment and resource-raising at the local level which will allow the articulation of local needs and priorities and which will stimulate both rural and urban development. Moreover, wider socio-economic issues are also likely to affect small towns and, by extension, migration to larger cities. For example, inequitable land-owning structures in South India are one of the reasons why rapid growth in agricultural production has not stimulated development in many small urban centres (Harriss and Harriss, 1988).171 Government crop purchasing policies and taxation can also influence the levels of rural and urban prosperity and deprivation: for example, government’s promotion of citrus production in Brazil has paradoxically resulted in increased out-

170 Baker, J. and C-F. Claeson (1990): “Introduction” in Baker, J. (editor), Small Town Africa: Studies in Rural-Urban Interaction, The Scandinavin Institute of African Studies, Uppsala, pp. 7-34. 171Harriss, B. and J. Harriss (1988): “Generative or parasitic urbanism? Some observations from the recent history of a South Indian market town”, Journal of Development Studies Vol.20, No.3, pp. 82-101.

migration due to land ownership concentration (Saint and Goldsmith,

1980).172 Finally, attention must be given to the social dimensions of small towns and to the complexity of social networks, kinship and family ties which often blur the social distinctions between what is rural and what is urban (Hardoy and Satterthwaite, 1986c).173

ii. Approaches to Spatial Planning

The need for some sort of state intervention to promote development has long been recognized although the forms it has taken have changed over time. In the 1960s, in line with the then prevailing development paradigm, spatial strategies were designed to achieve economic growth by stimulating industrial development in designated centres (“growth poles”) through public investment. However, the expected trickle-down effect failed to materialize and, in many cases, these policies ended up enriching already privileged social groups, regions and large conurbations (Hardoy and

Satterthwaite, 1986a).174

By the 1970s, the failure of “growth centre” policies and a major shift in the development paradigm resulted in the view that urbanization was a

172 Saint, W.S. and W.D. Goldsmith (1980): “Cropping systems, structural change and rural-urban migration in Brazil”, World Development Vol. 8, pp. 259-272. 173 Hardoy, J. E. and D. Satterthwaite (1986c): “Some tentative conclusions” in Hardoy, J. 174 Hardoy, J. E. and D. Satterthwaite (1986a): “Government policies and small and intermediate urban centres”.

parasitic process leading to underdevelopment and the neglect of agriculture.

In policy terms, Integrated Rural Development Programmes (IRDP) were seen as the “appropriate” strategy. IRDP focused on agricultural change with little, if any, attention to the role of urban centres in the rural economy

(Baker and Pedersen, 1992175; Escobar, 1995176). The disappointing results of this sectoral strategy, together with major changes in macro- economic policies and in the global socio-economic context, brought about another shift in planning concerns.

Rural-urban linkages have recently become the focus of renewed interest among policy makers and researchers (see Evans, 1990177; Gaile,

1992178; UNDP/UNCHS, 1995179). A first reason for this is associated with the increasing prevalence of market based development strategies and their emphasis on export oriented agricultural production which rely on efficient economic linkages connecting producers with external markets. Access to the latter is assumed to transform potential demand into effective demand

175 Baker, J. (1992): “Survival and accumulation strategies at the rural-urban interface in north-west Tanzania”, Environment and Urbanization Vol.7, No.1, pp. 117-132. 176 Escobar, A. (1995): Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World, Studies in Culture/Power/History, Princeton University Press, Princeton. 177 Evans, H. E. (1990): “Rural-urban linkages and structural transformation”, Report INU 71, Infrastructure and Urban Development Department, The World Bank, Washington DC. 178 Gaile, G. L. (1992): “Improving rural-urban linkages through small town market-based development”, Third World Planning Review Vol.14, No.2, pp. 131-48. 179 UNDP/UNCHS (Habitat) (1995): “Rural-urban linkages: policy guidelines for rural development”, paper prepared for the 23rd Meeting of the ACC Sub-committee on Rural Development, UNESCO Headquarters, Paris, 31 May-2 June, 1995.

which, in turn, will spur local production. Growing incomes in the agricultural sector will then result in increased demand for services and manufactured goods. From this viewpoint, small towns are seen as playing a key role in linking their rural hinterlands with both domestic and international markets as well as in providing the rural population with non- farm employment opportunities and thus broadening the local economy’s base.

A second important reason, related to the first, is the increasing priority given, partly by design and partly as a consequence of funding cuts, to government reform, to the decentralization of resources and responsibilities, and to the strengthening of local public institutions. In addition to their traditional role as infrastructure and service providers, local authorities are also responsible for supporting economic development and poverty alleviation. However, infrastructure provision has been refocused towards that directly related to productive activity, usually at the expense of social infrastructure such as health and education. On the positive side, this shift from the central to the local level has fostered a more flexible approach to regional planning. This is also based on the recognition that the failure of previous “growth pole” policies was largely due to over-generalizations of urban centres’ development potential, and “small towns programmes” now

tend to give more attention to the needs and potential of individual sites.

However, the emphasis on economic efficiency and market-led development tends to treat society as an undifferentiated whole, diverting attention from the living conditions of the most vulnerable groups in both rural and urban areas. The next sections review empirical studies, showing how changes in rural-urban interactions are interrelated with growing social polarization in both towns and countryside.

V. FLOWS OF PEOPLE

While international migration has attracted increasing attention in recent years (often because of its political implications in destination countries), little is known about internal migration despite the fact that its scale, direction and demographic characteristics (such as sex and age composition) are fundamental to an understanding of urbanization processes.

Traditional approaches to migration have relied on the notion of “push-pull” factors as the main explanatory elements. In the neo-classical perspective, decisions to move are made at the individual level in response to hardships in source areas (the “push” factors) and to be perceived comparative advantages in destination areas (the “pull” factors). Individuals rationally decide to migrate because they are attracted by the bright lights of the city which promise, in the long-term, to offer better economic opportunities than

the countryside. The structuralist approach to migration, on the other hand, tends to portray migrants as victims rather than rational decision makers, since movement is determined by macro-social, historical and dialectic processes such as the socio-spatial restructuring of production at the national and global levels. Push-pull factors are seen here as a process of polarization with respect to access to resources, and migration as one of a few options available to the most vulnerable population strata.

a. Changes in Migration Types and Direction

Push-pull models of population movement inherently assume that the direction of migration is essentially from rural to urban areas. The income gap between the two areas is an important explanatory factor. However, recent research in sub-Saharan Africa has requested that, since the mid

1970s, economic decline has greatly reduced the gap between real urban incomes and real rural incomes in the region (Jamal and Weeks, 1988).180

The rate of urban growth in some African countries has slowed considerably and, following structural adjustment programmes and general economic decline, significant numbers of retrenched urban workers may engage in urban-rural migration and return to home areas where the cost of living is

180 Jamal, V. and J. Weeks (1988): “The vanishing rural-urban gap in sub-Saharan Africa”, International Labour Review Vol.127, No.3.

lower (Potts, 1995; Potts with Mutambirwa in this issue). Although little research has been conducted on return migration, it is likely to have important impacts on destination areas, as returnees may compete for scarce resources with the local population while, facilitating the introduction of innovation, both technological and socio-cultural.

Secondary cities have also increased their role as destinations. In some regions, generally within more industrialized areas or close to large cities, many smaller urban centres have succeeded in attracting new investment that previously would have tended to concentrate in large cities. Many secondary cities within 200 kilometres of Sao Paulo metropolitan area have attracted major new enterprises in competition with Sao Paulo, with the help of a much improved regional transport and communication infrastructure

(UNCHS, 1996). This increased role for secondary cities as destinations for rural-urban migration is sometimes associated with State policies, as in

Mexico where export-processing areas have attracted industrial investment to cities on or close to the border with the United States (ibid). It is also sometimes associated with a renewed emphasis on export agriculture, with the secondary cities within or close to the exporting region benefiting more than major cities. In many Latin American nations, national capitals and major cities became less attractive to migrants during the 1980s, with many

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factors contributing to this including economic stagnation or decline, the shift in macro-economic and industrial policies away from protection and import substitution, and the reduction in staff and income levels within the public sector.

In sub-Saharan Africa too, economic stagnation or decline and the reduction in staff and income levels within the public sector helped to discourage migration to national capitals although the extent of this is not well-documented, partly because of the lack of recent census data from this region. In Tanzania, migration during the 1980s veered away from the larger and primate cities towards smaller towns with populations of between

20,000 and 50,000 where urban household self-provisioning of food was more feasible. However, recent municipal estimates suggest that, in the

1990s, the pattern of movement has reverted towards the largest cities in response to the concentration of wealth and the centralization of economic activity in profitable centres of demand which followed the reinstatement of foreign aid flows and market liberalization (Bryceson, 1997a).181 In other cases, migration may not involve urban destinations at all. For example, landless peasants may be forced to engage in rural-rural migration following

181 Bryceson, D.F. (1997a): “De-agrarianisation in sub-Saharan Africa: Acknowledging the inevitable” in Bryceson, D.F. and V. Jamal (editors), Farewell to Farms: De-Agrarianisation and Employment in Africa, Africa Studies Centre Leiden, Research Series 1997/10, Ashgate, Aldershot, pp. 3-20.

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technological changes in agricultural production and the decline of labour requirements by large commercial estates (see Boyce, 1993182 on the

Philippines). Movement may not always be intended as permanent or even long-term, and evidence suggests that circular migration is also increasing as a result of higher costs of living in the cities.

b. Gender and Age Selectivity

The complexity of migration direction and duration is matched by that of the composition of the flows. While inequalities in control over resources are often likely to give rise to out-migration, this is not limited to low- income groups but may also take place at the intra-household level where it is usually grounded in ideological constructions of roles and relations between men and women, and parents and children. Consequently, gender and generation may play a crucial role in migration decision-making and selectivity (Chant, 1992183). For example, women (either mothers or daughters) are more likely to feel responsible for the well-being of other household members than their male counterparts and this may be an important factor in migration decisions especially when women’s employment opportunities in home areas are limited. Migration can also provide an

182 Boyce, J. (1993): The Philippines: The Political Economy of Growth and Impoverishment in the Marcos Era, Macmillan, Houndsmills, Basingstoke. 183 Chant, S. (editor) (1992): Gender and Migration in Developing Countries, Belhaven Press, London.

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escape from social and family constraints and give women a level of independence they may not easily have access to in their home areas (Gadio and Rakowski, 1995).184 Young men with restricted access to family land and waged work may also decide to move. While in all cases the impacts on areas of out-migration may be significant (in terms, for example, of labour availability, remittances, household organization and agricultural production systems), they are also likely to vary depending on who moves and who stays.

In Philippines, male labourer force participation in households receiving remittances from migrant members appears to decline whereas women’s remains constant (Go and Postrado, 1986).185 In some areas of

Turkey, the migration of men has involved changes in land use: share- cropping (traditionally men’s work) is usually abandoned but women remain responsible for subsistence agriculture, around which reciprocity based community relations are organized (Ilcan, 1994).186 In the Sahel region, population movement is diverse and constantly changing in response to wider socio-economic dynamics. While traditionally, migrants are

184 Gadio, C.M. and C.A. Rakowski (1995): “Survival or empowerment? Crisis and temporary migration among the Serer millet pounders of Senegal”, Women’s Studies International Forum Vol.18, No.4, pp. 431- 443. 185 Potts, D. (1986): “Shall we go home? Increasing urban poverty in African cities and migration processes”, The Geographic Journal Vol.161, No.3, pp. 245-264. 186 Ilcan, S.M. (1994): “Peasant struggles and social change: migration, households and gender in a rural Turkish society” in International Migration Review Vol.38, No.3, pp. 554-579.

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predominantly young and male, increasingly, young women embark on the migratory journey to the cities. However, for the women who stay behind in the rural areas, male out-migration does not always result in more involvement in natural resource management activities, as these are mediated by several factors including gender divisions of labour within households, land tenure, women’s decision-making power and women’s workloads (David et al. 1995).187 However, when policies are grounded in local needs and built upon the resources provided by migrants, they can play an important role in improving conditions in areas of out-migration. In

Swaziland, the combination of remittances from their male relatives, employed in South Africa’s mines, and the governmental provision of a tractor-hiring service, has allowed women to increase agricultural productivity despite the lack of male labourers (Simelane, 1995).188

187 David, R., Niang, O.K., Myers, M., Ruthven O. and P. Yabre (1995); Changing Places? Women, Resource Management and Migration in the Sahel, SOS Sahel UK, IFAD and IIED, London and Rome. 188 Simelane, H.S.(1995): “Labour migration and rural transformation in post-colonial Swaziland”, Journal of Contemporary African Studies Vol.13, No.2, pp. 207-26.

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CHAPTER – III PROFILE OF THE STUDY AREA

Tiruchirapalli, popularly known as rock city is situated on the banks of river Cauvery. It is a fine blend of temples and monuments and is a great travel destination. The granite rock is soaring 84 metres into the skyline,

Trichy also hosts the Golden Rock Locomotive Workshop, an Ordinance

Factory, and NIT (National Institute of Technology). Tiruchirapalli was for some time under the Mughal rule. Which was put to an end by the

Vijayanagar rulers. The Nayaks, the Governors of Vijayanagar Empire, ruled this area till A.D. 1736. It was Viswanatha Nayaka who built the present day Teppakulam and the Fort. The Nayak dynasty came to an end during the days of Meenakshi. The Muslims ruled this region again with the aid of either the French or the English armies, for some years. Tiruchirapalli was under the rule of Chandra Sahib and Mohamed Ali. Finally the English brought Tiruchirapalli and other areas under their control. The district was then under the hegemony of British for about 150 years till the independence of India.

Tiruchirappalli is one of the most famous temple town of Tamilnadu, also called Tiruchi, this is the fourth largest town of Tamilnadu. The

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important temples are Rock Fort Temple, Ranganathaswamy Temple and

Jambukeshwaram Temple. Tiruchi is linked with Chennai by air, rail and road and has many good hotels for visitor’s stay St.Joseph's college can boast of its alumini being the President of India-namely Dr.A.P.J. Abdul

Kalam, and Dr. R. Venkatraman the former president who came from

National college. This city has given great Tamil scholars whose contributions to the Tamil literature have been very significant.

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Tiruchirapalli is one of the oldest inhabited cities in Tamil Nadu.

Woraiyur, which served as the capital of the Early Cholas from the 3rd century BC to the 3rd century AD is a part of the present-day Tiruchirappalli

Town. The oldest human-built dam, Kallanai, was built by Karikala Cholan across the Cauvery River and is10 miles away from Woraiyur.

The medieval history of Tiruchirapalli begins with the reign of the

Pallava king Mahendravarman I who ruled over South India in the 6th century AD. Mahendravarman laid the foundation of the Rockfort which is regarded as the cultural symbol of the city and is one of the oldest surviving monuments in Tamil Nadu. Following the decline of the Pallavas in the 8th century AD, Tiruchirapalli was conquered by the Medieval Cholas under whom it served as a regional stronghold.

When the Chola Empire began to decline, Tiruchirapalli was conquered by the Pandyas who ruled from 1216 to 1311 when they were defeated by Malik Kafur. The victorious armies of the Sultanate plundered and ravaged the kingdom. According to a local legend, the idol of Lord

Ranganatha in the Hindu temple of Sirangam was saved from destruction by transporting it out of the city. Tiruchirapalli was ruled by the Delhi Sultanate and the Madurai Sultanate from 1311 to 1378 when it was annexed by the

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Vijayanagar Empire. Tiruchirapalli remained a part of the Vijayanagar

Empire and its successor, the Madurai Nayak Dynasty from 1378 to 1736.

Under the Madurai Nayak kingdom, Tiruchirapalli was an important stronghold in the wars against the Thanjavur Marathas and later, Chanda

Sahib. It served as the capital of the kingdom from 1616 to 1634 and from

1665 to 1736. In 1736, the last Madurai Nayak ruler Meenakshi committed suicide and Tiruchirapalli was conquered by Chanda Sahib who ruled the kingdom from 1736 to 1740 when he was captured and killed by the

Thanjavur Marathas.

Climate:

Summer temperature : 41.10°C (maximum) 36.40°C (minimum)

Winter temperature : 21.31°C (maximum) 18.60°C (minimum)

Woraiyur , a part of present day Tiruchirappalli, was the capital city of

Cholas from 300 B.C. onwards. This is supported by archaeological evidences and ancient literature. There are also literary sources which tell that Woraiyur continued to be under the control of Cholas even during the days of Kalabhra interregnum (A.D. 300 - 575).

Later, Woraiyur along with the present day Tiruchirappalli and its neighbouring areas came under the control of Mahendra Varma Pallava I,

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who ascended the throne in A.D. 590. Till A.D. 880, according to the inscriptions, this region was under the hegemony of either the Pallvas or the

Pandyas. It was in A.D. 880, Aditya Chola brought a downfall to the Pallava dynasty. From that time onwards Tiruchirappalli and its region became a part of Greater Cholas. In A.D. 1225 the area was occupied by the Hoysulas.

Afterwards, it came under the rule of later Pandyas till the advent of Mughal

Rule.

Tiruchirappalli district was formed under the the Collectorship of Mr.

John (Junior) Wallace in 1801. The district was then under the hegemony of

British for about 150 years till the independence of India.

"The centre of origin is variously placed in India, where there are historical traditions and remains indicating a highly developed iron culture.

Hyderabad and Trichinopoly are considered by many to have been the centres of production of wootz.. This steel was noted for centuries, being carried by merchants from India to Damascus and Toledo.." Sir William gives the date of this origin of the Iron Age as 1400 to 1500 B.C.E

One famous landmark in Tiruchirapalli is the Rock Fort, a big outcrop of rock, 83 metres in height. It is the only such outcrop of its kind. Because of it Trichy is also called as Rock City. On top of it is the Ucchi Pillayar

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Koil, a temple dedicated to the Hindu god Vinayaka (Ganesh), from where one can enjoy a panoramic view of Tiruchirapalli. The temple was also used as a military fort by the Nayaks for some time.

On the southern face of the rock are several beautifully-carved cave temples of the Pallava period. On the eastern side is Sri Nandrudayan

Vinayakar Temple, with Ganesha as the main deity. A large-sized Ganesha and depictions of other rare deities can be seen in this temple, which hosts festivals every year during the Vinayaka Chathurthi (birthday of Ganesha).

Many Carnatic musicians have given concerts in this famous shrine. Around the rock temple is a busy commercial region, mainly known for its textiles and Burma, China, Japan goods, known as Chatram. The Main Guard Gate is flooded on festive occasions such as Deepavali, Ramzan, Bakrid,

Christmas, and Pongal.

Like many other places in Tamil Nadu, Tiruchirappalli has a legend.

The city was named in the memory of a fight Lord Shiva had with a three- headed demon named Trisiras.

Tiruchirappalli actually means "city of the three-headed demon".

Tiruchirappalli,(Trichy, Tiruchy, Thiruchi) the fourth largest city in the State was a citadel of the early Cholas which later fell to the Pallavas. But the

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Pallavas never really managed to retain control of this strategic city and lost it to the Pandyas several times. This tug of war finally ended when the

Cholas reasserted themselves in the 10th century. Trichy continued to be in their possession until the decline of the empire after which it became a

Vijayanagara stronghold. When this empire collapsed in 1565, Trichy came to be occupied in turn by the Nayaks of Madurai, the Marathas, the Nawabs of Carnatic, the French and finally the British. But it was under the Nayaks of Madurai that Trichy flourished and prospered in its own right and grew to be the city that it is today.

The historical city of Tiruchirappalli, popularly known as Trichi, is situated on the banks of the Cauvery River in the southern state of Tamil

Nadu. Lying at a distance of 320 km from Chennai (Madras) and 130 km from Madurai, this Chola Dynasty citadel, known for its profound wisdom of the Sangam Age, still carries the age-old aura about it. The present-day city, with a blend of glorious past and acclaimed divinity through the famous

Dravidian temples, stands as a commercial and tourist hub of Tamil Nadu.

The most famous land mark of this bustling town is the Rockfort Temple, a spectacular monument perched on a massive rocky out crop which rises abruptly from the plain to tower over the old city. Apart from the fort there are several churches, colleges and missioneries dating back to the 1760s.It is

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also famous for artificial diamonds, cigars, handloom cloth, glass bangles and wooden and clay toys. With its excellent infrastructural facilities Trichy will serve as a good base to see central Tamilnadu.

Trichy is famous for the number of Christian churches it has it is said to have the greatest number of chapels in India. The most famous are Holy

Redeemer's Church (Sagayamatha Kovil), Our Lady of Lourdes

Church(built by Jesuits) near Chatram bus stand, and The Cathedral in

Melapudur(built by Jesuits), all more than a century and a half old. The most famous college in Trichy, St. Joseph's College was also built by the Jesuits, and so was St. Joseph's school, etc. Trichy also is famous for Arcot Nawab masjid (one of the oldest), with its large water storage tank (Ahail)

Geography

The topology of Tiruchirappalli is flat. It lies at an altitude of 78 m above sea level. The area of the city is 167.23 sq.km while the urban agglomeration is spread over an area of 180 sq.km. The River Cauvery flows along WNW-SSE direction through the city.

The city is divided into three parts: the Cantonment area to the south, the temples to the north and the bazaar in the centre of the city. Most of

Tiruchirapalli's hotels and government and post offices are situated in the

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Cantonment while most of Tiruchirapalli's temples are located in the north.

The Rockfort and its temple are situated in the centre of the city and surrounded by a bazaar.

There are few hills located within the city, the prominent among them are Golden Rock, Rock Fort, Kajamalai and in Thiruverumbur. There are few reserve forests along the River Cauvery, located at the west and the north-west of the city. The southern and the south-western part of the district is dotted by several hills which are thought to be an offset of the Western

Ghat. Eastern ghats also pass through the district. The soil here is considered to be very fertile. As two rivers flow through the city, the northern part of the city is more greener than other areas of the city.

Climate

Trichy has very hot climate, with humidity slightly above normal. The city experiences mild winters and humid summers. The timing of the monsoon in this part of the country has lately become unpredictable, with the rainy season starting from mid-October until early-November and the rains then extending until early or mid-January.

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Population Religion

As of 2001, Tiruchirappalli had a population of 7,52,066 within the corporation limits and the urban agglomeration had a population of 8,66,354.

Recent estimates peg the population of Trichy city to be 10,27,436, while the urban agglomeration has a population of 13,39,534. Males constitute 49.97% of the population and females 50.03%. Trichy has an average literacy rate of

91.45%, and is among the highest literate cities in India. Male literacy is

94.17% and female literacy is 88.73%. In Trichy 9.59% of the population is under 6 years of age. The city's population is predominantly Hindu (with both Saivaite and Vaishnavaite), and there are sizable population of

Christians and Muslims.Around 10 per cent of the population is Christian and the city is known for the number of churches it contains. Sikhs and Jains are also present in smaller numbers.

Languages spoken

The most widely spoken language is Tamil, though there are also significantly large numbers of people speaking Telugu, Saurashtrian,

Kannada and Malayalam. English is also well understood and spoken in business and educational instituitons.

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Multi culture:

The city has a multi-cultural society with a sizeable presence of

Tamil, English, Marathi, Telugu, Hindi, Malayalam and Urdu-speaking population. The city projects a calm outlook and is considered to be friendly toward tourists. One may experience typical Anglo-Indian, Andhra, Kerala and Tamil Nadu cuisines here. In addition to Pongal, the Thamizhar

Thirunaal, Diwali and Ugadi, Holi, Ramzaan, Bakareed,Christmas, Easter and Onam are festivals celebrated by their respective communities retaining their cultural roots.

People living in Trichy have a rich ancient cultural heritage. The city served as the centre of fine arts since sangam literature periods. Uraiyur, the old head and name of the city, was the capital of early Cholas. Here lived a number of great Tamil Scholars and contributed to the Tamil literature.

Legand

There are several theories about the origin of the city's name. One is that Tiruchirapalli was named after the three-headed demon Trishira (or

"Chira") who performed penance at the Shiva temple in the city and obtained favours. The city was therefore named after the demon. Another theory states that since there are three peaks in the area, which are occupied

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by Shiva, Parvati and Vinayaka, the name Tri-Shikharam or Tirisirapuram arose.

Perhaps Tiruchirappalli is a shortened form of THIRU sri(CHI)

Ranganathan PALLI, reflecting the sleeping posture of Lord Ranganatha in

Srirangam.The name Tiruchirappali is the combination of three words Thiru

+ Chira + Palli, meaning the 'School Chira'. In Thayumanavar Temple in

Rock fort, the pictures depict that there was a saint called 'Chira', who established a school ('Palli' in Tamil) near that area and taught. Hence the name Chira Palli or Tiruchirappalli, Tiru is a honoric prefic for the saint

Chira.

Urban Sanitation

Tiruchirappalli City Corporation the first city in India where open defecation was prevented in all slums Gramalaya’s work is focused on implementation and filling critical knowledge gaps in the sector, up scaling community based pro poor approaches through our program and advocacy work. The 2001 census of India put urban sanitation coverage at 61 per cent of the population having access to individual or public toilets. Low coverage of urban sanitation is due to the inability of planned urban development to provide for sanitation access to the urban poor. Gramalaya started its urban

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intervention in the 186 slums of Tiruchirappalli City Corporation as the operational area aiming at declaring open defecation free zone. The involvement of community based organizations in the project coupled with

City Corporation support in providing Integrated Sanitatary complexes

(ISCs), offering vacant sites for constructing community toilets with Water

Aid, UK funding enabled the project a successfully demonstrated model.

Gramalaya played an active role in declaring India’s first slum

Kalmandhai as open defecation free (ODF) slum in Tiruchirappalli City

Corporation in the year 2002 followed by 168 slums as ODF announced with the support of Trichy City Corporation and donor agencies. This has resulted in conversion of dry earth latrines into modern flush out community toilets and eradication of manual scavenging in the city. In Tiruchirappalli city Corporation, 126 slum Communities are maintaining sanitary complexes under pay and use system with the support city Corporation. The

Corporation handed over the toilets to women self help groups after new construction or renovation of the toilet. The Corporation gave the permission letter to the groups for running the community managed toilet under pay and use system. The Gramalaya experience proved that adequate involvement of community and training in maintenance of public toilets and earning from user charge is a revenue model for the slum communities with sustainable

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approach. It also generates tremendous confidence among women to partake in slum welfare and day-to-day decision making.

The review of Community managed toilets and bathing complexes in

Tiruchirapalli, six years after the work began, has shown that achieving clean and healthy slums does not require huge financial investment.

However, what it does require is a city authority sensitive to the problems faced by slum communities and supportive of community action, dedication of communities and their support NGOs. It has been proved that communities can manage their own toilet units and when they do this, the toilet are much cleaner than when managed by municipal authorities. There have been cases where the entire community can be declared open defecation free. Further, it has shown that managing toilets leads to empowerment of women with many positive impacts in terms of personal and community development. This experience shows that after reluctance, committees do pay for using toilets and bathing and washing facilities and these services can be provided at affordable costs, even for the poorest.

Toilets are only a part of the sanitation solution. Sewage, wastewater and solid waste management must also be tackled by city authorities and this is the area where they must play a lead role. Tiruchirapalli shows that

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community managed toilets and bathing complexes provide a model that can work at city-level when supported by city authorities where declaration of

168 slums as open defecation free made possible.

City Corporation

Tiruchirappalli City Municipal Corporation is the municipal corporation which looks after the city administration of Tiruchirappalli in Tamil Nadu, India. It consists of a legislative and an executive body. The legislative body is headed by the city mayor while the executive body is headed by a Chief Commissioner.

The municipality of Tiruchirapalli was inaugurated by the Town

Improvements Act 1865 on November 1, 1866 and included the civil station as well as the Trichinopoly Cantonment. The municipality originally consisted of two ex-officio and nine nominated members. Elections to the council were introduced in 1877 and the first chairman was elected in 1889.

Elections were stopped in September 1895 and remained so until July 1897.

The appointment of a municipal secretary was sanctioned by the Madras

Government in 1898. Indian independence activist P. Rathinavelu

Thevar served as the Chairman of Trichinopoly municipality for a record five terms from 1924 to 1946. Thevar's tenure was, however, highly

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controversial and he was dismissed in 1934 for administrative irregularities.

Thevar's rival T. S. S. Rajan accused him of instigating Anti-

Brahmin and Anti-Muslim violence in the town. In 1933 municipality of

Srirangam was created as per the Town Improvements Act of 1865 comprising of eleven members following a decision not to include

Srirangam within Trichinopoly municipality as it lay extremely far from the heart of Tiruchirappalli town. The municipality of Srirangam included most of Srirangam Island including Thiruvanaikkaval. Golden Rock, (Ponmalai) with a population of 38,880 as per the 1971 census, was constituted a third- grade municipality on 1 October 1972 and upgraded to a II-Grade municipality on 5 October 1978.

There were demands to merge Tiruchirappalli and Srirangam municipalities in September 1930 and October 1933. Rathinavelu Thevar had submitted a memorandum to Lord Goschen requesting the upgradation of Tiruchi to a municipal corporation and extending it upto

Manachanallur. Tiruchirappalli was eventually designated municipal corporation in 1994 through the merger of Srirangam and Golden Rock municipalities as per the Tiruchirapalli City Municipal Corporation Act

1994. The municipal corporation currently covers an area of 164.70 km2 and

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comprises 65 wards and 4 administrative zones:

Srirangam, Ariyamangalam, Golden Rock and Abhishekapuram.

The Tiruchirappalli City Municipal Corporation Council, the legislative body, comprises 65 councillors elected from each of the 65 wards and is headed by a Mayor assisted by a Deputy Mayor. The executive wing is made up of seven departments: general administration, revenue, town planning, engineering, public health, information technology and personnel and is headed by the Corporation Commissioner. The Commissioner is assisted by two executive engineers for the east and west sections, and

Assistant Commissioners for personnel, accounts and revenue departments, a public relations officer, a city engineer, a city health officer and an

Assistant Commissioner for each of the four zones.

Corporation Zones

The civic administration of the city is divided into four zones -

Abhishekapuram, Ariyamangalam, Golden Rock and Srirangam. The engineering department, however, is divided into two zones - East and

West. The zones and the wards which come under each of them are listed below in Table 3.1

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Table - 3.1 Wards comprising the Zones Total Assistant Zone Wards[10] number of Commisioner-in- wards charge Abhishekapuram 40, 41, 45-60 18 P. Baskaran[11]

7, 14, 15, 19-29, Ariyamangalam 18 K. Rajamma[12] 33, 61, 62, 64

30-32, 34-39, 42- Golden Rock 14 T. N. Dhanabalan[13] 44, 46, 48, 63, 65

Srirangam 1-6, 8-13, 16-18 15 V. Subbu[14]

Functions

Water Supply

Drinking Water supply is provided by the Tiruchirappalli Municipal

Corporation. Of the six headworks from which the city gets its water supply, four are maintained by the municipal corporation and the rest by other agencies. Apart from the Gandhi market, Central Bus terminus and the

Chathram bus terminus, solid waste management in the city is handled by the corporation. About 400 tonnes of solid waste are released from city every year. The principal garbage dumping ground is at Ariyamangalam.

Recently, the Tiruchirappalli city corporation has gone in for scientific closure of the garbage dump and its replacement with a sewage

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treatment plant. Waste water management in the Trichy-Srirangam under ground drainage (UGD) areas are handled by the Tamil Nadu Water Supply and Drainage Board(TWAD) and in other areas by the Tiruchirappalli

Municipal Corporation. The high toxicity of the waste water released by the

Trichy Distilleries and Chemicals Limited (TDCL) is a major cause of concern for the corporation. The corporation's annual expenditure for the year 2010-11 is estimated to be Rs. 155.94 crores. The corporation also maintains public parks in Tiruchirappalli city, notable among them being the

P. T. Rajan Park, Chinnaswamy Park, Lourdusamy Park, Raja Park,

Parangiri Velusamy Park and Ibrahim Park.

List of mayors

The first elections for the post of mayor were held in 1996, two years after Tiruchirappalli's upgradation to a municipal corporation.

 Punithavalli Palaniyandi (1996-2001)

 Emily Richard (2001)

 Charubala Tondaiman (2001-2009)

 S. Sujatha (2009-2011)

 Jaya (2011-till now)

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CHAPTER – IV

URBANISATION ACTIVITIES IN TAMIL NADU

Urbanisation in India has been relatively slow where compared to many developing countries. The per centage of annual exponential growth rate of urban population reveals that in India it grew at faster pace from the decade 1921-31 to until 1951. Thereafter it registered a sharp drop during the decade 1951-61. The decades 1961-71 and 1971-81 showed a significant improvement in the growth which has thereafter steadily dropped to the present level of 2.7. The sharp drop in urban pupulation growth rate during

1951-61 was mainly due to declassification of a very large number of towns during that period. Rural growth has been fluctuating since 1901. The decline in rural population growth was within small range during 1981-91 and 1991-2001. During the process of urbanization it is natural that rgup > rgtp > rgrp, where rgup = rate of growth of urban population, rgtp = rate of growth of total population, rgrp = rate of growth of rural population. This fact is supported in case of Indian urbanisation also since 1911.189The anual growth rates of total rural and urban populations in percentages are shown in

Table 4.1.

189 Hardoy JE, Mitlan D, Satterthwaite D:(2001) Environmental problems in an urbanizing world. London: Earthscan.

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Table – 4.1 Annual Growth Rates of Population by Residence(1901-2001) Year Annual growth rate Annual growth rateof Annual growth rate of total population in urban population in of rural population percentage (rgtp) percentage (rgup) in percentage (rgrp) 1901-1911 0.51 .03 .62 1911-1921 -0.03 .79 -0.13 1921-1931 1.04 1.75 .95 1931-1941 1.33 2.77 1.12 1941-1951 1.25 3.47 .84 1951-1961 1.96 2.34 1.88 1961-1971 3.09 3.24 3.05 1971-1981 1.33 3.79 .69 1981-1991 2.12 3.09 1.80 1991-2001 1.96 2.73 1.68 Sources: Government of India Report on Ministry of urban affairs, 1991 - 2001.

Tempo of urbanization refers to speed of urbanization and is measured

as change registered in the level or degree of urbanization over the years.

From Table 4.1and chart 4.1 it is clear that tempo or speed of urbanization is

not uniform over the years. It shows a fluctuating trend over the years 1901-

1981 and a declining trend during 1981-91 and 1991-2001. Again it is

required to mention that the tempo of urbanization measured as a percentage

will tend toward zero as the urban population reaches the 100 per cent level,

since the urban and total population growth would become the same.

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Chart - 4.1 Annual Growth rate of Population by Residence

3.5

2.5

1.5

Annualgrowth rate (Percentages) 1

0.5

0 1901- 1911- 1921- 1931- 1941- 1951- 1961- 1971- 1981- 1991- 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001

-0.5 Year Annual growth rate (Percentages) of total population (rgtp) Annual growth rate (Percentages) of urban population (rgup) Annual growth rate (Percentages) of rural population (rgrp)

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URBANIZATION TREND: AN INTERSTATE ANALYSIS

The regional variations in the distribution of urban population are significant. A large proportion is concentrated in six most developed States, namely Maharashtra, Gujarat, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Punjab, and West

Bengal, accounting for about half of the country’s urban population. By the

2001 Census, they report per centage of urban population much above the national average of 27.78, whereas the less developed States report significantly low figures. Indeed, the levels of urbanization are high in the

States with high per capita income and vice versa. The pattern of urban growth across States is significantly different from that of the levels of urbanization. Since independence until 1991, the developed states that have high per centage of people in urban areas have shown medium or low growth of urban population. High urban growth has however been registered in relatively underdeveloped states, viz. Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan,

Orissa and Madhya Pradesh, the States that have low per centages of urban population. This implies that the relationship between urban growth and economic development is generally negative. However, some of the developed States like Maharashtra and Haryana are exceptions, as they record urban growth rates higher than the country average. Urban scenario in the post independence period has, thus, been characterized by dualism. The

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developed States attracted population in urban areas due to industrialization and infrastructure investment. Interestingly, the less developed States too, particularly their rural districts that is, districts having predominantly rural population earlier (for example, Gurgaon) and small and medium towns, experienced rapid urban growth. This can partly be attributed to government sponsored infrastructural investment in the district and taluka headquarters, programmes of urban industrial dispersal, and transfer of funds from the

States to local bodies through a need based or what is popularly known as ‘a gap filling’ approach. A part of rural-urban migration into smaller towns from their rural hinterland in less developed States could, however, be explained in terms of push factors, owing to lack of diversification in agrarian economy.

The 1990s, however, make a significant departure from the earlier decades, since many of the developed States like Tamil Nadu, Punjab,

Haryana, Maharashtra and Gujarat have registered urban growth above the national average. Karnataka has remained slightly below the national average and West Bengal is an exception whose growth rate is low due to specific policies followed by the state government. The backward states, on the other hand, have experienced growth either below that of the country or, at the most, equal to that. Making a comparison over the past two decades,

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the growth rates for developed States have either gone up or remained the same in the 1990s. The backward States, however, have recorded either a decline or stability in their urban growth. The urbanization process has, thus, become more concentrated in developed regions with the exclusion of backward areas in recent years. This is also reflected in the larger cities recording relatively higher growth when compared to smaller towns, as noted in the preceding section. This could, at least partly, and rather paradoxically, be attributed to the measures of decentralization whereby the responsibilities of resource mobilization and launching infrastructural projects have been given to local bodies, as noted below. Large municipal bodies that have a strong economic base, particularly those located in developed States, have an advantage that has clearly been manifested in their high economic and demographic growth.

Urban Scenario in Tamil Nadu

State

Tamil Nadu State is situated at the South Eastern extremity of the

Indian Peninsula bounded on the north by Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh on the east by Bay of Bengal, on the South by the Indian Ocean and on the

West by Kerala State. It lies between 8o5' and 13o35' of northern latitude and

76o15' and 80o20' of eastern longitude with an area of 1,30,058 square

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kilometers. It is the 11th largest State in India in area forming 4.11 per cent of the country. The State has a coastal line of about 1076 km, the country’s third longest coastal line.

Administrative Units

The Tamil Nadu State came into existence as a separate State on 01st

March 1952. The major administrative units of the State comprise of 32

Districts, with 10 City Corporations, 148 Municipalities, 561 Town

Panchayats, 73 Revenue Divisions, 208 Taluks, 1120 Firkas, 16563 Revenue

Villages and 12,618 Village Panchayats. The State has 39 Lok Sabha

Constituencies, and 234 Assembly Constituencies. Chennai (formerly known as Madras) is the State Capital. It is the fourth largest city in India and is also one of the five A1 Metropolitan cities of India. It extends over an area of

174 sq. km. As per G.O (D) No.256 Dt. 26.12.2009; it is proposed to expand the limits of the Chennai Corporation by incorporating 9 Municipalities, 8

Town Panchayats and 25 Panchayats Unions. It is proposed to expand the city during 2011, by which the City will have an area of 426 sq. km.

Population

According to the provisional figures of Census of India, 2001, the population of India is 1027 million and that of Tamil Nadu is 62.11 million.

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The urban population of India and Tamil Nadu are 285.4 and 27.48 million respectively. Tamil Nadu thus accounts for 6% of the country's total population and 9.6% of country's urban population.

Tamil Nadu ranks first in urbanisation among the fifteen major States in the country. Urbanisation has been on the increase since 1901. According to the 2001 Census, Tamil Nadu has emerged as the State with the highest level of urbanisation (44%) in the country among the larger States. While the per centage of urban population in the country increased from 10.85% to

27.78% during 1901-2001, Tamil Nadu registered a much higher per centage increase i.e., from 14.15% to 44.04% during the above period.

Urbanisation Levels and Growth Trends

Over a century period, since 1901 to 2001, it can be witnessed a gradual increase in the urbanisation levels and growth of urban population in

Tamil Nadu, comparatively higher than the all India’s level. The growth rates of urban population in India and in Tamil Nadu Comparitively over the period 1901-2001 is provided in Table 4.2.

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Table - 4.2

Comparison of population Growth Rates in Tamil Nadu and India

(1901-2001)

Tamil Nadu India Share of Decadal Share of Decadal Urban Urban Year Urban Growth Urban Growth Population Population Population Rate Population Rate (Million) (Million) (%) (%) (%) (%) 1901 2.72 14.15 - 25.80 10.85 - 1911 3.15 15.07 15.51 25.86 10.29 0.36 1921 3.25 15.02 8.86 28.08 11.18 8.26 1931 4.23 18.02 23.40 33.47 11.99 19.12 1941 5.17 19.70 22.30 44.2 13.86 31.98 1951 7.33 24.35 8.39 62.40 17.29 41.40 1961 8.99 26.69 22.59 78.90 17.97 26.44 1971 12.46 30.26 38.64 109.10 19.91 38.22 1981 15.95 32.95 27.98 159.50 23.70 46.23 1991 19.07 34.65 19.59 217.20 25.71 36.09 2001 27.48 44.04 44.06 285.40 27.78 21.36 Source: Urbanisation Levels and Growth

Tamil Nadu State is steadily transforming into a predominantly urban society. At the beginning of this century, Tamil Nadu’s population was 20.9 million, of which about 0.31 million were living in urban areas. Over the years, the share of urban population has gone up to 44 per cent and stands at

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27.4 million. The last four decades have been an almost three and a half times increase in urban population (from 8.99 million in 1961 to 27.48 million in 2001).

It can be seen from the above Chart 4.2 and Table 4.2 that the urban population in the State has increased from 15.07% during the year 1911 to

34.15% during the year 1991 and further to 44.04% during 2001 census. The decadal growth of the urban population of the State during the period from

1991 to 2001 has shown a massive increase of about 44.06%.

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Chart - 4.2 ******************

300

250

200

150 Population

100

0 1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 Year

Tamil Nadu Urban Population (Millions) Tamil Nadu Share of Urban Population (%) Tamil Nadu Decadal Growth Rates (%) India Urban Population (Millions) India Share of Urban Population (%) India Decadal Growth Rates (%)

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Tamil Nadu Urban Rural Share 1911-2001

Over the decades the share of incremental population going to urban areas has shown a fluctuating trend. Of the total increment in the population during the period 1991-2001 a gigantic 128 per cent has gone urban areas pushing back the rural areas. The total Tamil Nadu urban rural shares of populaaion, decadal increments and percentages of increments over the decades in 1911 – 2001 period are furnished in Table 4.3.

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Table - 4.3 Tamil Nadu Population Urban Rural Share (1911-2001) Percentage of Population Increment during the decade Increment during the decade Year in rural in urban in Total in Rural in Urban Total Rural Urban Population Population Population Population Population (%) (%) 1911 2,09,02,616 1,77,53,479 31,49,137 ------1921 2,16,28,518 1,82,00,439 32,48,079 7,25,902 4,46,960 98,942 61.57 13.63 1931 2,34,72,099 1,92,41,717 42,30,382 18,43,581 10,41,278 9,82,303 56.48 53.28 1941 2,62,67,507 2,10,93,825 51,73,682 27,95,408 18,52,108 9,43,300 66.26 33.74 1951 3,01,19,047 2,27,85,522 73,33,525 38,51,540 16,91,697 21,59,843 43.92 56.08 1961 3,36,86,953 2,46,96,425 89,90,528 35,67,906 19,10,903 16,57,003 53.56 46.44 1971 4,11,99,168 2,87,34,334 1,24,64,834 75,12,215 40,37,909 34,74,306 53.75 46.25 1981 4,84,08,077 3,24,56,202 1,59,51,875 72,08,909 37,21,868 34,87,041 51.63 48.37 1991 5,58,58,946 3,67,81,354 1,90,77,592 74,50,869 43,25,152 31,25,717 58.05 41.95 2001 6,24,05,679 3,49,21,681 2,74,83,998 65,46,733 -18,59,673 84,06,406 -28.41 128.41 2011 Not available Source: Census of India

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During the period 1901-1911 a meagre 13 per cent went to urban areas. The subsequent decades revealed a mixed trend of increasing and decreasing growth of per centage of population added to urban areas. With a slowdown during 1981-91, it stood at a massive high during 1991-2001.

With these trends continuing, forecasts suggest that, by 2026, 54 million people constituting nearly 74.8 per cent of the State population would be residing in urban Tamil Nadu (Source: Population Projections for India and

States 2001-2026, Census of India).

During the period 1901 – 2001 there has been a steady increase in number of towns and urban population in Tamil Nadu. The trends of increase of town Panchayats and population increase are provided in Table

4.4 and Chart 4.3.

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Table - 4.4 Tamil Nadu Urban Population Growth, 1901-2001 Percentage of No. of Total Urban urban Year Towns Population Population Total Population (%) 1901 133 1,92,52,630 27,24,247 14.15 1911 162 20,902,616 31,49,137 15.07 1921 189 2,16,28,518 32,48,079 15.02 1931 222 2,34,72,099 42,30,382 18.02 1941 257 2,62,67,507 51,73,682 19.70 1951 297 3,01,19,047 73,33,525 24.35 1961 339 3,36,86,953 89,90,528 26.69 1971 439 4,11,99,168 1,24,64,834 30.26 1981 434 4,84,08,077 1,59,51,875 32.95 1991 469 5,58,58,946 1,90,77,592 34.15 2001 832 6,24,05,679 2,74,83,998 44.04 Source: Census of India

During the period 1991 to 2001, inclusion of Town Panchayats has increased the urban towns 363 (77 %) as well as urban population.

With the introduction of the 74th Constitutional Amendment Act in

1994, all Town Panchayats irrespective of whether they satisfy the demographic and economic criteria were brought under the urban fold as

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Municipal Corporation, Municipality and Cantonment by 2001 Census. This resulted in great boost in the number of towns during 1991 to 2001 period in

Tamil Nadu, from 469 to 832 urban towns.

Index of Primacy

Tamil Nadu has a very dispersed pattern of urbanisation with municipalities in virtually every district. The boundaries of Chennai District are contiguous with the Chennai Municipal Corporation. However, the

Chennai Metropolitan Area is a larger area which includes several municipalities and town panchayats in Tiruvallur and Kancheepuram

Districts. The spatial distribution (by district) of the Ten city corporations,

148 municipalities, and 561 town panchayats, clearly illustrates that urbanization is not limited to any part of the State. However the urban population is concentrated along certain urban corridors. The index of primacy as on 2001 is furnished in Table 4.5 and chart 4.4.

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Chart - 4.3 Tamil Nadu Urban Population Growth, 1901-2001

45 44.04

35 34.15 32.95 1901 30.26 1911 30 1921 26.69 1931 1941 25 24.35 1951 1961 Population 1971 19.7 20 1981 18.02 1991 2001 15.07 15.02 15 14.15

0 1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 Year

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Table - 4.5 Index of Primacy as on 2001. Percentage Percentage Population Population of Municipality / shae of State share of State Within Municipal Urban Corporation Urban Urban Limit (2001) Agglomeration Population Population Chennai 43,43,645 15.8 65,60,242 23.87

Coimbatore 9,30,882 3.39 14,61,139 5.32

Madurai 9,28,869 3.38 12,03,095 4.38

Tiruchirappalli 7,52,066 2.74 8,66,354 3.15

Salem 6,96,760 2.54 7,51,438 2.73

Tirunelveli 4,11,831 1.5 4,33,352 1.58

Erode 3,89,906 1.42 3,89,906 1.42

Vellore 3,86,746 1.41 3,86,746 1.41

Tiruppur 3,44,543 1.25 5,50,826 2.00

Thoothukkudi 2,16,054 0.79 2,0 43,415 0.89

Total of 10 Cities 94,01,302 34.21 1,28,46,513 46.74

Source: Census of India, 2001 http://www.citypopulation.de/India-TamilNadu.html (Note: All towns and

agglomerations in Tamil Nadu having more than 20,000 inhabitants.)

The State of Tamil Nadu has a very wide urban base. Unlike some

other states, the problem of over dependency on one city does not exist.

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From the index of primacy Chennai, the largest city, which is de-facto state capital, accounts for over 15.8 per cent of urban population. About one third of the urban population of the State live in ten municipal corporation areas and their urban agglomeration.

Effects of Urbanisation in Tamil Nadu

On account of industrial revolution and technological breakthrough during the last two centuries, the employment potential and industrial production have promoted the development of urban centres. This has resulted in the concentration of social, economic and commercial activities in the towns and cities, thereby necessitating the creation of an effective mechanism for managing the urban planning and development with provision of adequate basic amenities.

Urbanisation results in the growth of small and medium towns and mega cities. The effects are:

 Land prices have increased tremendously,

 Increase in sale of land for commercial uses

 Kuchcha houses are being converted to pucca houses.

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As there is highly accelerated phase of urbanization, the cities and the towns are exposed to the problems of overcrowding, congestion, slums sanitation driking water supply inadequate transportation facilities and environmental pollution. In order to find solution to the problems of urban areas the governments have initiated a series of measures which would certainly improve the urban profile and regulate urban expansion.

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Chart - 4.4 Index of Primacy

7000000 6560242

6000000

5000000 4343645 4000000 Population 3000000

2000000 1461139

1000000 1203095 930882 928869 866354 752066 751438 696760 550826 433352 411831 389906 389906 386746 386746 344543 243415 0 216054 Erode Salem Vellore Madurai Chennai Tiruppur Tirunelveli Coimbatore Thoothukkudi Tiruchirappalli Municipality / Corporation

Population Within Municipal Limits (2001) Population of Urban Agglomeration

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Urban Local Bodies in Tamil Nadu

The Municipal Administration in Madras, was first introduced in the year 1687, on 30th December, when a corporation was set up to levy certain direct taxes and to provide certain amenities like education, cleaning the roads etc.

The 74th Amendment Act aims transformation in the ‘structure’ of urban service delivery. The starting point for the same is municipal governance. The Act envisages three types of Municipalities: Municipal

Corporations for large cities, Municipal Councils for smaller cities and towns, and Nagar Panchayats for areas in transition from ‘rural’ to ‘urban’.

Accordingly, the state governments have re-categorized different areas by notifying the criteria for classification of municipal bodies. Table 4.6 furnishesthe growth in the unmbers of corporations, municipalities town panchayats etc during 1991 to 2001. Also Table 4.6 gives the populations, increase in population and decadal growth rates in the period 1991-2001.

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Table - 4.6

Urban Local Bodies of Tamil Nadu and their Population levels 1991-

2001

Number Population Increase in Decadal (in Lakh) population Growth (in Lakh) Rate (%) 1991 2001 1991 2001 (1991 – 2001) Corporation 3 6 71.35 79.12 7.77 10.90 Municipalities 108 104 72.37 82.46 10.09 13.95 Town 224 561 37.81 95.75 57.94 60.07 Panchayats Census Towns 134 111 N.A. N.A. N.A. - Total 469 782 181.53 257.33 75.80 40.03 Source: Tamil Nadu Development Report, 2005

As evident from the Table 4.6 the inclusion of all the town panchayats resulted in an increase from 1991 to 2001 of 57.94 lakhs in that category alone. The increase in the town panchayat population accounted for about 76 per cent of the total increase of 75.80 lakh from 1991 to 2001.

Classification of Municipalities and Town Panchayats in Tamil Nadu

Tamil Nadu has 5 different categories of municipalities based on the annual income /population. Grade – III municipalities have been added when some of the town panchayats were upgraded as municipalities. The

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government under the Tamil Nadu Municipalities (Norms for Classification of Municipalities) Rules 2008, has reclassified and upgraded 26 municipalities.

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Chart - 4.5 Urban Local Bodies of Tamil Nadu 1991-2001

60.07 60

30 Decadal Growth Rate (%) Growth Rate Decadal

13.95

10.9

0 0 Corporation Municipalities Town Panchayats Census Towns

Corporation Municipalities Town Panchayats Census Towns

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Table - 4.7

Classification of Municipalities in Tamil Nadu

Annual Income (Rs. No. of Sl. No. Grade in Crore) Municipalities Selection Grade 1 Above 10.00 20 Municipality 2 Grade Municipality 6.00 - 10.00 29 3 Grade Municipality 4.00 - 6.00 29 Second Grade 4 Below 4.00 21 Municipality Third Grade Population 5 49 Municipality Exceeding 30,000 Total 148 Reference: Municipal Administration & Water Supply (Election),

Department G.O. (Ms.) No. 237, MAWS Dept dated 2.12.2008. The classification of five types of municipalities on the basis of annual income or population in Tamil Nadu is provided in Table 4.7 as well as in chart 4.6

Tables 4.8 highlights the distributions of population in manicipal corporation and minicipalities district wise in Tamil Nadu as per 2001 census.

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Chart - 4.6 Classification of Municipalities in Tamil Nadu

50 49

30 29 29

21 20 20 Decadal Growth Rate (%) Growth Rate Decadal

0 Special Grade Grade Municipality Grade Municipality Second Grade Third Grade Municipality First Municipality Municipality Selection Grade

Special Grade Municipality Selection Grade Municipality First Grade Municipality Second Grade Municipality Third Grade Municipality

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The following table highlights the population of the municipality and municipal corporations, District wise and Municipality wise. Table - 4.8 District wise population in Tamil Nadu (as per 2001 census) % of % of % of urban Population municipality municipality Total Population population to in the and and Sl. total District Municipality corporation corporation No. population and population population (Level of Corporations to Total to urban Total Rural Urban Urbanisation) population population 1 Chennai 4343645 0 4343645 100.00 4343645 100.00 100.00 2 Kancheepuram 2877468 1342502 1534966 53.34 834426 29.00 54.36 3 Thiruvallur 2754756 1254674 1500082 54.45 1123389 40.78 74.89 4 Cuddalore 2285395 1531034 754361 33.01 376099 16.46 49.86 5 Villupuram 2960373 2533456 426917 14.42 199985 6.76 46.84 6 Vellore 3477317 2169319 1307998 37.62 900726 25.90 68.86 7 Thiruvannamalai 2186125 1785364 400761 18.33 256193 11.72 63.93 8 Salem 3016346 1626162 1390184 46.09 875417 29.02 62.97 9 Namakkal 1493462 948230 545232 36.51 281075 18.82 51.55 10 Dharmapuri 2856300 2400354 455946 15.96 213477 7.47 46.82 11 Erode 2581500 1387537 1193963 46.25 581497 22.53 48.70 12 Coimbatore 4271856 1451653 2820203 66.02 1875316 43.90 66.50 13 The Nilgiris 762141 307532 454609 59.65 229116 30.06 50.40

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14 Tiruchirappalli 2418366 1279204 1139162 47.10 854269 35.32 74.99 15 Karur 935686 624430 311256 33.27 179526 19.19 57.68 16 Perambalur 493646 414426 79220 16.05 37631 7.62 47.50 17 Ariyalur 695524 616539 78985 11.36 59090 8.50 74.81 18 Thanjavur 2216138 1467577 748561 33.78 420801 18.99 56.21 19 Nagapattinam 1488839 1158557 330282 22.18 241508 16.22 73.12 20 Thiruvarur 1169474 932231 237243 20.29 163719 14.00 69.01 21 Pudukottai 1459601 1211217 248384 17.02 143351 9.82 57.71 22 Madurai 2578201 1134025 1444176 56.01 1167346 45.28 80.83 23 Theni 1093950 502109 591841 54.10 333702 30.50 56.38 24 Dindigul 1923014 1249762 673252 35.01 297155 15.45 44.14 25 Ramanathapurem 1187604 885210 302394 25.46 214751 18.08 71.02 26 Virudhunagar 1751301 973956 777345 44.39 504401 28.80 64.89 27 Sivagangai 1155356 829272 326084 28.22 167313 14.48 51.31 28 Tirunelveli 2723988 1415742 1308246 48.03 772447 28.36 59.04 29 Thoothukudi 1572273 907500 664773 42.28 336168 21.38 50.57 30 Kanyakumari 1676034 582107 1093927 65.27 272544 16.26 24.91 Total 62405679 34921681 27483998 44.04 18256083 29.25 66.42

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The areas and populations of the municipalities and the corporations found in the different districts in Tamil Nadu as per 2001 census are provided in Table 4.9.

Table - 4.9

Areas and Populations of the Municipalities and Corporations in

different districts as per 2001 census

Name of the Sl. Area (in Population Total No. of Municipality / Grade No. Sq.km Wards Corporation Chennai Corporation 174 4343645 155 Kancheepuram District 1 Alandur spl 19.50 146287 42 2 Kancheepuram spl 11.72 153140 45 3 Chenglepet I 6.09 62582 33 4 Pallavapuram spl 18.00 144623 42 5 Tambaram spl 20.42 137933 39 6 Madurantagam II 21.67 29059 24 7 Anakaputhur III 4.00 31918 18 8 Maraimalainagar III 58.08 48463 21 9 Pammal III 13.80 49999 21 Ullagaram 10 III 8.50 30422 18 Puzhuthivakkam Total 834426 303 Tiruvallur District

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11 Ambattur Spl 40.36 310967 52 12 Avadi spl 65.00 229403 48 13 Kathivakkam sel 4.76 32590 24 14 Thiruvottiyur spl 21.42 212281 48 15 Madhavaram spl 17.40 76093 30 16 Tiruvallur I 10.75 45732 27 17 Maduravayal III 4.00 43609 15 18 Poondamalle III 25.55 42604 21 19 Thiruthani III 12.36 38314 21 20 Thiruverkadu III 28.50 32221 18 21 Valasaravakkam III 8.00 30978 18 22 Manali III 16.00 28597 18 Total 1123389 340 Cuddalore District 23 Cuddalore spl 27.69 158634 45 24 Chidambaram sel 4.82 57733 33 25 Panruti I 18.03 55346 33 26 Virudhachalam I 25.57 60164 33 27 Nellikuppam II 21.49 44222 30 Total 376099 174 Vellore District 28 Arakonam I 9.06 78686 36 29 Gudiyatham I 4.71 91452 36 30 Tirupathur sel 4.66 60876 33 31 Arcot I 7.49 49953 30

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32 Ambur sel 17.97 99624 36 33 Ranipet sel 8.52 47243 30 34 Vaniyambadi sel 9.53 85752 36 35 Walajapettai II 2.64 29475 24 36 Dharapadavedu III 12.94 30070 18 37 Jolarpet III 13.06 27167 18 38 Melvisharam III 8.67 36757 21 39 Pernambut III 7.61 41499 21 40 Sathuvachari III 16.06 44942 21 Vellore corporation 11.65 177230 48 Total 900726 408 Thiruvannamalai District 41 Thiruvannamalai spl 13.64 130567 39 42 Arani I 11.62 60815 33 43 Thiruvathipuram II 10.76 35201 27 44 Vandavasi II 9.71 29610 24 Total 256193 123 Villupuram District 45 Villupuram sel 8.36 95455 36 46 Tindivanam sel 22.33 67737 33 47 Kallakurichi III 11.69 36793 21 Total 199985 90 Salem District 48 Mettur sel 14.55 53633 30 49 Attur sel 27.62 57519 33

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50 Idappadi I 28.22 48815 30 51 Narasingapuram III 14.83 18690 18 Salem corporation 91.34 696760 60 Total 875417 171 Namakkal District 52 Namakkal sel 10.24 53055 30 53 Tiruchengode sel 25.20 80187 33 54 Komarapalayam I 7.10 65868 33 55 Rasipuram I 8.16 46330 27 56 Pallipalayam III 4.70 35635 21 Total 281075 144 Dharmapuri District 57 Dharmapuri sel 11.65 64496 33 58 Krishnagiri I 11.50 64587 33 59 Hosur sel 11.71 84394 30 Total 213477 96 Karur District 60 Karur Spl 5.96 76336 36 61 Kulithalai II 11.16 26161 24 62 Inamkarur III 13.50 45437 21 63 Thanthoni III 13.50 31592 18 Total 179526 99 Thanjavur District 64 Thanjavur Spl 36.31 215314 51 65 Kumbakonam Spl 12.58 139954 45

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66 Pattukottai sel 21.83 65533 33 Total 420801 129 Nagapattinam District 67 Mayiladuthurai sel 11.26 84505 36 68 Nagapattinam sel 14.90 93148 36 69 Sirkazhi II 13.21 32228 24 70 Vedaranyam III 36.26 31627 21 Total 241508 117 Tiruvarur District 71 Mannargudi sel 11.55 61478 33 72 Tiruvarur I 10.47 56341 30 73 Thiruthuraipoondi II 11.93 22905 24 74 Koothanallur II 12.31 22995 24 Total 163719 111 Pudukottai District 75 Pudukottai sel 12.95 109217 39 76 Aranthangi I 15.36 34134 27 Total 143351 66 Tiruchirappalli District 77 Thuraiyur sel 14.55 31005 24 78 Manaparai I 20.85 35770 27 79 Thuvakudi III 14.37 35428 21 Tiruchirappalli corporation 149.90 752066 60 Total 854269 132 Perambalur District

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80 Perambalur II 20.59 37631 21 Total 37631 21 Ariyalur District 81 Jayankondam III 28.49 31268 21 82 Ariyalur III 7.62 27822 18 Total 59090 39 Madurai District 83 Thirumangalam II 10.70 43631 27 84 Melur II 15.02 33881 27 85 Usilampatti II 13.85 30601 24 86 Anaivur III 10.00 38310 18 87 Avaniapuram III 16.00 53006 21 88 Thiruparangundram III 13.26 39048 21 Madurai corporation 51.96 928869 72 Total 1167346 210 Theni-Allinagaram District 89 Theniallinagaram sel 22.23 85498 33 90 Periyakulam II 2.11 42012 30 91 Chinnamanur II 25.95 38360 27 92 Cumbum I 6.58 58891 33 93 Bodinayakanur I 7.23 73410 33 94 Gudalur III 32.00 35531 21 Total 333702 177 Sivaganga District 95 Karaikudi sel 13.75 86596 36

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96 Devakottai I 12.42 40497 27 97 Sivagangai I 6.97 40220 27 Total 167313 90 Ramanathapuram District 98 Ramanathapuram I 6.33 62050 33 99 Paramakudi I 13.00 84321 36 100 Keelakarai III 2.45 30412 21 101 Rameswaram III 53.00 37968 21 Total 214751 111 Dindigul District 102 Dindigul Spl 14.01 196955 48 103 Kodaikanal Spl 21.45 32969 24 104 Palani sel 6.63 67231 33 Total 297155 105 Erode District 105 Dharapuram I 7.02 64984 30 106 Gobichettipalayam sel 7.51 55158 30 107 Sathiamangalam I 29.24 33722 27 108 Bhavani II 2.17 38778 27 109 Kasipalayam III 48.64 52369 21 110 Periyasemur III 10.10 32024 18 111 Punjaipuliyampatti III 4.54 14832 18 112 Surampatti III 3.85 31948 18 113 Veerappanchatiram III 30.72 72703 21 114 Vellakoil III 64.75 34438 21

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Erode corporation 8.44 150541 45 Total 581497 276 Coimbatore District 115 Pollachi Spl 13.87 88302 36 116 Mettupalayam sel 7.20 66595 33 117 Kavundampalayam III 10.50 48276 18 118 Kuniamuthur III 23.54 58900 21 119 Kurichi III 20.30 77853 21 120 Nallur III 26.00 29495 15 121 Valparai III 217.87 95107 21 122 Velampalayam III 14.00 45679 21 123 Palldam III 19.42 30016 18 124 Udumalaipetai sel 7.41 59668 33 Coimbatore corporation 105.60 930882 72 Tiruppur corporation 27.19 344543 52 Total 1875316 361 Nilgiris District 125 Uthagamandalam Spl 30.67 93987 36 126 Coonoor sel 15.05 50196 30 127 Gudalur III 47.71 43096 21 128 Nelliyalam III 94.28 41837 21 Total 229116 108 Tirunelveli District 129 Kadayanallur I 52.25 75612 33 130 Sankarankoil I 12.37 53606 30

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131 Tenkasi I 26.13 63432 33 132 Puliangudi II 55.16 60080 33 133 Sengottai II 2.68 26838 24 134 Ambasamudram III 17.84 32739 21 135 Vikramasingapuram III 38.57 48309 21 Tirunelveli corporation 108.65 411831 55 Total 772447 250 Tuticorin District 136 Kovilpatti spl 12.58 87450 36 137 Kayalpattinam III 12.50 32664 18 Tuticorin corporation 13.47 216054 51 Total 336168 105 Kannyakumari District 138 Nagercoil Spl 24.27 208179 51 139 Colachel I 5.18 23787 24 140 Kuzhithurai II 5.15 20503 21 141 Padmanabhapuram II 6.47 20075 21 Total 272544 117 Virudhunagar District 142 Rajapalayam spl 11.36 122307 42 143 Aruppukottai I 14.96 84029 36 144 Sivakasi sel 6.89 72168 33 145 Srivilliputhur I 5.72 73183 33 146 Virudhunagar sel 6.60 72081 36 147 Sattur II 3.83 31443 24

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148 Thiruthangal III 13.00 49190 21 Total 504401 225 Grand Total 18256083 4853 Source: Census of India, 2001.

Town Panchayats

Tamil Nadu has introduced a classification called ‘Town Panchayat which is a transitional body between rural and urban local bodies.

The town panchayats are governed by Tamil Nadu District

Municipalities Act 1920. There are 561 town panchayats in the State which are classified into four grades, based on the income criteria: Table No. 4.10 provides classification of town panchayats in Tamil Nadu.

Table - 4.10

Classification of Town Panchayats in Tamil Nadu

Grade Income per year No. of Town Panchayats Special Grade Above Rs. 20 Lakhs 13 Selection Grade Above Rs.16 Lakhs 245 Grade I Above Rs. 8 Lakhs 221 Grade II Above Rs. 4 Lakhs 82 Total 561 Source: http://www.tn.gov.in/dtp/introduction.htm

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Town Panchayats are under the administrative control of Municipal

Administration and Water Supply Department, at the government level and are administered by the Directorate of Town Panchatays. The town panchayats are places of importance such as Division / Taluk headquarters, tourist spots, pilgrim centers and commercial/industrial towns. This necessitate special attention to the civic needs of the town panchayats.

Explanatory Note

Census of India defines all Towns, Cities and Urban Agglomerations as below: i. Statutory Towns i.e. Municipal Corporation, Municipal Board,

Cantonment Board, Notified Area etc. ii. Census towns which are non-statutory towns and are actually

rural areas but satisfy following criteria:

 Minimum Population of 5000

 Density of population of at least 400 per sq.km

 75 per cent of the male working population engaged in non-

agricultural activity

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iii. City:

 Class I Town - Population of 100000 and above

 Class II Town - Population of 50000 - 99999

 Class III Town - Population of 20000 - 49999

 Class IV Town - Population of 10000 - 19999

 Class V Town - Population of 5000 - 9999

 Class VI Town - Population below 5000

iv. Urban Agglomeration:

The Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission(JNNURM) provides both incentives as well as support for undertaking reforms and infrastructure development at State and City level.

Three classes of cities/urban agglomerations have been identified for assistance under JNNURM:

1. Category A: City/urban agglomeration with population of 4 million

and above as per 2001 census.

2. Category B: City/urban agglomeration with population of 1 million

and above as per 2001 census.

3. Category C: Other selected city/urban agglomeration, including State

capital and city/UA of religious/historic and tourist importance

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Sometimes two or more towns may be contiguous to each other, making it necessary to consider them together for studies on urbanisation in the area. In some other cases there are large railway colonies, university campuses, port areas, military camps etc., just outside the statutory limits of a town, but adjoining it. Though these areas may not themselves qualify to be treated as towns, it would be realistic to treat them as urban. Such areas are termed as ‘outgrowths’ (O.G.). The above two types of contiguous urban areas are called ‘Urban Agglomerations’. An urban agglomeration may comprise:

 A town and contiguous outgrowths; or

 Two or more towns and their outgrowths, if any; all of them forming

a contiguous spread of urban area.

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CHAPTER – V

ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION OF DATA

This chapter is devoted by the researcher for analysing the Spatio – temporal analysis of urban development in Tiruchirappalli city.

The main objective of the present chapter is to study the level of urban development in different parts of the Tiruchirappalli city. Urban development here is mainly considered as the functions of various physical and social means of development. In physical means of development the availability of goods, toilets, electricity, drinking water, housing and household amenities, transport and communication have been considered. In social means of development the availability of primary health centres/private clinics, primary schools, play grounds and public libraries have been included. To find the variations in intra-city development, a ward level and area level investigation is required. Data on the indicators at ward and area level have been collected with the help of primary survey. The sample regions have been selected such that they can represent the entire residential areas of Tiruchirappalli city.

In order to go for comprehensive data collection through sample survey of households, a composite index has been generated at first on the

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basis of certain indicators. All the 60 wards had been categorised into three socioeconomic groups. These six indicators are given below.

1. Literacy level in per cent

2. Sex ratio (Number of females per thousand male population)

3. Length of road per thousand population

4. Length of drainage per thousand population

5. Number of primary schools per thousand population

6. Number of hand pumps per thousand population.

On the basis of the above six indicators initially six municipal wards have been selected among 60 municipal wards by the composite index. The wards with high value of composite index represents the developed wards and wards with middle values of composite index represent moderately developed wards and the wards with lowest value of composite index represent less developed wards.

According to the Table 5:1, i.e. on the basis of the results of composite index wards Cantonment wards and Thillainagar wards can be categorised as the most developed wards; Golden Rock wards and

Srirangam wards as the moderately developed and Beemanagar wards and

Tharanallur wards as the least developed wards of the Tiruchirappalli city.

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Once the wards were selected, three areas from each ward had been taken

for household surveys. The criteria for selection of areas for household

surveys were slightly different. On the basis of personal interviews of

municipal officials, three residential areas namely lower, middle and high-

income groups had been selected from each ward. The rationale for such a

selection is based on the non-availability of household data on income. After

the selection of areas they were classified into three strata, i.e. (i) high-

income group areas, (ii) middle-income group areas and (iii) low-income

group areas, as is given below in Table 5.1.

Table - 5.1

Classification of Areas by Income Groups

Middle-income Low-income High Income Group S.No. Group Areas (Division – Group Areas (Division – I) II) (Division – III) 1 Cantonment Ward Golden Rock Ward Beemanagar Ward

2 Thillainagar Ward Srirangam Ward Gandhi Market ward

3 Annamalai Nagar ward Karumandapam ward Tharanallur Ward

4 K.K. Nagar ward T.V. Koil ward Palakkarai ward

5 Woriyur ward Srinivasa Nagar ward Senthaneerpuram

ward

Source: Primary Survey

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Size and Composition of Sample Households

The present survey covered 300 households selected on a random basis out of 15 wards. In each ward 20 households were surveyed. The average family size of all the surveyed households was 5 and certain information regarding all the 2055 persons of the surveyed areas were collected. It has been found that 71 per cent of respondents were male.

Again as far as heads of the households were concerned, 92 per cent were male. Again, just like other urban areas, 52.87 per cent persons of the sample households were male.

Table - 5.2 Sexwise Distribution of Respondents Distribution of Respondents Distribution of Heads of (per cent) Households Male Female Total Male Female Total Sample Size 213 87 300 277 23 300 Sample in per cent 71 29 100 92 8 100 (%) Source: Primary Data

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Chart - 5.1 Sample Persons by Respondent

120

100 100 100

60 Sample in percent (%) Sample

0 Male Female Total Male Female Total Classification of Respondent (percent) Head of Household Sample Persons by Respondent

Classification of Respondent (percent) Male Classification of Respondent (percent) Female Classification of Respondent (percent) Total Head of Household Male Head of Household Female Head of Household Total

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Work Participation

The classification of the respondents by economic activity indicates that 32.82 per cent were workers. It means that out of every 100 persons almost 67 were either dependent or economically inactive persons who had other sources of livelihood. Again among the dependents we found that children, women and old people accounted for 60.99 per cent and, students and unemployed persons were respectively 32.51 and 2.05 per cent.

Respectively the work participation respondents in illustrated in Table 5.3.

Educational and Occupational Status of Head of Households

In general education is both a contributor to the development and also a product of urban development. There is a causal relationship between educational and occupational structure. For example, education level may decide the nature of employment and it in turn it may affect the income level and instil further education. Actually, the purpose of this analysis is to find out the relationship between the individual development and overall urban development.

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Table - 5.3 Work Participation of Respondents Workers Non Workers Others Dependent All H.H Others All Rent Retd Unemp. Situ H.H. Oth. All Sample 289 396 675 28 445 61 835 1369 6 5 2055 Size Sample 47.25 52.75 32.84 2.05 32.51 4.46 60.99 100.0 0.29 0.24 100 in % Source : Primary Data

Table shows that 77.09 per cent heads of the surveyed households had

matriculation certificate and among their spouses this value was 48.43 per

cent. However, the picture is not quite satisfactory in all the fifteen selected

areas. In lower income group areas, the percentage heads of households who

were matriculates was less. For example, the percentages of household heads

and their spouses are found at 31.82 and 41.91 respectively, which indicate

the backwardness of these low-income group areas. On the other hand the

percentages of matriculates as heads of households were very high in all

income group areas and in most of the middle – income group areas. Table

5.3 illustrate that out of fifteen surveyed areas of Tiruchirappalli, at least

seven had 100 per cent matriculates among the heads of households.

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It is a known fact that education is one of the most significant escalators for socio – economic development of any person or society. It is also a major ingredient for occupational achievement of any individual.

Tiruchirappalli is also no exception to that. Table No. 5.3 indicates a broad picture of the occupational pattern among the surveyed areas of

Trichirappalli. In high-income group areas most of the persons were either engaged in high profile jobs like engineering, management, and white collar jobs in different organizations or having their own business. For example, in

Thillainagar almost all of the heads of households were engaged in well to do jobs. It is not surprising that all of them were either graduates or were engineers, doctors and managers in Thillainagar or class I officers the areas that also report high per cent of head of households having good employment status were Cantonment, K.K Nagar, Woriyur and Annamalai

Nagar.

Nevertheless, one may observe that in low-income group areas, most of the residents were engaged in low paid jobs. Actually, to get a better job, good quality education and technical skill are essential; unfortunately, the field survey data reveals that here most of the residents did not have education higher matriculation level. It was found that most of them were working in the unorganized sector. For example, except in Senthaneerpuram

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in other areas, more than 40 per cent of heads of the households of other low income group areas were daily wage workers and engaged in different services like that of carpenter, driver, rickshaw puller, mechanic, and industrial labour. The percentage of small shopkeepers and vendors was also high in these areas. These jobs constitute very low paid occupational categories. As a result, poverty level was observed to be very high in these areas and ultimately it affected significantly on the socio-economic conditions of the residents.

5.4 Social Groups

Table 5.4 presents the populations of the study areas by broad social groups, i.e., Scheduled Caste (S.C.), Scheduled Tribe (S.T.), and Others, based on their numerical strength. In fact none of these groups are homogeneous, as in India most of the religious groups, particularly Hindus, consist of various exclusive subgroups of castes. Therefore, the socio- economic structure of a city could be understood better by analysing the inter-relationship between certain social and economic factors. An analysis of distribution of sample households' population by different social groups shows that 'others' groups accounted for 67.70 per cent. In all fifteen surveyed areas of Tiruchirappalli population consisted of only 19.70 per cent of the total population followed by S.C. population (13.13 per cent).

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Table - 5.4

Social Structure in Sample Areas

Sample Size Sample in % Area S.C. S.T. Others All S.C S.T. Others All Cantonment 5 0 92 97 5.15 0.00 94.85 100 Golden Rock 17 13 86 116 14.66 11.21 74.14 100 Beemanagar 89 7 21 117 76.07 5.98 17.95 100 Gandhi Market 34 75 30 139 24.46 53.96 21.58 100 Karumandapam 6 0 100 106 5.66 0.00 9434 100 Thillainagar 0 0 104 104 0.00 0.00 100 00 100 Annamalai Nagar 6 26 66 98 6.12 26.53 67.35 100 Karumandapam 16 6 90 112 14.29 5.36 80.36 100 Tharanallur 77 33 31 141 54.61 23.40 21.99 100 Senthaneerpuram 18 0 82 114 15.79 0.00 84.21 100 Palakkarai 43 65 21 129 3333 50.39 16.28 100 K.K. Nagar 0 0 103 103 0.00 0.00 100.00 100 Woriyur 5 6 88 99 5.05 6.06 88.89 100 Srinivasa Nagar 14 18 75 107 13.08 16.82 70.09 100 Senthaneerpuram 26 5 99 129 2016 3.88 76.74 100 Total 500 455 1285 2052 15.25 22.17 62.62 100 Source: Primary Survey (2005-06).

The regional/spatial distribution indicates that S.C. and S.T. populations were either concentrated in low-income group areas or found in the outskirt villages of the sample regions. For instance, the highest

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concentration of S.T. population was found in Beemanagar (76.07 per cent), which is an urban slum. The highest per cent of S.C. population was found in Tharanallur which is actually a slum area, located just near the Gandhi

Market. Table 5.4 reflects that, not a single family of Scheduled Castes and

Tribes were found in Thillainagar and K.K. Nagar which are high-income group areas. In other high-income group areas their presence also was very low.

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Chart - 5.2 Social Structure of Sample Areas

120

100 100 100 94.85 94.34 88.89 84.21 80.36 80 76.74 76.07 74.14 70.09 67.35

60 54.61 53.96 50.39 Sample Sample percent (%) in

40 33.33 26.53 24.46 23.4 21.99 21.58 20 20.16 17.95 16.82 16.28 15.79 14.66 14.29 13.08 11.21 6.12 6.06 5.98 5.66 5.36 5.15 5.05 3.88

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Woriyur Palakkarai K.K.Nagar Thillainagar Tharanallur Tharanallur Cantonment Beemanagar Golden Rock Golden Gandhi Market Gandhi Srinivasa Srinivasa Nagar Karumandapam Karumandapam Karumandapam AnnamalaiNagar Senthaneerpuram Senthaneerpuram Areas

S.C S.T. Others

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Housing Characteristics

The housing characteristics of the households of fifteen selected areas and six wards were analysed with the help of different variables. These variables were further divided into separate heads, such as type of tenancy, housing structure, average size of family and internal density. All data used in this analysis have been collected from the field survey of Tiruchirappalli city.

Types of Tenancy

House is one of the essential necessities of all human beings and so owning a house is also the dream of many people. Table 5.5 shows that about two-thirds (61.87 per cent) of the households of selected areas of

Tiruchirappalli city were living in their own houses-Among these households, the highest per centage was found in Beemanagar (90.91 per cent). Here the scheduled tribes had been living since the beginning, in their own houses. Similarly, it was found that most of the populations of other low-income groups had been living in their own houses.

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Table - 5.5 Housing Structure in the Study Areas Areas Own House Percentage of Household Pucca Kutcha Semi Pucca All Cantonment 59.09 100 0 0.00 100.00 Golden Rock 18.18 100 0 0.00 100.00 Beemanagar 90.91 50.00 13.64 31.82 100.00 Thillainagar 77.27 18.18 22.73 59.09 100.00 Srirangam 63.64 100.00 0.00 0.00 100.00 Gandhimarket 54.55 100.00 0.00 0.00 100.00 Annamalai Nagar 72.73 95.45 0.00 4.54 100.00 Karumandapam 77.27 8636 0.00 13.63 100.00 Tharanallur 22.72 9.09 63.36 27.27 100.00 T.V. Koil 68.18 100 0 0.00 100.00 Palakkarai 81.82 18.18 27.27 54.55 100.00 K.K. Nagar 72.73 100 0 0.00 100.00 Woriyur 54.54 100.00 0.00 0.00 100.00 Srinivasa Nagar 63.64 81.81 0.00 18.18 100.00 Senthaneerpuram 54.54 45.45 13.63 40.90 100.00 Total 61.87 73.12 10.33 16.27 100.00 Source: Primary Survey (2005-06).

On the contrary rented houses were more prominent in many of the high-income group areas. Cantonment (59.09 per cent), Thillainagar (54.55 per cent), and Woriyur (54.54 per cent), were the best examples. It is

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understood that most of the migrated population staying in rented houses of these areas came from the other parts of the district and as yet they do not own a house.

It gives the ward wise availability of houses. In ward 27, a greater per centage of families (74.24 per cent) owned houses in which they live, This was followed by ward 36 (second highest ownership).

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Chart - 5.3 Housing Structure of Tiruchirappalli City

100

90.91 90

81.82 80 77.27 77.27

72.73 72.73

70 68.18

63.64 63.64

60 59.09

54.55 54.54 54.54

50 Own House

22.72

20 18.18

0 Woriyur T.V. Koil T.V. Srirangam Palakkarai K.K. Nagar K.K. Tharanallur Thillainagar Cantonment Beemanagar Golden Rock Golden Gandhimarket Srinivasa Nagar Karumandapam Karumandapam Annamalai Nagar Annamalai Senthaneerpuram Areas

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Housing Structure

Data related to housing structure were collected under three heads: (1) pucca house, (2) kutcha house and (3) semi pucca house. The materials used for roof, wall and floor have been combined to classify the housing structure. If all the three parts of a house were built of pucca materials i.e. brick, stone, cement etc, then it was counted as a pucca house. If any of these three parts were made of pucca materials and other two are of kutcha materials then the house was counted as a semi pucca house. If all three parts of the house were built of kutcha materials then it was counted as a kutcha house. So all the possible combinations were worked out to categorise the houses of the studied area.

The per centage of households living in pucca houses was higher in almost all the high-income group areas of the study areas (Table 5.5). There was only one exception of Annamalai Nagar area of ward 23 where smaller numbers (4.55 per cent) of households were living in semi pucca houses.

Actually, some SC/ST families were living in this areas and many of them had semi pucca houses, in middle-income group area majority of the houses were of pucca type. For example, in Golden Park, Thillainagar, T.V. Koil and in Srirangam all houses were built of pucca materials.

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In cases of low-income group areas, except Beemanagar and

Senthaneerpuram, more than three fourth of the houses were found built of kutcha material or semi pucca material. In Tharanallur area of ward 24 about

64 per cent of population were living in kutcha houses. This area is a slum area and most of its population were found to be working as labourers in un organized sector.

Inter-ward comparison shows that the per centage of households who lived in pucca houses were highest (83.33) in ward number 10 and the corresponding figure for ward 23 was 63.63 per cent which was the lowest among the wards. When we compared the two developed ward 10 and 36, housing situation in ward 10 was found to be much better than in ward 36.

The reason is that in ward 36 is included and here more than 85 per cent of the population were living in either kutcha houses or in semi pucca houses, reducing the overall per centage of ward 36. Similarly, if we compare the two backward wards such as ward Tharanallur and Beemanagar, it was noticed that situation in ward 24 was far better than in ward 23, and in fact this ward had the second highest per centage of population living in pucca houses.

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Availability of Living Rooms

To find out how many rooms were available per household in the studied area, all the households were divided into five categories. Table 5.6 indicates that more than 80 per cent of households of Tiruchirappalli city were living in two to four room each houses. The highest per cent i.e. 30.83 were two room households. It was also noticeable that 8.38 per cent of households had only one living room each. Most of the households of the lower income group areas (25 per cent) had only one living room. In the highest category of more than 5 rooms per household, the highest per centage was found in K.K. Nagar (36.36 per cent) of Ward 24 followed by

Cantonment (27.27 per cent). Similar status was noticed for the categories of four living room households. Here the maximum per centage was found in the high-income group areas for example in Thillai Nagar, K.K. Nagar and

Woriyur where more than 35 per cent households had four rooms.

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Table - 5.6

Distribution of Households by Number of Living Rooms

Percentage of Household by Number of Room Rooms Area Density 5 1 2 3 4 All above Cantonment 1.15 0.00 18.18 31.82 22.73 27.27 100.00 Golden Rock 2.47 0.00 45.45 54.55 0.00 0.00 100.00 Beemanagar 1.92 4.55 40.91 22.73 31.82 0.00 100.00 Gandhimarket 3.74 31.82 45.45 13.64 9.09 0.00 100.00 Srirangam 134 4.55 13.64 40.91 22.73 18.18 100.00 Thillainagar 1.25 0.00 18.18 50.00 18.18 13.64 100.00 Annamalai 1.14 2727 50.00 13.64 9.09 0.00 100.00 Nagar Karumandapam 2.04 4.55 13.64 40.91 22.73 18.18 100.00 Tharanallur 3.68 18.18 50.00 18.18 13.64 0.00 100.00 T.V. Koil 1.87 0.00 45.45 27.27 18.18 9.09 100.00 Palakkarai 3.10 22.73 3636 27.27 13.64 0.00 100.00 K.K. Nagar 1.14 0.00 9.09 13.64 40.91 3636 100.00 Woriyur 1.42 0.00 22.73 31.82 36.36 909 100.00 Srinivasa Nagar 236 9.09 36.36 27.27 22.73 4.55 100.00 Senthaneerpuram 3.18 27.27 36.36 18.18 13.64 455 100.00 Total 2.06 838 30.83 25.82 23.90 7.64 100.00 Source: Primary Data

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Inter area analysis shows that in ward 24, maximum per centage

(15.15) of households had more than 5 living rooms followed by ward 17

(10.61 per cent) and ward 10 (9.09 per cent). It further indicates that in all wards the share of two living room households was high. In ward number 36 almost 50 per cent of households had four living room houses. Since this ward had public sector housing areas many of its houses were four living rooms flats, so naturally this ward had higher share of four living room households. It was also clear from the graph that ward 23 had the maximum percentage of only one room households.

Size of Family

In Tiruchirappalli , the sizes of families mainly varied from 1 to 6.

There were few households who had more than 10 family members. The surveyed families were classified into four categories according to their size.

It can be observed from the Table 5.7 that the average size of family in

Tiruchirappalli city was 5 and the families of the smallest size i.e- 2 had the least percentage (5.17 per cent) and the 5-6 member families had the largest share (41.92 per cent).

From Table 5.7 we find a great spatial variation in the family size in different areas of Tiruchirappalli city. Among the category of more than 6

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members, the highest value was found in Tharanallur (63.64 per cent) of ward 23 followed by Gandhimarket (54.55 per cent) of ward 17. These two areas were the slum areas of Tiruchirappalli city and it is usually seen that, fertility rate and family size is higher among the poor. In other low-income group areas also, maximum households had a family size of five to six.

Again in middle-income group areas the percentage share of 5-6 member households was higher than in a any other category, for example in T.V.

Koil more than 68 per cent households had five to six family members.

Other areas, which had the highest percentage of households with five to six members were Tharanallur. Thillai Nagar and K.K. Nagar.In high-income group areas most of the households had three to four members.

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Table - 5.7

Distribution of Households by Family Member

Percentage of Household by Family Average Member Area Family Size 6 and 2 3 - 4 5 - 6 All above Cantonment 4 0.00 54.55 36.36 9.09 100.00 Golden Rock 5 0.00 36.36 40.91 22.73 100.00 Beemanagar 6 0.00 22.73 45.45 31.82 100.00 Gandhimarket 6 4.55 4.55 36.36 54.55 _ 100.00 Srirangam 5 4.55 36.36 40.91 18.18 100.00 Thillainagar 5 0.00 40,91 45.45 13.64 100.00 Annamalai 4 0.00 50.00 40.91 9.09 100.00 Nagar Karumandapam 5 4.55 27.27 40.91 27.27 100.00 Tharanallur 7 0.00 9.09 27.27 63.64 100.00 T.V. Koil 5 0.00 18.18 68.18 13.64 100.00 Palakkarai 6 4.55 27.27 40.91 27.27 100.00 K.K. Nagar 5 4.55 50.00 31.82 13.64 100.00 Woriyur 5 0.00 45.45 40.91 13.64 100.00 Srinivasa Nagar 5 4.55 5455 22.73 18.18 100.00 Senthaneerpuram 6 4.55 9.09 45.45 4091 100.00 Total 5 5.17 31.82 41.92 24.49 100.00 Source: Primary Survey (2005-06).

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According to Table 5.7, the average size of family was highest in ward number 23. Actually, Tharanallur area is located in this ward, where more than 63.64 per cent of households were in this category and it had the highest value (7) of average family size in the studied area. Next to ward number 22, ward 17 also had higher average family size. In this ward too, there was a heavy concentration of population in Gandhimarket; where the average family size was 6. The lowest average family size was found in

Annamalai Nagar ward number 27. In this ward about 40 per cent households had either four or less than four family size. As already noticed, the average size of family in Tiruchirappalli was 5, which indicated the dominance of nuclear families in the city.

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Chart - 5.4 Distribution of Households by Family Member

7 7

6 6 6 6 6

5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5

4 4 4

3 Average Family Size Average

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Internal Density of Households

In general, internal density of households is taken into account by two methods, firstly, concentration of population per room and secondly, concentration of population per square yard or square foot of built-up area.

Internal density depends on factors like the number of family members and income of family. In this present study internal density has been determined by the first method.

The internal densities of the surveyed households measured in terms of number of persons per room, reflected a clear difference among the different housing areas. The areas that were catogorised as the low-income groups had higher internal density. The value of internal density in Gandhi market was (3.74) was the highest among all the selected fifteen areas of

Tiruchirappalli city (Table 5.6). The next highest internal density was found in Tharanallur (3.68) followed by Senthaneerpuram (3.18), and Palakkarai

(3.10). So most of the houses in these areas accomodated more than three persons per room and some of them had even six to eight members per room. It is quite obvious because these areas were occupied by labourers who had very low income and very large family size. It has been also found that in low-income group areas most of the households had one or two living rooms. Table 5.6 shows that Woriyur had the lowest internal density where

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only one person was living in one room. It is supported by the fact that in this area more than 75 per cent households had either four or more than four rooms and also in this area the average family size was less than five.

Among the wards it is found that in ward 23, 15.15 per cent of households had single roomed houses and it was the highest among this category. But it was noticeable that room density was highest in ward 24, i.e.

3. Inter ward comparison showed that internal density was the lowest in ward 10 followed by ward 36 and ward 17. It has been found that 65 per cent of households of ward 10 had more than two living rooms and for ward 36 this value was almost 57 per cent. In ward 24 many households have four rooms, in spite of that internal density was higher in this ward. The reason behind this was that there were two areas which had larger family size.

Housing Characteristics among Social Groups

In case of the different social groups it may be seen that there had been a clear-cut difference among them. It shows that about 50 per cent of the Scheduled Castes and 58.27 per cent of 'Others' households lived in their own house. In case of the Scheduled Tribe households this figure was as high as 82.05 per cent. Although the economic status of Scheduled Tribes was not as good as other two groups, many of them lived in their ancestral

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houses, which fortunately had been located in the city. In contrast, the other two social groups were mostly outsiders and were living in rented houses.

The percentages of ownership of houses varied from 18.18 in Tharanallur to

90.91 per cent in Beemanagar. It was found that the proportion of own dwellings was higher in slums or in the lower income group areas, and the reason being the same as above.

The structure of residential houses also indicates sharp disparities among the three different social groups of Tiruchirappalli. Very low percentage (24.36) of Scheduled tribe's houses were made of pucca materials. As noted above, most of them were living in the low-income group areas and hence were constrained by economic factors. On the contrary, almost 94 per cent households of other social groups were living in pucca houses. Obviously, it indicates the better economic conditions of

Other Social Groups as compared to the Scheduled Tribe and Scheduled

Caste population.

The size of family is an important indicator as it provides useful insight into the household structure. It may be observed from the data that the average size of households among Scheduled Caste was higher (6) when compared to the two 'other' social groups, i.e. Scheduled Tribes (6) and

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Others (5) of Tiruchirappalli. Besides, data had also revealed variations in the size of households among the different social groups as well as the areas. In other word, the data shows that even within the Scheduled Caste households, family size was lower in high-income group areas and in case of

Others category, higher family size was found in the low-income group areas. Economic criterion therefore proved to have a dominating influence on family size irrespective of social groups.

Another important reason might be the presence of a large number of nuclear families in the high-income group areas. As mentioned earlier most of the residents of these areas were migrants and hence the families consisted of the husband, wife and with two or three children.

Along with the size of the households, an important feature for the understanding of the economic status of different social groups was the difference in the room density among areas. The average room density for

Scheduled Caste households (3), and Scheduled Tribes (3) was the highest followed by others (2). The lower room density in Others category is quite obvious if one takes note of the fact that most of households of these categories had smaller family size, and belonged to either high-income group or middle-income group areas, that confirm their better economic

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conditions. On the other hand, in slum areas of Tiruchirappalli such as

Palakkarai, Tharanallur and Gandhimarket, room density was usually thicken than three persons per room in all often three groups. So it must be mentioned here that the living conditions of a person is mainly determined by his economic status.

Disparities in Housing Characteristics among Social Groups

From the above mentioned facts it can be discerned that the condition of households category were better than rest of the social groups. Yet, there were a few scheduled caste and scheduled tribe households who had much better housing condition than rest of their communities. So, to find out the gap between the households of each social group, it is necessary to measure the variability of housing characteristics. In this context statistical techniques such as mean, standard deviation and coefficient of variation have been used for this purpose.

Table 5.8 shows the variations in different indicators of housing characteristics of social groups. Substantial variations exist both at area level and among different social groups. It was observed that of each indicator was higher in other social groups and lower in scheduled tribes. The most equally distributed variable was per centage of households having own

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house whereas the most unequally distributed indicator was per centage of households having three or more rooms. For example, on an average only

27.7 per cent households of tribes had three or more rooms; on the other hand this value was 67.59 per cent for the other groups.

Hypothesis

Household characteristics of SC/ST and other social groups differ significantly in this area.

Null Hypothesis

There is a marked disparity in housing characteristics among SC/ST and other social groups in this area.

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STATISTICAL TEST

Table - 5.8

Disparities in Housing Characteristics Among Social Groups

Household Characteristic Mean Standard Co-efficient of Deviation Variation Scheduled Tribes Percentage of households connection 70.05 32.47 46.36 with electricity Percentage of households having 5055 44.14 87.32 toilet Percentage of households having 48.62 44.15 90.81 drinking water Percentage of households having 46.65 44.42 96.65 drinking water facility in their houses Scheduled Caste Percentage of household connection 74.48 29.68 3953 with electricity Percentage of households having 63.83 40 62.66 toilet Percentage of households having 70.43 33.11 47.02 drinking water Percentage of households having 57.03 40.11 70.33 drinking water facility in their houses Others

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Percentage of household connection 98.3 5.11 5.19 with electricity Percentage of households having 91.54 18.75 20.49 toilet Percentage of household having 91.45 16.48 18.02 drinking water Percentage of households having 77.09 26.95 34.96 drinking water facility in their houses. Percentage of households having 67.59 24.53 36.29 three or more rooms Percentage of households having less 85.15 7.11 8.35 than six family members Source: Computed from Primary Survey

Again standard deviation was found to be highest for scheduled tribes and lowest for households of other social groups. In case of pucca houses the value of standard deviation was very high for Scheduled Tribes (42.83 per cent) and Scheduled Castes (41.1 per cent); whereas it was only 19.44 per cent for other social groups. Thus, it can be said that there has been a marked disparity in housing characteristics among the scheduled tribes and scheduled castes in the studied area. In high-income group areas, many households of these two groups had high per-capita income. As a result that

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their housing conditions were much better than their fellow social groups

who were living in low income group areas.

Inequality in housing conditions of different social groups reflected

prominently in the values of co-efficient of variation. It was the highest for

Scheduled Tribes followed by Scheduled Castes and 'other' groups.

Surprisingly, in case of pucca house and households with three or more

rooms, value of co-efficient of variation was more than 94 among the

Scheduled Tribes indicating great disparity among them. The value of co-

efficient of variation was more than 60 for Scheduled Castes, also indicating

a higher disparity in the housing conditions. Minimal disparity had been

noticed among 'other' social groups.

Table - 5.9

Percentages of Households Covered by Amenities

(2009 - 2010)

Percentage of Household Connection Region Electricity Toilet Tap water All three None Year 2009 2010 2009 2010 2009 2010 2009 2010 2009 2010 Tiruchirappalli 52.14 66.83 58.27 64.47 48.44 52.85 38.68 41.66 15.32 11.53 Tamil Nadu 54.45 64.89 50.61 56.46 56.13 57.93 32.59 38.54 17.66 12.92 India 62.5 75.8 58.2 63.9 75.1 81.4 43.38 52.46 10.89 5.17 Source: Census of India. Housing and Household Amenities Table 2011.

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Availability of Household Amenities

In general, presence of basic amenities such as drinking water, toilet and electricity within the house indicates a good living condition of the residents. So, an attempt has been made to analyse the availability of various household amenities such as drinking water by source and location, toilet, electricity, household gadgets and utensils. Prior to a comprehensive study of the availability of these household amenities in Tiruchirappalli city, a brief comparative analysis among Tiruchirappalli, Tamil Nadu and India would be helpful.

The data presented in Table 5.9 clearly shows that availability of electricity and tap water supply to the households of Tiruchirappalli and urban Tamil Nadu were much lower than the average for the country. In

1991, the percentages of households having electricity connection in

Tiruchirappalli and Tamil Nadu were 66.83 respectively and 64.89 respectively but the corresponding figure for urban India was 75.8 per cent.

This gap was more prominent in case of tap water. The average value for urban India was 81.4 per cent but the values were only 41.66 and 38.54 per cent in Tiruchirappalli and Tamil Nadu respectively . This means that till

2009 more than 40 per cent households of Tamil Nadu and Tiruchirappalli did not have tap water facilities.

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In case of toilet facility, Tiruchirappalli was in a better position when compared to Tamil Nadu as well as India. In 1991 Census, only 38.54 per cent households of Tamil Nadu had all the three amenities. The corresponding figures for Tiruchirappalli and urban India were 41.66 and

52.76 per cent. So it can be said that among Tiruchirappalli, Tamil Nadu and India, there is a great disparity in the provision of urban amenities.

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Chart - 5.5 Percentage of Households Covered by Amenities (2009 - 2010)

90 81.4 80 75.8 75.1

70 66.83 64.89 64.47 63.9 62.5 60 58.2 58.27 57.93 56.46 56.13 54.45 52.85 52.46 52.14

50 50.61 48.44 43.38

40 41.66 38.68 38.54 Average Family Size Average 32.59 30

20 17.66 15.32 12.92 11.53 10 10.89 5.17

0 2009 2010 2009 2010 2009 2010 2009 2010 2009 2010 Electricity Toilet Tap water All three None Household Connection

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Table - 5.10 Availability of Household Amenities(in percentage) Areas Electricity Toilet Tap water All three None Cantonment 100 100 100 100 0 Golden Rock 100 100 100 100 0 Beemanagar 77.27 63.63 0 0 18.18 Gandhimarket 72.72 18.18 27.27 18.18 13.63 Srirangam 100 100 100 100 0 Thillainagar 100 100 100 100 0 Annamalai 100 100 100 100 0 Nagar Karumandapam 90.90 90.90 0 0 0 Tharanallur 36.36 13.36 22.72 13.36 54.54 T.V. Koil 100 100 0 0 0.00 Palakkarai 45.45 22.73 18.18 18.18 50 K.K. Nagar 100 100 100 100 0 Woriyur 100 100 86.36 86.36 0 Srinivasa Nagar 95.54 86.36 0 0 0 Senthaneerpuram 81.81 59.09 36.36 27.27 13.63 Total 86.08 76.75 55.04 53.77 10.64 Source: Primary Survey (2005-06).

Availability of Electricity

Table 5.10 reveals that 86.08 per cent households of the surveyed areas of Tiruchirappalli were availing electricity as against approximately 14

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per cent households that did not have electricity in their homes. However, a area-wise analysis presents a different picture. It was seen that every household of high-income group areas had electricity in their residences. For example all the households of Cantonment, Thillai Nagar, K.K. Nagar,

Annamalai Nagar and Woriyur had electricity connections. In the middle- income group areas, only a few households of Karumandapam did not have electricity in their houses. However, the data of low-income group areas indicated that very low percentage of their households had electricity connections in their residences. Considering the figures by areas 63.64 per cent households of Tharanallur and 55.55 per cent households of Palakkarai did not have access to electricity.

Availability of Toilets

In case of sanitary facility, it was found that 76.75 per cent of the total households of the sample areas had toilet facilities in their residences. That is nearly one-fourth households of the area surveyed did not have the above facility. As expected, most of the households of high and middle-income group areas had toilets in their houses. But among the low-income group areas in the Gandhi market, Tharanallur and others very few households had toilets in their residences. Table 5.10 clearly indicates the absence of toilet facility in majority of households in Tharanallur (86.64 per cent), Gandhi

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market (81.82 per cent), Palakkarai (77.27 per cent) and other areas (72.72 per cent). Basically in these areas poverty level had been very high and most of them were Scheduled Castes / Scheduled Tribes and most backward caste people. Hence they were forced to live in very small sized houses; having neither space nor the money to construct a latrine in their houses. Three public toilets had been constructed in Tharanallur, and Gandhi market. In

Palakkarai the municipality had constructed a public toilet but it was not in a usable condition. As a result the inhabitants of these areas had been compelled to defeate in open place.

Chart 5.5 exhibits that among the three basic amenities the connections of electricity in the households were more common in all the six sample wards of Trichirappalli. The highest values were found in two wards, i.e. in ward 10 (92.45 per cent) and ward 27 (94.44 per cent) followed by ward 17 (91.23 per cent). The lowest household connectivity was found in ward 23 where Tharanallur and Karumandapam areas were located. In case of toilet facility, the highest per centage was found in ward 10 (87.88 per cent) and 27 (81.22 per cent, and lowest per centage in ward 23 (68.09 per cent). Analysis revealed that ward 23 was one of the least developed wards of Tiruchirappalli city. In case of tap water supply, there had been very much variation among the wards of Tiruchirappalli. For example in ward 24

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only 39 per cent households had tap water facility. The situation in ward 23

(40.91 per cent) and 27 (40.91 per cent) were not much different. It was found that five areas in the studied area had supply of municipal pipe water.

Sources of Drinking Water

The source of drinking water is categorised by Census of India into six categories, namely well, tap, hand pump/tube well, river/canal, tank and others. To cater the drinking water facilities Tiruchirappalli Corporation entirely depends on “The Cauvery Water”.

Comprehensive drinking water schemes were implemented in the areas of Mutharasanallur, Sarkarpalayam and Srirangam with the financial aid of the World Bank. A separate comprehensive drinking water scheme and pumping station was launched in 2006 to cater the drinking water needs of Pudhukottai, Ramanathapuram and Sivagangai districts which is popularly called in the name of Ramanathapuram – Naripaiyur comprehensive drinking water scheme, with the financial aid of Asian

Development Bank to the tune Rs.1480 crores. Tiruchirappalli corporation is one among the cities which use the Holy Cauvery.

Graph represents the sources of drinking water supply in the households of the study area. It can be observed from the graph that tap

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water is the most important source of drinking water. It serves around 58 per cent of population of the study area. Tap water supply had been the most important source because Tiruchirappalli city gets water supply through

Mettur Dam. About 30 per cent of households of the study area also depend on ground water sources, i.e. tube well/hand pump. As these two sources are considered as safe drinking water, almost 88 per cent of the households of

Tiruchirappalli are found to have safe drinking water facilities. Actually, this figure had been a combined picture of all the fifteen areas. However a detailed area level study had revealed a different picture.

The situation regarding safe drinking water supply in case of all the areas of Tiruchirappalli was unsatisfactory. Among the low-income group housing areas, till the survey period many of the households were dependent on tube wells for drinking water. In fact, open wells were not included as the sources of safe drinking water because wells were not covered and are directly exposed to the surrounding environment and contamination.

Another important aspect of drinking water is that in Tiruchirappalli many of its newly established areas have drinking water problems. Despite the fact that they were middle-income group areas of Tiruchirappalli and came under the municipality, Corporation of Tiruchirappalli has still not been able to provide tap water to all areas. In Karumandapam 45.45 per cent of sample

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houses depended on well water followed by Srinivasa Nagar (36.36 per cent) and T.V. Koil (22.72 per cent). Water supply in the remaining areas was from ground water sources, i.e. tube wells or hand pumps.

However, it should be mentioned here that all the high-income group areas had the facility of protected drinking water supply. Table 5.11 shows these figures in detail. In Cantonment it was noticed that 95.45 per cent of the households were using tap water for drinking purpose and the rest 4.54 per cent of sample househoslds depended on mineral water, which was bought from the market. Those, who depended on tap water, also mentioned that they always used filtered water for drinking purposes. Another housing area, which mostly depended on tap water, was Woriyur. Here 86.36 per cent of households were using tap water for drinking purposes.

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Table - 5.11

Percentages of Households According to Sources of Drinking Water

Drinking Water Source Area Well Tap Tube Well/ Hand Pump Other All Cantonment 0 95.45 0 4.54 100 Golden Rock 0 100 0 0 100 Beemanagar 40.9 0 59.09 0 100 Gandhimarket 13.63 36.36 50 0 100 Srirangam 0 86.36 13.63 0 100 Thillainagar 0 100 0 0 100 Annamalai Nagar 4.5 81.81 13.63 0 100 Karumandapam 45.45 0 54.54 0 100 Tharanallur 18.18 22.72 59.09 0 100 T.V. Koil 22.72 0 77.27 0 100 Palakkarai 13.63 63.63 22.72 0 100 K.K. Nagar 0 72.72 27.27 9.09 100 Woriyur 0 86.36 13.63 0 100 Srinivasa Nagar 36.36 0 63.63 0 100 Senthaneerpuram 13.63 40.9 45.45 0 100 Source: Primary Data

In Thillainagar, all households had tap water facility. All the households of ward 36 also had tap water supply.

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Ward level information shows a great variation in the sources of drinking water. In ward Tharanallur and Gandhi market households did not have safe drinking water facility and in ward 27 about 16.66 per cent households did not have the same. Actually in these wards, there were a few areas that were not connected by the municipal tap water supply. Again in

Thillai Nagar about 90 per cent households were using tap water. Ground water i.e. tube wells and hand pumps; were used almost uniformly in four wards (17, 23,24, and 27). The highest percentage was noticed in ward 23, i.e. 45.45 per cent and 42.42 per cent in ward 24. Ward 36 was the least user of ground water and only 3.03 per cent households were dependent on ground water.

Locations of Drinking Water in the Households

It was seen that more than 65 per cent of the households in the study area had sources of drinking water within the houses, which was mostly tap water and supplied by the Tiruchirappalli Corporation self water supply system. Another important source of safe drinking water within the house was tube wells and hand pumps. Table 5.11 shows that in many areas of

Tiruchirappalli City, the entire households had sources of drinking water within their houses. Majority of them belonged to the high-income group

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areas. However, a few middle-income group areas also had drinking water facility within their houses.

The per centage of households having drinking water facility outside the house but within the premises was only l3.89. However, areas level disaggregated analysis proved different results. Table 5.11 shows that in some areas many of the households had drinking water facilities outside their houses. Within this category it was found that half of the households of

Beemanagar did not have drinking water facility within their houses. It was noticed that in this city many of the households were still dependent on either tap water or hand pumps for drinking purposes. Apart from

Beemanagar, Senthaneerpuram (45.45 per cent), Srinivasa Nagar (40.91 per cent) and Karumandapam (36.36 per cent) also had higher percentage of households having drinking water facility outside their houses.

Table 5.11 reveals the critical condition of the low-income group areas of the city. However, in other four areas, very low percentage of households had drinking water facility in their houses or premises. From

Table 5.12 it can be discerned that tap water was the important source of drinking water in some areas.

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Table - 5.12

Percentages of Households According to Locations of Drinking Water

Percentage of Location Areas With in House With in Premises Outside House All Cantonment 100.00 0.00 0.00 100.00 Golden Rock 100.00 0.00 0.00 100.00 Beemanagar 22.73 50.00 27.27 100.00 Gandhimarket 18.18 9.09 72.73 100.00 Srirangam 100.00 0.00 0.00 100.00 Thillainagar 100.00 0.00 0.00 100.00 Annamalai Nagar 100.00 0.00 0.00 100.00 Karumandapam 54.55 36.36 9.09 100.00 Tharanallur 909 13.64 77.27 10000 T.V. Koil 72.73 27.27 0.00 100.00 Palakkarai 13.64 18.18 68.18 100.00 K.K. Nagar 100.00 0.00 0.00 100.00 Woriyur 100.00 0.00 0.00 100.00 Srinivasa Nagar 59.09 40.91 0.00 100.00 Senthaneerpuram 3152 45.45 22.73 100.00 Total 65.91 13.89 20.20 100.00 Source: Primary Data

A ward level analysis of the location of drinking water within houses did not reflect much variation. Graph indicates that ward 10 had the highest figures (74.24 per cent) followed by ward 17 (72.73 per cent) and 36 (36.36

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per cent). Apart from these three, in other wards this value was lower than

65 per cent. The lowest per centage was 54.55 in ward 23 . Actually many households of Karumandapam and Tharanallur were still dependent on well water. Surprisingly, about three fourth households of Tharanallur were getting water from outside their houses.

It is necessary to mention here that in those areas that did not have drinking water supply either within their houses or premises, women were the most sufferers. It was an obligation of women to fetch water for their families. Every morning, this kind of a scenario can be seen in these areas.

Availability of Household Amenities among Social Groups

The summary of housing conditions for different social groups of the study areas is given in Table. A noteworthy feature is that majority of the households of 'Others' category households had electricity, toilet and drinking water facilities in their houses. Of course, there were differences at areas level, but except for a few low-income group areas, all the residents of

'Others' category had these facilities. The conditions of Most Backward

Caste Scheduled Tribe and Scheduled Caste populations were quite poor, only 50 per cent households of S.C. groups had electricity, toilet and

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drinking water facilities and about 65 per cent households of S.T. groups did not have these three amenities in their houses.

It was also seen that in the absence proper supply of municipal water supply in Beemanagar, Palakkarai, Tharanallur and Gandhi market residential areas, Scheduled Tribes and Most Backward Caste were the most sufferers. Actually, majority of them were living below the poverty line, and hence they were not able to have their own safe drinking water. However, majority of the general population had their own arrangements, and extracted ground water through either bore-wells or tube-wells, as a result of which they did not have to face any problem. In case of electricity, conditions were better; only one exception was Palakkarai where only 18 per cent households had electricity. It was found that most of the residents of this area were illegally using electricity; therefore the true picture could not be collected.

As far as Scheduled Caste households were concerned, the availabilities of electricity, toilet and drinking water were 50.36, 40.38 and

50 per cent respectively. It is evident that their situation was slightly better than the Most Backward Caste and Scheduled Tribes but it was again inferior to the 'Other' category households. Again, only those households of

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this category had better living conditions, which were located in high- income or middle-income group areas. On the whole, it can be said that a significant portion of Tiruchirappalli 's population is experiencing serious problems over certain basic amenities.

Disparity in Availability of Household Amenities among Social Groups

It can be observed from Table 5.4 that there was a huge gap among different social groups of the surveyed areas of Tiruchirappalli in terms of availability of household amenities and this manifested itself in the form of unequal levels of development. Here, in order to find out the complete picture of internal disparities among the different social groups, once again, three commonly used measures of variability i.e., mean, standard deviation and co-efficient of variation have been applied.

It can be observed from Table 5.13 that household connectivity of electricity was the most evenly available amenity among all the communities. The mean values were 70.05 per cent for Scheduled Tribes,

74.48 per cent for Most Backward Caste and Scheduled Tribes and 98.3 per cent for 'Other' category. On the contrary, availability of drinking water within premises was the most unevenly distributed amenity among all groups, for example, the mean value for Scheduled Tribes was 46.65 per

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cent, for Scheduled Caste it was 57.03 per cent and 77.09 per cent in case of the Other category.

The extent of disparity within the communities can be substantially explained by the values of standard deviation and co-efficient of variation. It is observed that among Scheduled Tribes, except electricity (32.47 per cent), the values of the standard deviation of other three indicators were more than

40 per cent. Similar pattern has been also exhibited in the Scheduled Caste households, where amenities were unevenly available within the communities. For example, the values of standard deviation were more than

30 per cent for all the four indicators. On the other hand conditions were comparatively better for the Other' category; except location of drinking water, the values of standard deviation of three other indicators were less than 20 per cent.

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Table - 5.13

Disparity in Availability of Household Amenities

Household Characteristics Standard Co-efficient of Mean Deviation Variance Most Backward Caste and Scheduled Tribes Percentage of households connected 70.05 32.47 46.36 with electricity Percentage of households having toilet 5055 44.14 87.32 Percentage of households having 48.62 44.15 90.81 drinking water Percentage of households having 46.65 44.42 96.65 drinking water facility in their houses Scheduled Caste Percentage of households connected 74.48 29.68 3953 with electricity Percentage of households having toilet 63.83 40 62.66 Percentage of households having 70.43 33.11 47.02 drinking water Percentage of households having 57.03 40.11 70.33 drinking water facility in their houses Others Percentage of households connected 98.3 5.11 5.19 with electricity Percentage of households having toilet 91.54 18.75 20.49 Percentage of households having 91.45 16.48 18.02 drinking water Percentage of households having 77.09 26.95 34.96 drinking water facility in their houses.

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Further, the results of measures of dispersion i.e., co-efficient of variation shows a huge disparity within the communities. In case of location of drinking water, the variation was substantially higher between each social group. For example, the value of co-efficient of variation was 96.65 for

Scheduled Tribes, 70.33 for Scheduled Caste and 34.96 for other social groups. However, household connectivity of electricity was comparatively more commonly available amenity for each social group. Despite that, the value of co-efficient of variation was very high in Scheduled Tribes (46.36) and Scheduled Caste (39.83) in comparison to other social groups (5.19). So an inverse relation between mean and co-efficient of variation was found in case of other social groups. For instance, here mean was highest (98.3) for household connectivity of electricity and co-efficient of variation was the lowest (5.19).

Thus it can be said that there has been a marked disparity in the extent and availability of household amenities among all the social groups of the city. However, the inadequacies of the amenities were more prominent among the Most Backward Caste and Scheduled Tribes and Sheduled Castes if we compare them other social groups.

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Null Hypothesis

There is a greater disparity in the extent and availability of amenities among all the social groups.

Alternative Hypothesis

Greater disparity is not found in the extent and availability of amenities among all the social groups.

The results of the experiment support the null hypothesis.

H = Ho = H1 is accepted.

Availability of Household Assets

In order to have a better understanding of the standard of living and its linkages with urban development, not only the study of urban infrastructure and basic amenities is necessary but also information regarding availability of a few basic household assets should be analysed. Therefore in this context the household variations of certain assets had been considered. For this, fourteen basic household items as well as luxury items had been selected.

These were wrist watch, radio, fan, bicycle, television, sofa, iron box, telephone, motorcycle, water pump, L.P.G. gas and stove. Refrigerator, washing machine and car were considered as luxury items.

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It is true that one should not expect the people of the low-income group to have the above mentioned luxury items. Actually these luxury items had been included for a comparative analysis among the high-income group areas. It is indicated in Table A.5.5 that 94.7 per cent households of the sample areas had watches in their houses. So wrist watch was the most common item among all sections of sample households. It was also found that more than sixty per cent households had all the selected items; the differences being in case of the luxury items.

In this study the average value of all the fifteen areas had been taken into consideration. However, it is very important to mention that when categorised all these areas are categorised into three groups, i.e. high middle and low, entirely a different picture had emerged between these three economic groups and the differences were significant. Out of the fourteen items, watch, fan, television, sofa, iron box, phone, water pump, and L.P.G. burner were present in the entire households of the high-income group areas, and more than 80 per cent households had motor cycle, refrigerator, washing machine and water pump. Even car was accessible to 73 per cent of the households.

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In case of middle-income group areas, availability of non-luxury items not very much different from the high-income group areas. More than 75 per cent households had all these items. But as far as luxury items are concerned only 18 per cent households had cars and 36 per cent households had washing machines. Since many persons of the middle-income group households were engaged in well paid jobs, it was obvious that their economic condition would permit them to spend money on these items.

Compared to the high and middle-income group areas, the situation in the low-income group areas was found to be much different. Except wrist watch, bicycle, television and fan no other items were available to more than

50 per cent households. Further it was found that more than 60 per cent households were using either kerosene oil or other polluting fuels to cook their food.

It is among the households of 'Others' category, most of them reported a higher per centage of possession of common assets. For example, wrist watch, sofa set, fan, radio, TV, music system, iron box, telephone and

L.P.G. fuel were available to more than 80 per cent households. Refrigerator and car were available to 49.44 and 30.60 per cent households of this category. Most of the households of high-income group areas usually

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possessed all these assets. Surprisingly, in the Others category, the average possession of common assets even in the households of low-income group areas was a higher per cent than in the households of Scheduled Tribes and

Scheduled Caste of high-income groups areas.

To categorize the households of different areas into three groups, a composite index has been calculated with the help of earlier mentioned

‘Dimension Index’. These categories are as follows: (i) comparatively high,

(ii) comparatively medium, and (iii) comparatively low. It also shows area level composite index for all items available in the households. It indicates a significant decline in the availability of household assets in low-income group areas. It is perceptible that areas of high-income group and middle- income groups had high index values.

Disparity in Spatial Urban Development

The availability of housing and household amenities and household assets in the different areas of Tiruchirappalli has been studied extensively.

In this context an effort has been made to categorise them on the basis of overall development. For studying the variability of the levels of development across the fifteen selected areas of Tiruchirappalli an index has been created with the help of twenty selected indicators. Here United

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Nation's Dimension Index, which is used to calculate Human Development

Index, has been utilized to get a composite index. Performance in each dimension is expressed as a value between 0 and 1 by applying the general formula

Actual value - Minimum value Dimension index =------Maximum value - Minimum value Following indicators have been taking into account for computing the

Dimension index.

1. Percentage of households having own houses,

2. Percentage of households having Pucca houses,

3. Percentage of households having three living room houses,

4. Percentage of households having average family size of less than five,

5. Percentage of households having electricity connections,

6. Percentage of households having toilet facility,

7. Percentage of households having tap water,

8. Percentage of households having drinking water facility within their

houses,

9. Percentage of households connected to pucca roads,

10. Percentage of households connected with drainage system,

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11. Percentage of households having ten basic household assets such as,

wrist watch, fan, radio, TV, music system, bicycle, motor-cycle, iron

box,telephone and L.P.G. fuel.

Table 5.14 indicates a detailed comparative picture of the disparity present in the different areas of Tiruchirappalli. According to this final composite index value, a very high inter-areas variation was found to be present in Trichirappalli. The overall status of the quality of housing and household amenities and household assets of area is discussed below.

High

In this category the areas that have index value higher than 0.60 had been considered as comparatively high or developed. The highest index value was found in Woriyur (0.83) closely followed by Cantonment(0.80),

Annamalai Nagar (0.79) and Thillai Nagar (0.79). It is not surprising that all these were the high-income group areas of Tiruchirappalli. Basically, in these areas almost all houses had been built of pucca materials, and the households had electricity, toilet and drinking water facilities. The households were marked by big houses and small family size. The houses were also well connected to pucca roads and drainage system.

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Medium

In this category the index values of areas varied from 0.40 to 0.60.

The areas that were found in this category were ranked first in this category closely followed by T.V. Koil (0.60); whereas, Srinivasa Nagar and

Karumandapam ranked the lowest. Interestingly the index value of

Srirangam was higher than that of Woriyur and Annamalai Nagar Areas and it is important to mention here that while surveying these areas were considered as middle-income group areas.

Table - 5.14

Spatial Pattern of Housing and Household Amenities Development

Category Index Areas Value Comparatively Above K.K. Nagar, Cantonment, Thillainagar, and High 0.60 Woriyur, Annamalai Nagar

Comparatively 0.40-0.60 T.V. Koil, Srirangam, Karumandapam, Golden Medium Rock, and Srinivasa Nagar Comparatively Below Palakkarai, Beemanagar, Gandhimarket, Low 0.40 Senthaneerpuram, and Tharanallur.

Source: Primary Data

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Low

The lowest composite index value has been observed for Tharanallur

(0.11). Both these areas were identified as slums of Tiruchirappalli and mostly inhabited by the labourers and daily wage workers. Housing condition of these areas were not satisfactory. Many of the households of these areas did not even have electricity, toilets and safe drinking water facilities. The family size was also found to be very large and there were not enough rooms to accommodate the family members. The residents were also facing severe problems of safe drinking water facility. Most of the households did not have the tap water connection; and were forced to fetch water far away from their houses. In general, poor and unsatisfactory urban living environment reflected in these areas, pointed unmistakingly towards very low urban development.

Levels of Inequality among Social Groups

The three groups; i.e. Scheduled Castes, Most Backward Castes,

Scheduled Tribes and 'others' were found to be dispersed in the different areas of Tiruchirappalli In fact, out of fifteen surveyed areas, at least thirteen areas had all the social groups The proportion of households in the

'others' category was highest, but it is expected as Scheduled Tribes and

Scheduled Caste consisted only 20.53 and 4.56 per cent respectively of the total population of Tiruchirappalli .

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Table - 5.15 Levels of Development among Social Groups Area Composite Index Value Scheduled Scheduled Caste Others All (MBC & ST) Tribes Cantonment 0.857 NH 0.934 0.900 Golden Rock 0.762 0.714 0316 0.729 Beemangar 0.143 0358 0.780 0379 Gandhimarket 0.400 0393 0.79 0.402 Srirangam 0.605 NH 0.934 0318 Thillainagar NH NH 0.778 0.828 Annamalai Nagar 0.857 0.931 0.943 0.899 Karumandapam 0524 0.143 0.731 0.554 Tharanallur 0.131 0.029 0.420 0.156 T.V. Koil 0.810 NH 0.881 0.766 Palakkarai 0347 0312 0.658 0326 K.K. Nagar NH NH 0.953 0374 Woriyur 0.714 0357 0.936 0322 Srinivasa Nagar 0.571 0381 0.703 0.492 Senthaneerpuram 0.405 0286 0579 0397 Total 0.458 0430 0.782 0.618 Source: Computed from surveyed data. NH: No households of this category.

It was found that the degree of variability in housing and household amenities was quite high among the different social groups. Despite the improvement in the overall living conditions of all social groups in urban

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areas, the differences remained high. To study this in a detailed perspective, this section had taken twenty indicators at the area level have been taken. To find out the overall development, a composite index has been calculated separately for all social groups. The indicators are the same and the index values are given in the concerned table.

Data in Table 5.15 show that the index values Scheduled Caste and

Scheduled Tribes were only 0.458 and 0.430 respectively; whereas, this value was quite high for 'other' social groups (0.782), This brought out the fact that these two socially deprived groups were more economically backward than other groups of the society. Yet, it is significant that despite a low overall index value of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, there were areas, which had index values of Scheduled Tribes and Castes almost equal to the others groups.

Such cases were found in the middle-income and to some extent in the high-income group areas of Tiruchirappalli. As in the case of Scheduled

Castes, the index values were not low for other groups in case of

Cantonment, Golden Rock, Srirangam, T.V. Koil, Srinivasa Nagar, and

Thillainagar. For example, in Cantonment and T.V. Koil , the index values of Scheduled Castes were 0.857 and 0.810 respectively and they were and it

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was not very much low when compared to the other social groups index values, 0.934 and 0.881. But both of the above examples did not depict the real condition, because most of the households of this group were residing in low-income group areas where living conditions were very poor. Table 5.15 shows that index value of Scheduled Castes was much lower in Beemanagar

(0.143), Gandhi market (0.400), Tharanallur (0.131) and Palakkarai (0.347) than the respective index values of 'other' category, i.e. 0.780, 0.679, 0.420,

0.678 and 0.576.

As noted earlier the Scheduled Tribes had been the most backward sections of the surveyed areas of Tiruchirappalli. Particularly, tribes / poyars of low-income group areas did not have most of the amenities, which was reflected by their lower index values. For example, index value of

Tharanallur and Karumandapam were only 0.029 and 0.143. The conditions of Scheduled Tribes were also found to be poor in many of the middle- income group areas, whereas this was not found to be the case among the

Scheduled Caste groups. However, the picture was different in the high- income group areas. Here the index values of Annamalai Nagar (0.931) and

Woriyur (0.857) were almost equal to the other social groups. In four areas, the index values of Scheduled Tribes were in fact higher than that of the

Scheduled Castes, in Beemanagar, Annamalai Nagar and Woriyur areas.

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The index values of the 'others' category were obviously higher than that of the two other social groups, but Table 5.15 also indicates a great disparity within them. A good number of households of others category in low-income group areas did not have adequate housing and household amenities.

All these had reinforced the perception that not only the educational and occupational status of any individual or group determines their living standard, but the locations of their residences also influence their living conditions. That is why even Scheduled Castes, Most Backward Castes and

Tribes living in high or middle income group areas, enjoyed better facilities and amenities. Facts presented in the foregoing analysis indicate that on one hand the general category population, residing in low-income group areas had lower level of housing and household amenities but on the other hand in high-income group areas every one had most of the facilities. For example, the supply of drinking water was mainly made by the Corporation and it was found that many of the low-income group areas were not catered by the

Corporation. Obviously, this had affected all the residents of these areas; whether they belong to Scheduled Castes or general category, it did not matter.

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Relationship between Educational and Occupational Status of Heads of

Households

As it was found that the levels of education in low-income group areas were very much lower than in the high-income group areas, it is necessary to examine the relationship between the educational level and occupational status of the heads of the households of the surveyed areas. For this purpose

Karl Pearson's correlation coefficient has been utilized and the indicators are listed below.

Though there are many factors relating to urban development, the resident's education and occupational status is also important as it results in an improvement of standard of living. The economic opportunity as well as activity of any person almost entirely depends on his education and skill. It further stimulates indirectly the development process of urban centres.

Therefore, an attempt has been made here to evaluate the level of education and its impact on occupational characteristics of heads of the households.

Keeping this in view, ten different indicators have been selected; they are as follows:

(1) Percentage of head of households above matriculation level,

(2) Percentage of spouses of heads of the household's above matriculation

level,

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(3) Percentage of members of household’s engaged in agriculture and allied

activity,

(4) Percentage of members of households working as daily wage workers

(Labour in unorganized sector, Carpenter, Driver, Rickshaw Puller,

Mechanic and Others),

(5) Percentage of members of households engaged in organised industrial

sector,

(6) Percentage of member of households as engineer, doctor, manager, and,

(7) Percentage of members of households engaged in government jobs,

(8) Percentage of members of households working as small shopkeepers,

Vendors etc,

(9) Percentage of members of households engaged in business, contract,

and consultancy,

(10) Others, Applying the Pearson's correlation coefficients a very high and

positive correlation (+0.889) was noticed between the per centage of

heads of the households having education above matriculation and per

centage of their spouses, having education above matriculation. The

result of ‘f’ test showed that this value is significant at 0.01 level.

Therefore there was a significant correlation between the education

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level of head of households and their spouses with their occupational

status.

The results of co-relation matrix also indicate a high and positive relationship between the mining/industrial towns and household availability of electricity and tap water, and as we know that most of the mining/industrial towns are located in the urbanised districts of Tamil Nadu .

While analyzing the relationship between the sizes of towns and availability of infrastructure and services, it was found that in 1981, hospitals had high and positive relationship with the sizes of towns. This indicates that hospitals were mainly concentrated in large urban centres. But in the next decade this relationship was no more true, indicating the growing population pressure in hospitals.

Table 5.16, reveals that the coefficient of correlation between head of the household's education and agricultural and allied activities workers is negative (0-.339), but it is not so strong to say, that if a person is engaged in agricultural activity necessarily has lower level of education. The correlation coefficient between

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Table - 5.16

Correlation Matrix for Educational and Occupational Status of the

Heads of Households of Tiruchirappalli

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 1. 1.000 2. 0.889** 1.000 3. -0.339 -0.399 1.000 4. -0.966** -0.890** 0.356 1.000 5. -0.145 -0.267 -0.087 0.027 1.000 6.. 0.571* 0.765** -0.226 -0.538* -0.441 1.000 7 0.429 0.193 -0.213 -0.487* 0349 -0.131 1.000 8. -0.774** -0.722** 0.329 0.696** 0.164 -0.588* -0.328 1.000 9. 0.541* 0.650** -0.271 -0.512* -0.285 0.306 0.057 -0315 1.000 10. 0.308 0.404 -0.299 -0.326 0.078 0.220 0.116 -0.111 0.261 1.000 ** Correlation Significant at the 0.01 level

* Correlation Significant at the 0.05 level Where:

1. Percentage of heads of the households above matriculation level,

2. Percentage of spouses of heads of the households above matriculation

level

3. Agriculture and allied activity

4. Daily wage workers (Labour in unorganized sector, Carpenter, Driver,

Rickshaw Puller, Mechanic and Others),

5. Industrial workers in organised sector,

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6. Engineers, Doctors, Managers, and other Class I job

7. Government job

8. Small shopkeepers. Vendors etc.

9. Businessman, Contractor, Consultancy,

10. Others

Education and 'daily wage workers is highly strong (-0.996) as well as negative. 't' test also indicates that this value is significant at 0.01 level. This supports the fact that most of the daily wage workers are engaged in that kind of job where education level does not matter.

Relationship between Socio-Economic Indicators of Tiruchirappalli and the Housing and Household Amenities

The result of the correlation analysis of different areas of

Tiruchirappalli is given in Table. In this table relationship between different socio-economic groups of Tiruchirappalli and availability of housing and household amenities have been analysed. An attempt has been made to find out whether the level of education of the heads of the households has any impact on the quality of housing and household amenities.

The values of correlation analysis for the educational levels of heads of the households and housing and household amenities exhibits a strong

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positive relationship. For example, the correlation value for education and number of living room is 0.98, which is significant at 0.01 level. The correlation value for education and pucca house, average number of living rooms, household connectivity of electricity, toilet, tap water, water supply in house, houses connected with roads and houses connected with drainage are also showing very strong positive relation. Their respective values are

+0.91, +0.91, +0.97, +0.65, +0.94, +0.64, and +0.69. All these values are significant at 0.01 level.

It can be therefore said urban development is not only related with proper urban planning by the government but also it depends on the status of the resident's social development. Actually some of the above mentioned indicators such as, pucca house, number of living rooms, average family size and others are very much related with individual's socio economic status. So if a person is highly educated then there will be a better chance for him to get a better job, which automatically gives him good economic returns.

In case of relationship between occupational structure and quality of housing and household amenities, it is found that correlation values for highly paid jobs like engineers, doctors, managers and other class I jobs and housing and household amenities are positive. The correlation between

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highly paid jobs and per centage of own houses did not hold true. It is found that many of the high income group families are living in rented houses as they are the migrants in the city.

This analysis also exhibits the correlation between daily-wage workers, agricultural, industrial labour, small shopkeepers and availability of housing and household amenities. It is found that these low paid jobs are negatively correlated with housing and household amenities. Even in the case of daily-wage workers the correlation value is negative and it is also significant at 0.01 level.

From the primary household and areas survey it can be concluded that development of Tiruchirappalli has taken place in very haphazard manner.

The micro level analysis of Tiruchirappalli at area levels indicates a lopsided and worrisome aspect of urban development. As mentioned earlier that the study had been stratified into two levels, one at area levels of different income groups and the other at the social group levels. The findings for both levels indicate diversity for urban development in Tiruchirappalli .

The analysis of housing characteristics points out that despite having a higher per cent of own houses, housing characteristics of the households of low-income group areas were inferior to that of the high and middle-income

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group areas. While analyzing the social group data, it was found that the people of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes were mostly concentrated in low-income group areas. But most of them were living in their own houses which were generally of kutcha and semipucca type. But as their educational and occupational standards were low, their economic backwardness affected their housing conditions. They also had less number of rooms with large family size. So room density was higher among them.

The values of co-efficient of variation had indicated certain other disparities, which prevailed within the communities at area levels. For example, very high values of coefficient of variation among Scheduled

Tribes and Scheduled Castes indicated that disparities were very high among them as compared to the 'other' category households.

On analysing the data on household amenities, it was found that more than two third households of low-income group areas did not have drinking water and toilet facilities in their houses. Therefore, people in these areas were forced to use the public taps and toilets regularly. On the other hand, most of the households of high-income group areas had all these facilities within their houses. Another aspect of haphazard urban growth was the lack of municipal water supply in at least four of the surveyed areas of

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Tiruchirappalli. Analysis by social-groups showed that differences were quite high among Scheduled Castes, Tribes and others category and it should be viewed as the locational characteristics of different social groups.

The data related to the possession of household assets had also pointed out the misery of Scheduled Caste and Tribes. Obviously, if they were educationally backward and occupationally engaged in the low paid jobs of the unorganized sector, their purchasing power to buy different household assets would be limited. So under such economic pressure the

Scheduled Caste and tribes, who were living in low and middle-income group areas did not Possess the required assets. The ownership of household assets was also analysed with respect to the location of the households. It was found that larger proportion of households of low and middle-income group areas, that are located in the periphery, did not own the required assets or had an extremely low standard of living.

The inequality in spatial development was determined by the composite index. The values of composite index had brought forth two important things. Firstly, index values declined from the high-income group to the low-income group areas. Secondly, most of the areas of the outer zone of Tiruchirappalli had lower index values than the core areas of

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Trichirappalli. Attempt has also been made to find out the impact of educational and occupational characteristics of households on availability of basic household amenities. The educational standard of the head of household had showed a significant correlation with maximum number of household amenities. It was also found that highly paid occupations such as engineers, managers, doctors and business man had high positive relations with most of the housing amenities.

Finally, it can also be pointed out that the development of a city not only depends on educational and occupational development of all the social groups of the city but also depends on urban local bodies regarding provisioning of basic services. Use of any facility or amenity very much depends on its availability. In fact, in the absence of certain amenities, an economically sound household can make its own alternative arrangements, but it would be difficult for poor households to avail those facilities.

Therefore, the major role of urban local bodies lies in the improvement of low-income group areas.

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Factors Affecting Urban Development in Tiruchirappalli

It has been mentioned earlier that urban development of

Tiruchirappalli has been a manifestation and interaction of various means of development i.e. physical, social and living environment. In this section an attempt has been made to examine the various factors affecting urban development in the areas of Tiruchirappalli, with a view to identify and arrange these factors according to the role played by them in explaining micro-regional variations. The differential level of development may be associated with spatial differentiation of different indicators of urban development. Moreover, the quantification of the different indicators associated with urban development would be helpful for determining priorities towards reducing regional disparities. It would also be helpful to determine the direction in which further investment in different related variables can be made or whether existing surpluses of any particular factor can be diverted for a better and fuller utilisation.

In order to have an overall picture of development in the selected areas, a comprehensive development index consisting of all the possible indicators pertaining to different aspects of urbanisation has been developed here. For preparing such an index, it is necessary to look for important indicators of urban development,

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1. Percentage of heads of households above matriculation level (X,)

2. Percentage of households having own houses(X2)

3. Percentage of households pucca houses (x )

4. Percentage of households having more than four living rooms (M)

5. Percentage of households having electricity(X5)

6. Percentage of households having toilets (x.)

7. Percentage of households using safe source of drinking water (X7)

8. Percentage of households connected to roads (X8)

9. Percentage of households connected to drainage (X9)

10. Percentage of households having daily solid waste collection

facilities (X10)

Construction of an overall development index for the areas of

Tiruchirappalli involves two issues: first, freeing different development indicators from scale of measurement and second, aggregating the scale free indicators by assigning appropriate weights to arrive at a composite index.

Principal Component Analysis (PCA) method has been used here to construct the composite development index. The PCA removes the problem of measurements by standardizing individual indicators and then objectively provides weights to standardized variables in aggregating them into the composite index. In the principal component analysis, the guiding principle

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for determining individual or group indicator weights has been the inter- correlation between them; higher weights have been assigned to those having higher contribution and vice-versa. Thus, at the same time, the problem of multi-co-linearity has been bypassed. The component analysis produces components in descending order of their importance.

The result of the 'Principal Component' of the ten selected indicators of urban development shows that first component explains 67.65 per cent of the variations in urban development. Therefore it has been considered sufficient to select 'First Principal Component' which explains the maximum variance for assigning weights to the indicators in the construction of composite index of urban development. This factor represents the overall urban development as it have very high and significant factor loadings in all the selected indicators of urban development. On the basis of factor loading the weights have been assigned to different selected indicators of urban development and then composite index of urban development has been worked out for the different areas of Tiruchirappalli .

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Table - 5.17 Principal Components and Total Variance Total Variance Principal Initial Eigen Per cent of Cumulative Component value Variance Variance 1 6.76 67.65 67.65 2 1.37 13.72 81.36 3 0.95 9.46 90.82 4 041 4.07 94.89 Source: Computed From Primary Data. Table - 5.18 Factors in Urban Development: The Rotated Factor Matrix Factors Variable Communalities F1 F2 F3 F4 Y Index 0.829 0506 0217 -0.107 0.915

X6 Toilet 0.961 0.192 0.131 - 0.983

X3 Pucca House 0.946 0.257 0.135 -0.107 0.991

X5 Electricity 0.940 0.208 0.108 - 0.939

X1 Above Matriculation 0.917 0.328 0.136 - 0.968

X7 Safe Drinking Water 0.866 0.385 0.131 -0.2.31 0.969

X10 Solid Waste Management 0.131 0.904 - 0.835

X8 Road 0.425 0.824 0.140 - 0581

X9 Drainage 0.419 0517 0.240 - 0.906

X4 More than Four Rooms 0.208 0.150 0.960 - 0.993

X2 Owning House -0.121 - 0.990 0.998 % of Variance Explained 67.65 13.72 9.46 4.07 % of Cumulative Variance 67.67 81.36 90.82 94 39 Explained Source: Computed From Primary Data.

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The results of factor analysis are given in Table 5.17. The results show that the four factors explained 94.89 per cent of the variations in data.

The highest loading in each row has been clubbed in order to facilitate the identification and to interpret the factors as meaningfully as possible. Table

5.18 shows that the first factor Ft accounts for 67.65 per cent of the total variations in the variable set. The indicators having the highest loading in the first factor are toilet (X6), pucca house (X3), electricity connection (X1), head of the households educated above matriculation level(X1) and safe drinking water (X7). Except (X1), all the indicators are physical infrastructures that have been considered as physical means of development indicators. The second factor (F2) accounts for 13-72 per cent of the total variations and includes solid waste management (X10), road (X8), and drainage (X9) and may be termed as 'living environment' indicators. The share of third (F3) and fourth factors (F4) are 9.46 and 4.07 per cent respectively of the total variations and includes only the indicators namely per centage of households having more than four living rooms (X4) and ownership of houses (X2).

Their eigen values are below one and therefore they cannot be taken as the determining factors of micro-regional disparity of urban development.

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Hence, from the analysis it can be said that household amenities which had been taken as physical means of development and followed by neighbourhood amenities which had been taken as living environment were important indicators in explaining inter-area variations in urban development. This hints at the need of complementary steps for proper development. Thus to narrow down the inter-area variations in urban development, Tiruchirappalli Corporation must have to play an active role in providing all these infrastructural and facilities uniformly in the areas or regions so that overall development of the city can be achieved and the base for a good quality urban life can be built up.

Table - 5.19 Scores of Principal Components First Second Third Fourth Composite Area Principal Principal Principal Principal Index Component Component Component Component Cantonment 1.18546 0.54069 -059603 1.19607 3.79 Golden Rock 0.1385 -0.59575 -1.30138 -0.05273 238 Beemanagar -0.61357 -1.21703 0.63395 -0.06335 1,75 Gandhimarket -1.54489 0.6995 -0.20032 -1.23362 1.02 Srirangam 0.75994 0.64242 -0.20341 -0.38497 3.35 Thillainagar 0-77141 0.45222 -0.36331 0.10238 3.34 Annamalai Nagar 0-55431 0.6851 -1.0845 0.99141 3.12 Karumandapam 0.838 -1.43148 -0.00964 -0.33819 3.07

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Tharanallur -1.58223 -1.06286 -0.03759 -0.15465 0.72 T.V. Koil 0.63082 127909 -0.53294 -1.78296 3.23 Palakkarai -2.11447 1.38795 -0.40344 0.92271 0.66 K.K. Nagar 0.50135 0.30371 0.69292 0.7135 3.20 Woriyur 0.64001 0.21437 0.40374 0.38248 327 Srinivasa Nagar 0.20979 -1.40813 -0.14003 2.19622 256 Senthaneerpuram -0.32371 -0.51928 -056926 -1.44697 1.99 Source: Computed From Primary Data.

The availability of neighbourhood facilities and services and conditions of the living environment are of fundamental concern for the residents of Trichirappalli. The above analysis has shown that different housing areas of Tiruchirappalli do not have the same accessibility of facilities and services. Residents of core areas of the city had a wider range of services and facilities particularly with reference to educational, health and recreational facilities than the peripheral localities.

It was also found that high-income group areas and areas located near the core areas had better accessibility in terms of facilities and services. In the last chapter that housing and household conditions were very poor in the low-income group areas but here, in case of neighbourhood facilities, some of the low-income group areas had locational advantages. For example, the physical accessibility indices of Gandhi market and Tharanallur were higher

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than that ofmany of the high-income and almost all the middle-income group areas. But the responses of residents of these areas had indicated that availability and use of different urban services meant two different things, i.e., the use of the facilities were related to the social and economic conditions of their residents. It is clear that there were serious deficiencies in basic services in the low-income group areas, and as a result of which population in these areas had to go to other parts of the city. Again, because of higher transportation costs they often could not afford to use the services.

The higher value of co-efficient of variation indicates that the facilities and services had been widely dispersed. Maximum disparity in average distance was found in recreation services. Within the components of different facilities and services, access to these facilities was not equitable for all the residents. For example, in case of Gandhi markets the value of co- efficient of variation was about seventy, which had been quite high and exhibiting a greater disparity.

Information on living environment indicated that only four areas were connected by sewer line. Drainage system was not constructed in majority of the areas of Tiruchirappalli. Even if drainage systems were there, most of them were not functioning properly. Therefore, in the rainy season water

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logging problems were common. It was also found that the residents of these areas were lacking civic awareness, a large number of households had reported that they dumped their garbage either on streets or anywhere in their surroundings. Another significant finding was that, the municipality had not taken the responsibility of cleanling four areas in the city.

However, since last four years the role of private sector or non- governmental organisations in managing the living environment of

Tiruchirappalli had increased very much. The best example of public-private partnership is the “Singhara Chennai in Tamil Nadu:. It may be a small step in the direction of public-private partnership, but in the field of solid waste management, this organisation is doing a great job. So in the near feature, to maintain the living environment in Tiruchirappalli a lot is expected from this experiment.

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CHAPTER – VI SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, PROBLEMS, POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS

Summary of Findings

Urban development is a multifaceted phenomenon with multiple inter linkages and ramifications. However, one of its prime objectives is to provide better living environment to the inhabitants. The most fundamental factors, which affect urban development, are infrastructure and basic services. Further, with the help of better infrastructure and services, urban centres act as a major economic base and provide diverse employment opportunities to the people. Consequently, they attract vast population from rural areas; and this often results in a huge pressure on water, electricity, roads, sewerage, transport, health, educational and several other amenities and facilities of the city that require significant amount of investment. The process of urban development has been often cited as a cyclic process that requires proper planning and development. Against this backdrop an attempt has been made in this research work to analyse the macro regional variations in infrastructure and services in the urban centres of Tamil Nadu, as well as the micro-regional variations in Tiruchirappalli city. With respect to this objective, analysis has been done regarding the living conditions of different

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socio-economic groups as well as the different localities of Tiruchirappalli city.

Since urban population of Tiruchirappalli is increasing rapidly, demand for infrastructure and services is likely to grow and as we know that after the 74th Amendment of the Constitution, the responsibility for provision of most of the urban infrastructure and services rests with

Municipalities/Urban Local bodies (ULBs).

MAJOR FINDINGS

Discussions in the preceding sections outline the accessibility of urban infrastructure and basic services into the urban areas of Tamil Nadu. Six indicators have been taken; they are per centage of households having electricity, toilet and safe drinking water in their houses, number of schools and beds in hospitals per thousand population and the length of roads per square kilometre. Analysis had proved that there has been a major deficiency in the provision of urban infrastructure and services. The problems are not only of the shortage of services in the cities/towns but also inequitable distribution of the services among the different size classes as well as different social groups of the society.

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Overall, the availability of household electricity, toilet and drinking water facilities had increased considerably between 1981 and 2001.

However, accessibility was still very low as compared to the other States.

One third of the total households did not have toilets in their houses and almost the same percentage of households also did not have safe drinking water facility in their houses. Therefore they had been still relying on open wells, for drinking water, that is considered unsafe for human health.

Another investigated aspect of urban development was the increasing population pressure on the schools and roads of Tamil Nadu. Even though the number of schools had risen by almost sixty five per cent during 1981 and 2001; their availability per thousand population had slightly decreased.

In respect of hospital beds, the situation was different; in fact the number of beds in hospitals had reduced during 1991-2001. On the other hand the urban population had increased by thirty two per cent in the above said period, which indicates that ULBs and other State organisations had failed to construct more hospitals and schools to cope up with the fast increasing population.

The inequality in the availability of infrastructure and services in different size class towns was brought out by the fact that there had been

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almost a gradual decline in the availability of electricity, sanitary and tap water facility as we move from class I cities to the class VI towns. Even at present only half of the households of class IV, V and VI towns have electricity and sanitary facilities in their houses. Tap water also was not provided to almost forty per cent households of these towns. However, the availability of schools, roads and beds showed a different picture.

Availability of these services per thousand population was less in larger cities as compared to the smaller towns of Tamil Nadu and this ratio was declining in each decade. Therefore, it can be said that large cities of Tamil

Nadu had been witnessing population pressure and hence unable to meet the growing demand for services and infrastructure.

The results of co-relation matrix also indicate a high and positive relationship between the mining/industrial towns and household availability of electricity and tap water and as we know that most of the mining/industrial towns are located in the urbanised districts of Tamil Nadu .

While analyzing the relationship between the size of towns and availability of infrastructure and services, it was found that in 1981, hospitals had high and positive relationship with the size of towns. This indicates that hospitals were mainly concentrated in large urban centres. But in the next decade this

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relationship was no more true, indicating the growing population pressure on hospitals.

The spatial and temporal spread of Tiruchirappalli had been very much characterised by irregular growth. Before 1951, Tiruchirappalli had a compact shape, but as industrial and commercial importance of

Tiruchirappalli had growth ie. after the establishment of BHEL, OFT, Indian

Railways and other industrial concerns had increased, a network of roads had developed; connecting it with all important places in the hinterland.

Several new areas consequently developed along these roads. All these expansions had changed the earlier concentric shape of Tiruchirappalli to an

'octopus' shape. The most important factor influencing the shape was the development of Bharat Heavy Engineering Limited. With well structured satellite township it is a very large industrial unit, established in the southern part of Tiruchirappalli. Initially this unit was seven kilometre away from

Tiruchirappalli but now the outer growth of Tiruchirappalli has assimilated this industrial neighbourhood into the main urban area of the city.

The sex ratio of Tiruchirappalli revealed significant variations. Out of the sixty wards, thirty experienced positive growth and due to this the overall sex ratio of Tiruchirappalli had increased significantly during 1981-

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2001. Data regarding literacy indicates that it decreased sharply from the core to the peripheral area.

It was also found out that the share of tribal population in

Tiruchirappalli had fallen immensely since 1951. It also shows that more the distance of the ward or settlement from the core, the higher is the proportion of the tribal population. The per centage of Scheduled Castes population was low as compared to the Tribes and their distributional pattern also had followed an outward dispersion from the core area.

The availabilities of housing, household amenities and assets among the different socio-economic groups of Tiruchirappalli city have been analysed. This study was designed in the form of household surveys and field visits. The primary data of 300 households were collected from

Tiruchirappalli using a two-stage sampling method. For this sampling, six wards of Tiruchirappalli had been selected on the basis of a composite index. These wards have been divided into highly developed wards, moderately developed wards and wards with low development. Further, from each ward, one area each of low, middle and high-income groups had been taken for primary investigation. The entire data had been stratified into two levels. Firstly, at different income groups i.e. areas level and secondly

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on the basis of social groups. The SC and ST groups constitute one-third of total sample. As mentioned earlier their distribution was quite uneven in the sample areas. Scheduled Tribes and Castes are primarily concentrated in the low-income group colonies.

Shortage of housing has not been a major problem in Tiruchirappalli , the per centage of households having own houses was surprisingly higher in low-income group areas and usually dominated by the Scheduled Tribes and castes. Despite this, the housing quality had been very poor and majority of their houses were made of kutcha material. These social groups had comparatively less number of rooms in their houses; their family size was quite large, which resulted in high room density. On the other hand, all the houses of high-income group areas were made of pucca material, most of them had more than three rooms and their family size was found to be lesser than five. The room density of high income groups had been relatively less.

Among the different social groups the level of disparity among the

Scheduled Tribes was far higher than that of other categories.

In terms of accessibility to services, low-income group areas of

Tiruchirappalli were found to face major difficulties. More than two third households did not have tap water supply. They were relying on public taps,

256

which had been very less in number when compared to the household connections. The problem of these low-income households was not the non- affordability of the monthly consumption of water, but the cost of installation which, could not be paid by them. In the absence of toilets within the majority of households of low-income group areas, they were found utilizing open spaces. In fact very few service latrines had been installed and maintained by the corporation for the public use and were also not properly managed. The relatively poor population, however, had been rather disadvantaged as they were either found using unhygienic toilets or using open spaces. The living environment of low income group areas was therefore prone to health hazards-It has been noticed that the available services had not been distributed evenly in Tiruchirappalli. Areas of high income groups were better served than those of lower order; within the city there was a large scale disparity in the provision of the services among different localities and different income groups. The peripheral areas of

Tiruchirappalli had been facing the brunt of all these disadvantages In these areas except electricity supply, the other utilities such as water, sewerage, garbage collection, surface drainage were often found absent and this had led to a wide variation in the quality of the residential environment in the city.

257

In case of the location of neighbourhood facilities such as, schools, colleges, dispensaries, hospitals, markets, play grounds, etc.; the situation varied widely from one areas to another. It reflect that areas of high income groups had higher concentration of educational facilities than the areas of low-income groups and peripheral areas. In case of medical facilities, those areas that had a central location commanded large neighborhoods and had a higher level of health facilities. Another reason of higher concentration of health facilities in core areas had been the cost of investment. The core areas had a strong economic base with large, rich hinterlands, and this had helped the establishment of specialized medical facilities like ultrasound, E.C.G. and city scan centres.

The analysis of 'First Principal Component' suggests that availability of sanitation facilities, electricity, safe drinking water, pucca houses and education level of heads of the households had been the primary factors influencing the development of various areas.

 As far as heads of the households were concerned, 92 per cent were

males. Again, just like other urban areas, 52.87 per cent persons of the

sample households were males.

258

 The classification of the sample persons by economic activity

indicates that 32.82 per cent were workers. It means that out of every

100 persons almost 67 were either dependents or economically

baclward persons who had other sources of livelihood.

 77.09 per cent of heads of the surveyed households had matriculation

degree and among their spouses this value was 48.43 per cent.

However, the picture is not quite satisfactory in all the fifteen selected

colonies. In lower income group areas, the percentage of heads of the

households who were matriculates were less. For example, the

percentages of heads of households of 31.82 and 41.91 respectively,

which indicate the backwardness of these low-income group colonies.

 In Thillainagar almost all the heads of households had been engaged

in well to do jobs. It is not surprising that all of them were either arts

and science graduates or engineers or doctors. Besides Thillainagar

areas other areas having high percentage of heads of households

having good employment status were Cantonment, K.K Nagar,

Woriyur and Annamalai Nagar.

 Except No.1 Tolgate colony, more than 40 per cent of heads of the

households of other low income group areas were daily wage workers

259

and engaged as carpenter, driver, rickshaw puller, mechanic, and

industrial labour.

 In all fifteen surveyed areas of Tiruchirappalli population consisted of

only 19.70 per cent of the total population followed by S.C.

population (13.13 per cent).

 The highest concentration of S.T. population was found in

Somarasampettai (76.07 per cent), which is an urban village.

 About 64 per cent of population were living in kutcha houses. This

area is a slum area and most of the population were found to be

working as labourers in unorganized sectors.

 More than 80 per cent of households of Tiruchirappalli city were

living in two to four roomed houses. The highest percentage i.e. 30.83

was double roomed households. It was also noticeable that 8.38 per

cent of households had only one living room.

 In ward number 36 almost 50 per cent of the households had four

living room houses. Since this ward had public sector housing areas

and many of its houses were four living rooms flats, so naturally this

ward had higher share of four living room households.

260

 The average size of families in Tiruchirappalli city was 5 and the

families of the smallest size i.e- 2 had the least per cent (5.17 per cent)

and the 5-6 member families had the largest share (41.92 per cent).

 Woriyur had the lowest internal density where only one person was

living in one room. It is supported by the fact that in this area more

than 75 per cent households had either four or more than four rooms

and also the average family size was less than five.

 Two thirds of the households of selected areas in the city are living in

their own houses. Among them the highest per centage is found in

Beemanagar (91%). Besides majority of the low income groups living

in own houses, mostly anastral houses on the contrary rented houses

were more prominent in many of the high income group areas. More

than 50% of the households in Thillainagar, Woraiyur and

Contonment were living in rented houses. It is understood that

majority of them are migrant population from other parts of the state.

 Very low percentage (24.36 per cent) of houses of Scheduled Tribe's

houses were built of pucca materials. As noted above, most of them

were living in the low-income group areas and hence were constrained

by economic factors.

261

 Most of the residents of these areas were migrants and hence the

families consisted of the husband, wife with two or three children

each.

 In slum areas of Tiruchirappalli such as Palakkarai, Tharanallur and

Gandhi market area, room density was usually higher than three

members per in all three groups. So it must be mentioned here that the

living conditions of a person is manly determined by his economic

status.

 Thus, it can be said that there has been a marked disparity in housing

characteristics among the Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes in

the study area.

 86.08 per cent households of the surveyed areas of Tiruchirappalli

were availing electricity as against approximately 14 per cent

households that did not have electricity in their homes.

 Considering the figures by areas 63.64 per cent of households of

Tharanallur and 55.55 per cent households of Palakkarai did not have

access to electricity.

 In case of sanitary facility it was found that 76.75 per cent of the total

households of the sample areas had toilet facility in their residences.

262

That is nearly one-fourth of the households surveyed did not have

sanitary facility.

 88 per cent of the households of Tiruchirappalli were found to have

safe drinking water facility. Actually, this figure had been a combined

picture of all the fifteen areas.

 In Cantonment it was noticed that 95.45 per cent of the households

were using tap water for drinking purpose and the rest 4.45 per cent of

sample house holds depended on mineral water, which was bought

from the market.

 More than 65 per cent of the households in the study area had sources

of drinking water within the houses, which was mostly tap water and

supplied by the Tiruchirappalli Corporation

 About three fourth household of Tharanallur were getting water from

outer area. It is necessary to mention here that in those areas that did

not have drinking water supply either within their houses or within

premises, women were the most sufferers and they had to fetch wter

from outside.

 A significant portion of population of Tiruchirappalli 's were

experiencing difficulties seriously by over certain basic amenities.

263

 Households connectivity of electricity was the most evenly available

amenity among all the communities. The mean values were 70.05 per

cent for Scheduled Tribes, 74.48 per cent for Most Backward Castes

and Scheduled Tribes and 98.3 per cent for 'Others' category.

 Only 18 per cent households had a car and 36 per cent had washing

machines which are luxury items. Since many persons of the middle-

income group households were engaged in well paid jobs, that their

economic condition would permit them to spend money on these

items.

 Refrigerator and car were available to 49.44 and 30.60 per cent

households of this category. Most of the households of high-income

group areas usually possessed all these assets.

 The highest index value was found in Woriyur (0.83) closely followed

by Cantonment (0.80), Annamalai Nagar (0.79) and Thillai Nagar

(0.79). It is not surprising that all these were the high-income group

areas of Tiruchirappalli. Basically, in these areas almost all houses

were built of pucca materials, and households had electricity, toilet

and drinking water facilities. The households were marked by big

houses and small family size. The houses were also well connected

with pucca roads and drainage system.

264

 Values of areas varied from 0.40 to 0.60. The areas that were found in

this category were ranked first in this category closely followed by

T.V. Koil (0.60); whereas, Srinivasa Nagar and Karumandapam

ranked the lowest.

 The lowest composite index value has been observed in Tharanallur

(0.11). Both these areas were identified as slums of Tiruchirappalli

and mostly inhabited by the labourers and daily wage workers.

Housing and household conditions of these areas cannot be considered

as satisfactory.

 The proportion of households in the 'others' category was the highest,

since as Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Caste consisted only 20.53

and 4.56 per cent of the total population of Tiruchirappalli .

POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS

Tamil Nadu has to be projected as an important industrial and commercial hub of the nation and the problems of lack of infrastructure and services have to be solved. Integrated analysis of financial conditions of different ULBs of Tamil Nadu indicated that municipalities in Tamil Nadu , particularly small and medium size towns are financially poor. Urban local bodies are becoming increasingly dependent on government grants for their operation and maintenance requirements. The only way to improve the

265

living conditions of urban centres of Tamil Nadu is to enhance the investment capacity of different ULBs. For that, more responsibilities have to be handed over to the municipalities, particularly decentralization of expenditure responsibilities and revenue authority to urban local bodies from the higher level of governments is very much essential. After the 74th amendment of the Constitution, Government of India has provided an opportunity for urban local bodies to increase their own tax base through enhancement of taxation powers, and to provide better services to the weaker sections of the population by their democratically elected self government. But State governments are reluctant to assign town planning function to such urban local bodies. As in the case of Tamil Nadu , first elections to the local bodies were held in 1986 and the body was super-ceded in 1991. Since then no election have been held. Therefore, most of the recommendations of this act had met in Tamil Nadu .

The eighteen proposals of the 12th Schedule of the Constitution of

India, which includes urban planning, regulation of land use, construction of buildings, roads and bridges, water supply,and slum improvement could be performed by the municipalities, But they had not been implemented in

Tamil Nadu . While the State Government is not decentralizing the power of self governance, TCC is facing the dilemma of responsibility of distribution

266

of urban development works. The Act of Tiruchirappalli Corporation (2001) provides very limited powers to the Corporation. All of the developmental activities are administered by the Urban Development and Urban Housing

Department of the State and the work of operations and maintenance is only undertaken by TCC. Therefore, functions of urban local government should be specified clearly and all the recommendations cited in the Twelfth

Schedule should be transferred to urban local bodies along with transfer of funds and functionaries.

The study of Tiruchirappalli city illustrates that urban development in the absence of proper planning of the periphery and the adjacent rural areas leads to an unintended form of urban problems in the long run. In 1983,

Tiruchirappalli Regional Development Authority (TRDA) had made a development plan for Tiruchirappalli city with the help of Town and

Country Planning Organization (TCPO), unfortunately it was never implemented. After becoming the capital of the newly founded State of

Tamil Nadu , this master plan was revised again under the Jawaharlal Nehru

National Urban Renewal Mission (JNURM) as the City Development Plan

(CDP). Again, Government of Tamil Nadu has also announced its ambitious plan of Greater Tiruchirappalli City. This master plan of Greater

Tiruchirappalli requires about 6400 hectares of land to accommodate the

267

population growth till 2021. This is an ambitious plan, which requires heavy investments but the financial conditions of RMC is extremely insufficient, as found in this study.

Fortunately, this plan is made for new sub-cities including a new capital city but the plans for a comprehensive city development have not been taken into consideration. The local levels plans are almost absent in this proposal. About two-thirds pf households of low-income group areas do not have access to safe drinking water. Ninety per cent households of these areas do not have toilet facility. To provide drinking water and sanitation facilities in low income groups areas, subsidies for installation of tap water connection and provision of free sanitary facility must be introduced. Very few households of low-income group areas have benefited by this scheme.

Even if installed they are not maintained resulting in great inconvenience to the poor communities.

Many new areas that are developing in the margin of the city are also devoid of many municipal services. There is no sewage network system in these areas. Only six per cent of the city's population has access to sewage facilities. Rest of the population depends on septic tanks and soak pits.

Drainage systems is absent in most of the areas. In order to cope with the

268

massive problems that have emerged as a result of rapid unplanned out growth of Tiruchirappalli , the proper and urgent implementation of

JNNURM (which has been launched by Ministry of Urban Development) is very much required. In this programme special attention has to be given to develop the peri-urban areas, outgrowths and urban corridors, so that urbanisation takes place properly in a dispersed manner. It has been also found that schemes are being commissioned and applied without any long- term planning and objectives. Instances are many, where even the new schemes have failed to meet the current requirements of service development.

Development Growth of urban facilities in and around Tiruchirappalli city such as

 Improvement of Educational infrastructure Universities. Colleges.

Polytechnics, Central and State Level schools.

 Improvement of Healthcare facilities (Medical colleges, corporate

hospitals, clinical labs, availability of sphositicated medical facilities,

operation of Govt schemes).

 Growth of small, medium and large scale industries - BHEL, HAPP,

ancilary industries, Railway workshops (Industrialisation)

269

 Annexation of periphery rural villages into the city corporation -

Addition of new wards : 60-65.

 Growth of housing – Construction – inflow of rural work force into

the city – Expansion pf loan facilities for house construction.

 Land conversion from agriculture tdo urban use agriculture change in

land use patterns for non decrease of agricultural facilities extent of

agricultural land – increase in constructed areas – growth of

apartment, real estate promoters developers etc.

 New projects for providing drinking water.

 Growth of sanitation facilities underground drainage system-sewage

disposal - solid waste - garbagedisposal improvements -measures to

protect city environment.

 Improvement in marketing facilities – new buriners enterprises

business expansion in the city textile business (Saratha's, Nalli,

Pothis, Chennai silks) Growth of supermarkets, shoping malls

departmental stores- Kaveri, Reliance, More, femina.

 Growth of Hotels, Food corts. Manage hall. Hospitality facilities -Five

star, Three star hotels – their activities.

270

 Growth of Transportation Rail, Bus. Truck, Car, etc. International

airport, Road facility, Railways improvement. These aspects may be

described and discussed in a separate chapter.

 Communication net works – Post offices, Telecommunication systems

– public and private mobile phone services.

 Developments in peripheral Village.

 Rural - urban interactions.

 Migration of people from rural to urban centre.

Hence, there is a need for a complete transformation of the urban management structure and practices and massive programmes for resource mobilisation through innovative financial planning. It is therefore a huge challenge for the RMC to cope up with these tasks. First of all RMC should take the responsibility of ensuring certain minimum level of amenities for all sections of the city irrespective of the location factor. Once the minimum services are achieved, the municipal authority would be free to offer additional or improved services on commercial principles. If specific high demand areas are identified, as in housing estates, it is possible to license private operators to offer differential services

271

Research findings indicate that about three fourth households of low- income group areas are made of kutcha material that essentially needs rehabilitation and strengthening. The programme of Valmiki Ambedkar

Awas Yojna (VAMBAY) has assured to upgrade about fifteen per cent of these kutcha houses.Therefore the government has to meet the housing needs for the urban poor in Tiruchirappalli. Traditionally, housing and household amenities were being looked after by the public sector. The role of the government can be limited due to economic constraints. Hence the private sector should take the responsibilities of supporter and facilitator to solve the housing problems, side by side with the public sector.

The roles of private-public partnership, self-help groups and NGOs are very helpful to maintain the urban living environment of Tiruchirappalli.

The best example is 'Clean Tamil Nadu Project'. In fact, an organised solid waste management system is absent in Tiruchirappalli. Therefore, in collaboration with RMC this NGO is collecting waste from door to door in certain areas and the records of field survey indicate that this effort is quite successful in solid waste management. This experiment can be also implemented in other fields of urban management, such as, maintaining street lights, bus stands, public places and sanitation systems. It is being continuously realized that in many of the urban services, local group

272

participation, either as provider or for performance assessment can be important to the effectiveness and efficiency of the smaller community level infrastructure and services.

At present less than ten per cent of the supplied water of TCC is under taxation. The present water supply covers two-thirds of the population. Here,

RMC has two options: (i) to increase the coverage of more population under municipal supply of water and consequently the enhancement of present of taxation, in order to improve its financial conditions; (ii) or to take the help of private sector to provide drinking water supply in those high income group areas who are willing to pay for that.

The property tax is the most common and important source of local government revenue, but the document of TCC indicates that about two thirds of identified property owners in Tiruchirappalli were not paying the property taxes. Introduction of user charges on open access resources such as on vacant land may considerably improve the incomes of TCC. If TCC is ready to implement such user charges even in a modified form, a proper identification of city's properties is essential. Again property tax should be simplified and rationalized. Exemptions from property tax should be minimized and service charges should be levied in lieu of property tax.

273

Conclusions

To sum up, it can be said that in Tamil Nadu and particularly in

Tiruchirappalli the issues of infrastructure, education, health, environment and more importantly sanitation have to be addressed in a holistic manner.

Demand for infrastructure and services is likely to grow more rapidly in near future as the urban centres are gaining more and more pivotal role in economic development.

Several studies have shown that by the year 2020, more than fifty per cent of developing country's population will be residing in the urban centres.

This appears to be true for Tamil Nadu as well as its urban centres which are gaining higher growth. Thus there will be a major deficiency in the provision of urban infrastructure and services in the towns of Tamil Nadu .

In other words, with an increase in urbanisation, the existing infrastructure of the cities/ towns would tend to get overused causing stress in urban lifestyle and environment. The problems are not only of the shortage of services in urban Tamil Nadu but also inequitable distribution of services among the different size class towns as well as the different sections of society.

274

Again, it is not desirable only to improve the infrastructure and services partially in the urban areas, but rural areas also must be equipped with better health and educational facilities. There can be major benefits in improving the living conditions and encouraging the investment environment of rural areas. Any improvement in rural development made possible through infrastructure will reduce correspondingly the urban pressure that exists in Tamil Nadu as well as in Tiruchirappalli .

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