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Anthony Steinhoff on Modern Prussian History, 1830-1947 Philip G. Dwyer, ed.. Modern Prussian History, 1830-1947. New York: Longman, 2001. xviii + 315 pp. $59.95, cloth, ISBN 978-0-582-29271-0. Reviewed by Anthony J. Steinhoff Published on H-German (March, 2003) As German Europe's largest state after 1815 the volume, presents its major themes, and sum‐ and the driving force behind German unification, marizes the essays' fndings. Then, Stefan Berger Prussia's influence on the course of German histo‐ discusses the image of Prussia in German histori‐ ry has been considerable. Indeed, Prussia's special ography. Much of this story is well known to stu‐ position within the Second German Empire dents of German history. However, Berger also (Kaiserreich) established a certain identity be‐ usefully devotes attention to East German and tween Prussia and Germany, an image that has Polish research, which, especially after 1960, lingered and powerfully shaped both scholarly came to distinguish between a "good" and a "bad" and popular understandings of Germany. Yet, as Prussia. the essays in Modern Prussian History, 1830-1947 Three essays address the important issue of argue, this image has not done justice to our ap‐ Prussian conservatism during the monarchy and preciation either of the Prussian or the German empire. Thomas Stamm-Kuhlmann's contribution past. reveals the emergence of a conservative "bloc" af‐ Modern Prussian History is the second vol‐ ter 1815. Although hardly a tight-knit group, the ume in a two-part reappraisal of Prussian history conservatives shared a sense of religious piety edited by Philip Dwyer. Its twelve essays take a and opposed social change, increased state power, topical rather than a comprehensive approach to and constitutional reforms. Looking at the 1848 the period's major phases: monarchy, empire, re‐ revolutions, David E. Barclay notes that the con‐ public, NS-state. In choosing the themes, Dwyer version of Prussia into a constitutional monarchy has Selected topics that not only promote a reap‐ in 1850 preserved many of the powers of crown praisal of the relationship between Prussia and and nobility (and army). Nonetheless, Prussia's Germany but also highlight current research elites found themselves forced to embrace the trends. The book begins with two introductory es‐ tools of modern politics--the newspaper, the asso‐ says. First, Dwyer establishes the framework for ciation, the party group--to justify their ideas and H-Net Reviews programs. In his essay, Hermann Beck demon‐ Building on remarks in the essays of Bara‐ strates that Prussian conservatism underwent nowski, Stamm-Kuhlmann and Geary, the third profound changes in ideology and organization section of Modern Prussian History takes up the between 1830 and 1914, such that after 1870 the matter of religion. Marjorie Lamberti's piece nobles advocated both a strong monarchy and ac‐ draws from recent research that emphasizes the tively participated in parliamentary politics. Beck "centrality and force of confessionalism in Prus‐ also emphasizes that Prussia's conservative elite sian social and political life" (p. 169). The politics was profoundly ambivalent about the goal of Ger‐ of German unification, she notes, increasingly di‐ man unification, fearing that it would weaken vided Protestants and Catholics after 1860; this Prussia's importance and identity. rift deepened with the attacks on Catholicism dur‐ The second focal point of the book is economy ing the Kulturkampf. Throughout the Kaiserreich, and society. In the volume's most polemic essay, thus, Germans and Protestants moved largely Hans-Joachim Voth questions the notion that within confessionally distinct worlds, defined by Prussia's leadership in the Zollverein promoted their attitudes towards education, choice of news‐ the creation of a kleindeutsch Germany. He con‐ papers, associational memberships, and electoral tends that the customs union failed to strengthen choices. Nicholas Hope's essay concentrates on Prussia economically or politically; indeed, it may the history of the Prussian Protestant Church well have impeded Prussian economic develop‐ from the 1820s to the 1930s. He reveals that while ment at mid-century. Dick Geary's study of the the United Prussian Church (formed in 1817) Prussian labor movement during the Kaiserreich wielded considerable influence on state and soci‐ reveals that Social Democracy's victories between ety, even after 1871 it really was but a loose asso‐ 1871 and 1914 stemmed not only from the effects ciation of provincial churches. A notable democ‐ of industrialization and urbanization on workers, ratization of church institutions occurred after but also the existence of a "repressive and unrep‐ 1918; nonetheless, the church leadership re‐ resentative political system and the intransigence mained decidedly nationalist and conservative, of employers" (p. 129). However, in areas such as largely disapproving of the Weimar regime and, the Rhineland, Silesia, and rural Germany, gender, consequently, sympathetic to Nazi calls for moral ethnic and religious differences made socialism's order in the 1930s. message less alluring. Lastly, Shelley Baranowski The fnal segment of the book examines the investigates the phenomenon of agrarian conser‐ fate of Prussia after the collapse of the Kaiserre‐ vatism. She illustrates that by the 1870s, Prussian ich. Hagen Schulze shows that Weimar Prussia agriculture was actually quite modern. Nobles was a democratic, parliamentary regime led by and peasants alike entered the political arena the "outcastes" of the Kaiserreich. Moreover, part‐ (supporting such groups as the Agrarian League) ly because of its cautious approach to police, civil not to hold off liberal market forces per se but service, and judicial reform, Prussia enjoyed re‐ rather to "level the playing feld between industry markable stability, making it a crucial support for and [agriculture]" (p. 156). The persistence of a the Republic as a whole. Indeed, Schulze inti‐ weak agricultural economy during the Great War mates, the very success of "New Prussia" calls into combined with the political dislocations of question Prussia[']s specific responsibility for the Weimar continued to make the countryside fertile German Sonderweg. Dennis Showalter's essay ground for conservative causes. After 1930 the demonstrates that Prussian military values had a National Socialists successfully tapped this antipa‐ strong influence on the creation of a "German" thy in their assault on the Republic. military ethos prior to 1914. In the course of war, however, Prussian "virtues" were excoriated as 2 H-Net Reviews the cause of "everything wrong with the army and Nonetheless, the book is not a complete suc‐ the war" (p. 239), a repudiation that continued cess. While recognizing the need to keep the vol‐ into Weimar and the National Socialist eras. Al‐ ume manageable, this reviewer would have liked though the Reichswehr's anti-republican senti‐ to have seen more explicit attention to the critical ments and commitment to diligence and Hard problem of expansion and integration in nine‐ work made the new Reichswehr look "Prussian," teenth-century Prussia. Similarly, although there it had in fact developed approaches to recruit‐ has been considerable work on Prussian cities in ment, tactics and mission that diverged sharply recent years, Prussian urbanization is examined from the old Prussian ideals. In the volume's last only in the limited context of Geary's essay. It essay, Brendan Simms investigates the relation‐ would also be useful to have the discussions of ship between Prussianism and National Socialism. confessionalism and labor extend, in one form or He notes that Hitler and the National Socialists de‐ another, into the Weimar and National Socialist liberately appealed to the Prussian elite by wrap‐ periods. ping themselves in the mantle of Prussianism. Three of the essays pose special problems. Al‐ Representatives of Old Prussia were also recep‐ though insightful, Stamm-Kuhlmann's piece falls tive to Hitler's message of national rejuvenation, outside of the chronological parameters of the col‐ helping to bring down both the Republic (and lection. It barely discusses developments after new, democratic Prussia). Nonetheless, the Prus‐ 1830, even though Beck points out that this was a sian nobility and the Nazis fundamentally mis‐ critical time for the development of conservative trusted, even loathed each other. The Allies, how‐ ideology. Voth's criticism of the "Zollverein-thesis" ever, were largely blind to this mutual animus, rightly shows the need for further investigation which, Simms contends, contributed the anti- into German and Prussian economic history. His Prussian dimension of Allied policy in post-war own argument, though, fails to convince. The key Germany. problem is Voth's temporal framing. Assuming Philip Dwyer and his team of contributors de‐ that the Zollverein's impact should have been no‐ serve much praise for this volume. The essays re‐ ticeable soon after its formation, he reads the ab‐ veal a complexity to Prussian history that is often sence of significant change during this period as overlooked. It was a socially, economically, politi‐ "failure." However, he presents no data at all for cally and religiously diverse land that did not the 1860s, which would allow us to gauge better march in lockstep behind the Junkers. In addition, the long-term consequences of the customs union. the authors stress the need to avoid facile identifi‐ The collection's biggest disappointment is Hope's cations of Prussia with Germany. Whereas
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