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Singapore Page 1 of 3
Singapore Page 1 of 3 Singapore International Religious Freedom Report 2008 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor The Constitution provides for freedom of religion; however, other laws and policies restricted this right in some circumstances. There was no change in the status of respect for religious freedom by the Government during the period covered by this report. The Government does not tolerate speech or actions that it deems could adversely affect racial or religious harmony. There were no reports of societal abuses or discrimination based on religious affiliation, belief, or practice. The U.S. Government discusses religious freedom with the Government as part of its overall policy to promote human rights. Section I. Religious Demography The country has an area of 270 square miles and a population of 4.8 million, of whom 3.6 million are citizens or permanent residents. According to the 2000 census, 85 percent of citizens and permanent residents profess a religion. Of this group, 51 percent practice Buddhism, Taoism, ancestor veneration, or other religious practice traditionally associated with the ethnic Chinese population. Approximately 15 percent of the population is Muslim, 15 percent Christian, and 4 percent Hindu. The remainder is composed of adherents of other religious groups, including small Sikh, Jewish, Zoroastrian, and Jain communities. Among Christians, the majority of whom are ethnic Chinese, 33 percent are Roman Catholic and 67 percent are Protestant. The remaining 15 percent of the population does not profess a religious faith. Approximately 77 percent of the population is ethnic Chinese, 14 percent ethnic Malay, and 8 percent ethnic Indian. -
1930 1435218997 G1511786.Pdf
United Nations A/HRC/29/NGO/87 General Assembly Distr.: General 9 June 2015 English only Human Rights Council Twenty-ninth session Agenda item 3 Promotion and protection of all human rights, civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to development Written statement* submitted by the Aliran Kesedaran Negara National Consciousness Movement, non- governmental organization on the roster The Secretary-General has received the following written statement which is circulated in accordance with Economic and Social Council resolution 1996/31. [25 May 2015] * This written statement is issued, unedited, in the language(s) received from the submitting non-governmental organization(s). GE.15-09265 (E) A/HRC/29/NGO/87 Crackdown on freedom of expression and assembly in Malaysia There has been a serious regression in Malaysia's democratic space in 2015, with the government's crackdown on freedom of speech and assembly, predominantly through the use of the Sedition Act 1948, Peaceful Assembly Act 2012, and various sections of the Penal Code. Freedom of speech and expression is enshrined in Article 10(1)(a) of the Federal Constitution of Malaysia. However, the guarantee of such a right is severely limited and qualified by broad provisions in Article 10(2)(a), which stipulates that Parliament may impose “such restrictions as it deems necessary or expedient in the interest of the security of the Federation or any part thereof”. Similarly, the freedom of assembly is enshrined in Article 10(1)(b) of the Constitution, but is restricted through Article 10(2), 10(4) and Article 149 of the Constitution. -
Download Publication
Columbia Jurisprudence Conference Jurisprudence & Freedom of Expression in Malaysia By HR Dipendra OVERVIEW 2015 IN A NUTSHELL: 2015 has been inundated with a deluge of administrative clamp downs to the constitutional right of freedom of expression in Malaysia. Innocuous solecism and mordant comic strips were the subject of criminal prosecution. A number of activists, lawyers, editors, and students were arrested, remanded and/or prosecuted for expressing their opinions over Twitter, articles, and through cartoons. The Home Minister had issued a total of 28 Printing Presses and Publications (Control of Undesirable Publications) Orders in the same year banning the circulation of a total of 47 books, amongst others, 3 books by the cartoonist, Zunar as well as “Any yellow coloured clothing and which contains the words ‘Bersih 4’” and “Any other printed material and pamphlets which leads to Bersih 4 Rally”. Suspension orders were issued to two publications under the wing of The Edge Media Group. On an unprecedented move, the Inspector General of Police (IGP) of Malaysia took on the role of active policing and monitoring over social media platform, in particular, on Twitter. As aptly put by Human Rights Watch's Asia deputy director, Phil Robertson, the IGP "patrols the Twittersphere like a shark in open water". On the whole, year 2015 has not only been a tough year for the Fourth Estate of the country but it has also thrown woebegone and hermetic gossamer over the freedom of expression in Malaysia. THE JURISPRUDENCE ASPECT THE PAST: The cases which touch on the right of freedom of expression revolve around offences under two pieces of legislation in particular - the Sedition Act 19481 and Printing Presses and Publications Act 1984 ('PPPA'). -
Singapore Civil Society Stakeholders' Report for the Universal Periodic
Singapore Civil Society Stakeholders’ Report for the Universal Periodic Review A. Introduction 1. This report is a consolidation of concerns from 10 civil society organisations (CSO) listed on the cover page. It is organized in response to the recommendations that were both accepted and rejected, by the State under review1. B. Equality and Non-discrimination 2. Section 377A2 of the Penal Code criminalises sexual contact between two male persons even if they are consenting adults and even if intimacy occurs in private. Despite government promises that it will not be enforced, the law stigmatizes LGBT persons in Singapore, male and female, cisgender and transgender alike. Recommendation (R1): Repeal legal provisions criminalising sexual activity between consenting adults of the same sex [WGUPR 97.12]. 3. Marital rape: Section 375(4) and 376A(5) of the Penal Code offers immunity to rapists if they are married to their victims, making them liable only to the lesser charge of “voluntarily causing hurt”. This tells women that marriage removes them from legal protections against rape, except when the wife has commenced formal legal steps to terminate the marriage or when she has obtained a Personal Protection Order (PPO). These exceptions require married women to make prior arrangements if they are to be legally protected from marital rape. Such requirements are of concern since the PPO application procedure is subject to administrative delays, resulting in 90.4% of women being assaulted more than once before they are granted PPOs.3 R2: Introduce legislation to make marital rape illegal in all circumstances, because consent to marriage should not be equated with consent to rape and sexual assault [WGUPR 97.13]. -
Malaysia's Anti-Fake News
TERRORISM DILEMMAS AND DEMOCRACY Malaysia’s Anti-Fake News Act A cog in an arsenal of anti-free speech laws and a bold promise of reforms Abstract: Malaysia’s surprising fourteenth general election result in May 2018 was widely hailed as the advent of a seismic shift for press freedom in the country. The country’s draconian media control armoury was often wantonly and oppressively applied over six decades under previous rule. Key actors from that era are now presiding over bold reforms that have been promised by the new government. In keeping with its election promises, the new govern- ment sought to repeal the hastily and badly drafted Anti-Fake News Act 2018 (AFNA). The Attorney-General Tommy Thomas wrote scathingly before the Act was passed and before taking office as the new A-G: The draconian effect of the entire bill renders it unconstitutional…This is a disgraceful piece of legislation drafted by a desperate government determined to crush dissent and silence critics. The bill is so hastily and poorly drafted that it cannot under any circumstances be improved by amendment. Instead, it must be rejected outright. (Thomas, 2018) The repeal effort, however, failed and the Act remains technically on the books. This article examines the Act against a backdrop of global responses to the ‘fake news’ phenomenon; provides an overview of Malaysia’s draconian armoury of laws that impinge on freedom of expression; discusses the fad- ing optimism for proper media regulation reform in Malaysia; and concludes that meaningful media regulation reform must go beyond repealing AFNA. -
SEDITIOUS TENDENCY? Political Patronisation of Free Speech and Expression in Malaysia
SEDITIOUS TENDENCY? Political Patronisation of Free Speech and Expression in Malaysia by Jeyaseelan Anthony Published by: ERA CONSUMER MALAYSIA (Education and Research Association for Consumers, Malaysia] ERA CONSUMER is a voluntary, non-political and non-profit organization. ERA focuses on issues ranging from food security, human rights, environment and consumer rights to women’s rights for a socially just and equitable society. SEDITIOUS TENDENCY? Political Patronisation of Free Speech and Expression in Malaysia Contents Preface ........................................................................................................................ 1 Foreword ..................................................................................................................... 3 Summary of Chapters.................................................................................................. 8 Glossary .....................................................................................................................10 Abbreviations and Acronyms ...................................................................................12 Chapter 1 Freedom of Speech and Expression under the Malaysian Constitution 1.1. Is the Freedom of Speech and Expression an absolute right? .......................13 Chapter 2 Sedition – Its Meaning and Origin 2.1. Meaning .........................................................................................................17 2.2. Origin ..............................................................................................................17 -
New Seditious Libel Judith Schenck Koffler
Cornell Law Review Volume 69 Article 5 Issue 4 April 1984 New Seditious Libel Judith Schenck Koffler Bennett L. Gershman Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Judith Schenck Koffler and Bennett L. Gershman, New Seditious Libel, 69 Cornell L. Rev. 816 (1984) Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr/vol69/iss4/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE NEW SEDITIOUS LIBEL Judith Schenck Koffert & Bennett L Gershman t Let all men take heede how they complayne in wordes against any magistrate, for they are gods. -- Star Chamber saying You've just got to trust us. -Richard Helms, former CIA Director INTRODUCTION Seditious libel is the crime of criticizing the government. It trans- forms dissent, which the first amendment has traditionally been thought to protect, into heresy. Fundamentally antidemocratic, the distinguish- ing feature of seditious libel is, as its nomenclature suggests, injury to the reputation of government or its functionaries. Those who impugn au- thority's good image are diabolized and their criticisms punished as blasphemy. In this way, the doctrine lends a juristic mask to political repression. Seditious libel is alive and well despite attempts of judges and scholars to knock it on the head once and for all.' It is difficult to recog- nize, however, for it wears the mantle of official secrecy and waves the banner of national security. -
Sedition Act As a Pillar of Strength in Maintaining Unification for Multiracial Nation
International Journal of Business, Economics and Law, Vol. 6, Issue 4 (Apr.) ISSN 2289-1552 2015 SEDITION ACT AS A PILLAR OF STRENGTH IN MAINTAINING UNIFICATION FOR MULTIRACIAL NATION Roos Niza Mohd Shariff Senior Lecturer (Law) School of Law, Government & International Studies Universiti Utara Malaysia, 06010 Sintok, Kedah, Malaysia Email: [email protected]; [email protected] ABSTRACT Malaysian Sedition Act provides sentences for seditious acts. Late 2014, there was a suggestion to abolish this Sedition Act for reason that Malaysia still able to maintain its multiracial unity without this Act. Thus, this working paper is to analyze the purpose of the implementation of Sedition Act in Malaysia and the impacts if the Act is abolish. Qualitative research method is used through analytical study of case laws and provisions of laws stated in the Sedition Act and the Federal Constitution. Research findings showed that Sedition Act had been in practice since the British occupation for the purpose of maintaining the unity of multiracial community with different religions and customs. This working paper concluded that Sedition Act is in fact a pillar of strength in maintaining the unification of multiracial nation in Malaysia. The Act upheld a crucial part of statutory provisions in the Federal Constitution for the stability and unity of union. Moreover, Sedition Act provides blanket protection via maintaining protection and security for the purpose of harmonious and safe nation. Keywords: Sedition Act, multiracial unity, nation stability Introduction It is not easy to ensure unity and stability in a country with many races, ethnics, religions, beliefs and customs like Malaysia. -
Sedition Act
LAWS OF TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO MINISTRY OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL AND LEGAL AFFAIRS www.legalaffairs.gov.tt SEDITION ACT CHAPTER 11:04 Act 10 of 1920 Amended by 172/1961 8/1962 36 of 1971 136/1976 Current Authorised Pages Pages Authorised (inclusive) by L.R.O. 1–22 .. UNOFFICIAL VERSION L.R.O. UPDATED TO 31ST DECEMBER 2016 LAWS OF TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO MINISTRY OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL AND LEGAL AFFAIRS www.legalaffairs.gov.tt 2 Chap. 11:04 Sedition Index of Subsidiary Legislation Page Prohibited Publications Order … … … … … … 12 UNOFFICIAL VERSION UPDATED TO 31ST DECEMBER 2016 LAWS OF TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO MINISTRY OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL AND LEGAL AFFAIRS www.legalaffairs.gov.tt Sedition Chap. 11:04 3 CHAPTER 11:04 SEDITION ACT ARRANGEMENT OF SECTIONS SECTION 1. Short title. 2. Interpretation. 3. Meaning of seditious intention. Limitation. Determination of intention. 4. Offences. POWER TO PROHIBIT IMPORTATION OF SEDITIOUS PUBLICATIONS 5. Power to prohibit importation of seditious publications. SUSPENSION OF NEWSPAPERS CONTAINING SEDITIOUS MATTER 6. Suspension of newspapers containing seditious matter. POWER TO PROHIBIT CIRCULATION OF SEDITIOUS PUBLICATIONS 7. Power of Court to prohibit circulation of seditious publications. SUPPLEMENTAL 8. Punishment for offences. 9. Consent of Director of Public Prosecutions. 10. Saving of other powers. 11. Limitation on legal proceedings. 12. Evidence. 13. Search warrant. UNOFFICIAL VERSION L.R.O. UPDATED TO 31ST DECEMBER 2016 LAWS OF TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO MINISTRY OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL AND LEGAL AFFAIRS www.legalaffairs.gov.tt 4 Chap. 11:04 Sedition CHAPTER 11:04 SEDITION ACT 1950 Ed. An Act to provide for the punishment of seditious acts and Ch. -
Creating a Culture of Fear
HUMAN RIGHTS CREATING A CULTURE OF FEAR The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Malaysia WATCH Creating a Culture of Fear The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Malaysia Copyright © 2015 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-32859 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org OCTOBER 2015 978-1-6231-32859 Creating a Culture of Fear The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Malaysia Map of Malaysia ............................................................................................................... i Glossary of Common Terms and Acronyms ....................................................................... ii Summary ......................................................................................................................... 1 Overly -
Free Expression Versus Reputation the Supreme Court’S Weighing of Interests
Chapter 10 Free Expression Versus Reputation The Supreme Court’s Weighing of Interests Carl a. solano and edWard J. sholinsKy The Supreme Court of Pennsylvania has consistently touted the protections provided by the Commonwealth for freedoms of speech and press. As the Court explained in Pap’s A.M. v. City of Erie, “Freedom of expression has a robust constitutional history and place in Pennsylvania. The very first Article of the Pennsylvania Constitution consists of the Pennsylvania Declaration of Rights, and the first section of that Article affirms, among other things, that all citizens ‘have certain inherent and indefeasible rights.’ Among those inherent rights are those delineated in § 7, which address ‘Freedom of Press and Speech; Libels.’ ” 1 The Court observed that Article I, Section 7 is broader than the federal Constitution’s First Amendment in that it “affirms the ‘invaluable right’ to the ‘free communication of thoughts and opinions,’ and the right of ‘every citizen’ to ‘speak freely’ on ‘any subject’ so long as that liberty is not abused.”2 In the long history of the Commonwealth, however, the Court has struggled to match this broad expression of freedom with concerns about its “abuse.” That tension is most clearly reflected in the Court’s decisions on the law of defamation. I. The Foundational Period The Commonwealth’s solicitude for freedom of expression has been traced to its founder, William Penn, and his prosecution in 1670 “for the ‘crime’ of preaching to an unlawful assembly.”3 As set forth in the preceding chapter, Penn’s Frame of Government of Pennsyl- vania guaranteed freedom of conscience and religious worship.4 While other forms of free expression were not formally guaranteed, the colony’s Quaker- based tolerance influenced some early legal decisions. -
RIGHTS in REVERSE: One Year Under the Perikatan Nasional Government in Malaysia MARCH 2021 RIGHTS in REVERSE
RIGHTS IN REVERSE: One year under the Perikatan Nasional government in Malaysia MARCH 2021 RIGHTS IN REVERSE: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Malaysian people have experienced seismic upheavals in the past year. In late February 2020, the ruling Pakatan Harapan government collapsed amid surreptitious political manoeuvring. On 1 March 2020, Malaysia’s King appointed Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin as Prime Minister after determining that he commanded the support of a majority of elected MPs under the umbrella of the Perikatan Nasional coalition. The turnover in government marked a political sea change and the abrupt end to the reform agenda of the Pakatan Harapan government. The ascendence of the Perikatan Nasional government coincided with the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in Malaysia. The government implemented a strict Movement Control Order (MCO) that severely curtailed travel and social interactions. While the government’s efforts to stymie the spread of the virus have been successful in many respects, authorities have at times applied measures in a discriminatory manner and used the pandemic as an excuse to restrict human rights. This report examines the Perikatan Nasional government’s record on fundamental freedoms during its first year in power. Specifically, the report considers the government’s actions against its obligations to respect, protect, and fulfil the rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and association. These rights are the focus of ARTICLE 19 and CIVICUS’s work in Malaysia. Last year’s change of government has proven to be a major setback for fundamental freedoms in Malaysia. While the Pakatan Harapan government’s track record on human rights was disappointing in many ways,1 it took some steps to roll back repressive laws and policies and was much more open to engaging with civil society and the human rights community than its predecessor.