Election (2021) Special ‘Who I am voting for on 23 March’

CALEV BEN- INTRODUCTION

FLEUR HASSAN-NAHOUM ‘WHY I AM VOTING FOR ’

TERRY NEWMAN ‘WHY I AM VOTING FOR YESH ’

EMMANUEL NAVON ‘WHY I AM VOTING FOR ’

PETER LERNER ‘WHY I AM VOTING FOR LABOUR’

MK ODED FORER ‘WHY I AM VOTING FOR ’

GULI DOLEV-HASHILONI ‘WHY I AM VOTING FOR THE ARAB ’

SHRAGA ALWEISS ‘WHY I AM VOTING FOR ’

ITTAY FLESCHER ‘WHY I AM (RELUCTANTLY) VOTING FOR ’

1 Indispensable reading for anyone who wishes to understand Middle Eastern politics; well researched, balanced, deeply committed to Israel but equally reading to ask tough questions about its policies; a unique combination of values and realpolitik. Shlomo Avineri, Professor of Political Science at the Hebrew University of and member of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities.

Fathom is a great publication that I thoroughly enjoy and always find useful. Hussein Agha has been involved in Palestinian politics for almost half a century. He was an Academic Visitor at St. Antony’s College, Oxford and is co-author of A Framework for a Palestinian National Security Doctrine.

Fathom’s great: accessible and expert analysis on strategic, cultural and economic issues relating to Israel. Amidst a lot of a sloganeering, Fathom provides nuanced discussion. As such, it fills a real gap. Amnon Rubinstein, Israeli law scholar, politician, and columnist. A member of the between 1977 and 2002, he served in several ministerial positions.

The importance of the Israel/Palestine conflict for world peace is sometimes exaggerated, but for those of us focused on the conflict, for those of us who hope for peace here, even amidst the surrounding chaos, ‘two states for two peoples’ remains the necessary guiding idea. Fathom magazine is one of the key places where that idea is explained and defended; it deserves our strongest support. Michael Walzer, Professor Emeritus at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, New Jersey, and editorial board member of Dissent magazine.

Fathom has become a highly respected, leading publication of both in-depth analysis of fundamental developments and trends in the Middle East alongside serious studies of key events and trends that characterise the fast changing domestic Israeli scene. Fathom has become the platform where several hundreds of thousands of readers learn, debate and disagree, but never fail to read every word printed. Efraim Halevy was director of Mossad and head of the Israeli National Security Council.

For objective insights into Israeli politics, society and its relations with the wider world, few can match the scope and quality of BICOM’s work. Professor Clive Jones, Chair in Regional Security School of Government and International Affairs, University of Durham.

As an Israeli concerned for Israel’s future as the of the Jewish people and for a peaceful resolution of Israel’s conflict with the Palestinians people, I sincerely believe that Fathom’s Peace and Coexistence Research Project is a critical component of the ongoing struggle to maintain the political relevance of the Two-State solution. Asher Susser, Professor Emeritus of Middle Eastern History, University, Israel.

2 CONTENTS

CALEV BEN-DOR 4 Introduction

FLEUR HASSAN-NAHOUM 5 ‘Why I am voting for the Likud’

TERRY NEWMAN 7 ‘Why I am voting for ’

EMMANUEL NAVON 9 ‘Why I am voting for New Hope’

PETER LERNER 11 ‘Why I am voting for Labour’’

MK ODED FORER 13 ‘Why I am voting for Yisrael Beiteinu’

GULI DOLEV-HASHILONI 15 ‘Why I am voting for the Arab Joint List’

SHRAGA ALWEISS 17 ‘Why I am voting for Yamina’

ITTAY FLESCHER 19 ‘Why I am voting (reluctantly) for Meretz’

3 INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

CALEV BEN-DOR

Next Tuesday, 23 March, will go to the polls for the fourth time in two years. Slowly emerging from the Corona pandemic and beset by economic challenges, national security threats have been less dominant in this election. Large campaign posters of Prime Minister with world leaders no longer adorn the country’s highways. The opposition has toned down its claim that the Prime Minister is corrupt and instead pushed the argument that the government has mismanaged the Corona crisis. Ultimately though, it’s hard to escape the feeling that – once again – the elections are a referendum on Netanyahu himself.

Contrary to the last three rounds, Likud will undoubtedly be the largest party, following the Blue and White party’s electoral collapse. Also different is that Netanyahu now faces challengers from within the right-wing, in the form of ’s Yamina and Gideon Saar’s New Hope.

Yet similar to April 2019, September 2019 and March 2020, these elections too could end in stalemate. Current polling suggests the race as too close to call, with both the pro and anti- Netanyahu bloc struggling to reach the magic number of 61 seats. According to reports, approximately one in six Israelis are yet to decide who to vote for. (For BICOM aggregated polling, podcasts and election coverage click here.)

There will undoubtedly be more twists and turns both before the elections and after. Voter turnout in different areas of the country next Tuesday will be key. Several smaller parties – such as the , Blue and White, Meretz and Raam – are polling around the , which – if any fall under it – could alter the entire face of coalition building. Few would unequivocally rule out a fifth election.

The ongoing political crisis raises the question as to whether it’s the system that’s broken or that the chaos is primarily the result of an indicted Prime Minister refusing to resign. The first essay in this Fathom Election Special, by Israel Democracy Institute President Yochanan Plesner, discusses this question and provides recommendations for strengthening Israel’s political system. Following this are eight pieces by Israelis – Fleur Hassan-Nahoum, Emanuel Navon, Shraga Alweiss, MK Oded Forer, Terry Newman, Peter Lerner, Ittay Flescher and Guli Dolev-Hashiloni – explaining their vote. Fathom analysis from the 2019 elections can be found here and here.

Calev Ben-Dor, for the editors.

4 ELECTION 2021 | THE FATHOM ESSAYS

‘WHY I AM VOTING FOR THE LIKUD’

FLEUR HASSAN-NAHOUM

The main reason I am voting Likud in this election is because two years ago after years of seIf- deliberation as a centre-right liberal, I picked my team and as any self-respecting sports fan knows you stick with your team through thick and thin. Today as Deputy Mayor of Jerusalem I am also a Likud Central Committee Member and an Executive Board Member of the World Likud. So the question really is why did I chose Likud as my party to begin with?

I was inspired to join the Likud firstly because of its history and values, which continue to inspire me till today. Ze’ev Jabotinsky, the father of Revisionist , strongly believed in the Jewish People’s right to the historic and Jewish immigration to the land. Once it became clear that the British government would renege on the promise of a Jewish state as per the Balfour declaration, he advocated for the Jewish People not to surrender to fate, but create its own destiny. In 1925, Jabotinsky founded the Revisionist Zionist Alliance, a Zionist political movement. Its name was derived from its call for a revision - for a new look at the policy of the Zionist Executive towards the British government and its mandate over Palestine.

Jabotinsky laid the seeds for the Likud through his efforts in Revisionist Zionism. His staunch belief in Jewish sovereignty in the Land of Israel continues to be a core, crucial value in Likud. Another central value of the party is a liberal, free market. The Likud’s liberal economic and political ideology opposes that of the Labour party, which has embodied a socialist infrastructure from the beginning of the State of Israel. As a firm believer in free market policies, I am proud to stand with a party that believes in a liberal economic approach.

The Likud has made vital, concrete changes in Israeli society ever since it was established. , the first Likud member to be elected prime minister, revolutionised both the Israeli economy and society in ways that still impact the country today. Begin forever changed the economy by instituting liberal economic policies and advocating for a free market. He also completely revolutionised the way in which Mizrahi Jewish citizens ( from Arab lands) were treated in Israeli society. Begin empowered the underdog Mizrahi community, who were overlooked and mistreated by previous leaders.

The Likud party continues to make meaningful, important changes in Israeli society. The party’s policies throughout the past 40 years have successfully minimised the socialist values of the founding fathers. Monopolies like our national Phone company Bezeq have been dismantled

5 HASSAN-NAHOUM| LIKUD under Prime Minister Netanyahu. Additionally, the Likud has expanded and better organised workers’ unions, instituted free trade, privatised government-owned corporations, and reduced taxes significantly. Israel was only able to move to a modern economy through the Likud’s free market principles and policies.

In addition to this, the party is responsible for four (out of five) of Israel’s peace deals with the Arab world. It is clear that the Likud doesn’t just talk about its values, but acts on them for the betterment of Israeli society. The Likud is a democratic party with a membership of 130,000 that is as diverse in nature as Israeli society. From centre-right to hard-right, from secular to Orthodox, from Jew to Arab, the Likud’s ideology is the consensus in the country. Netanyahu is the longest running of the country, whose tenure has seen the fewest casualties from conflict than any other time in history, unprecedented economic growth, peace with our neighbours and a steadfast handling of the coronavirus crisis that has seen Israel vaccinated at a faster rate than any other country in the world.

As the biggest and strongest party, it has the power and dedication to make lasting change in Israel. Despite the complicated political system of coalitions, the Likud continues to top the polls for the upcoming election. I am proud to be voting Likud on March 23.

In 2016, Fleur Hassan-Nahoum was elected to the Jerusalem Municipal Council, rising to opposition leader one year later. Upon her re-election in 2018, she was appointed deputy mayor for foreign relations, economic development and tourism.

6 ELECTION 2021 | THE FATHOM ESSAYS

‘WHY I AM VOTING FOR YESH ATID’

TERRY NEWMAN

The big ideological battle of the day is Centrism vs the rest. Centrism not as the middle point between two ends of the spectrum, but as the ideological platform that combines the particular with the universal.

The nation state has particular value that should be celebrated. Our nation state is that of the Jewish People. The realisation of the 2000-year dream to return to the homeland in which our forefathers and mothers developed the principles which underlay the moral code of much of the Western world.

But that nation state must be part of universal causes like reversing climate change, promoting mutually beneficial international trade, fighting terror, and developing technologies to improve our lives and the lives of generations to come.

We are not pure universalists who would destroy the nation state, deconstruct our national narratives and hand over control of our destiny to far away technocrats. And, we are not pure nationalists who view everything through the prism of my country vs your country. We are Centrists. Proud and loud.

Yair Lapid, now one of Israel’s longest serving politicians, has proven that he has both the inspiration and experience to survive in Israel’s political pit. His party now boasts a political base and network in Israel that is rivalled only by the Likud. Lapid and Yesh Atid are ready to take the next step.

Yesh Atid champions policies which promote the middle classes, reduce economic inequality, strengthen national resilience, and enshrine religious freedom. For example: economic support for small and medium sized enterprises and the self-employed, and corona furlough payments via employers rather than directly from the government; limiting the rule of a prime minister to two terms and the number of ministers to 18; and enabling people to marry freely with the person they love.

Yet, hovering above all these policies there is one major ideological consideration which is both universal and yet unique to Israel. How to preserve the balance between the different branches of government?

7 NEWMAN | YESH ATID

Israel is in the middle of an existential battle over the definition of its democracy. The country proudly boasts citizens from all four corners of the globe, most of whom came from non- democratic countries. That most have accepted the democratic process is an incredible achievement for which Israel is rightly proud. But many are now mistaking majoritarianism for true democracy.

‘Tyranny of the Majority’ is bad enough. But the Israeli mainstream – those who are educated in the mainstream school systems, serve in the army and work in the economy – are experiencing ‘Tyranny of the Minority’. The former national-liberal Likud party of Menachem Begin and Yitzhak Shamir has conceded major policy positions to extreme right-wing, messianic and ultra-Orthodox politicians in return for support in weakening the functions of state.

The current government has not passed a budget in nearly two years. They are actively attacking the police, the legislative branch (Knesset), and the judiciary (Supreme Court). Worse still, parts of Israel, the military powerhouse of the region, are now running as self-identified autonomies in which the police will not enter through fear of bloodshed. This chaos is a result of Lord Acton’s insight: ‘Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.’

As a Centrist party, Yesh Atid believes in the classical separation of powers with all three branches of government living in tension with each other. If one branch triumphs, the country as a whole loses. We are a liberal democracy trying to improve ourselves day after day.

When serving as secretary to the Britain-Israel Parliamentary Group in the British Parliament, I was told the following story which may be apocryphal but sums up our thinking. Soon after Israel declared independence, Her Majesty’s Government offered David Ben-Gurion to join the British Commonwealth. Ben-Gurion was reported to have responded: ‘We have waited 2000 years for our independence, we will not now submit before a monarch.’ In that spirit, the Israeli mainstream will not submit. We will fight to keep Israel as a Jewish and democratic state alive for generations to come.

Terry Newman is Chairman of TSD Holdings and Investments and former Chief of Staff to Lord Janner of Braunstone.

8 ELECTION 2021 | THE FATHOM ESSAYS

‘WHY I AM VOTING FOR NEW HOPE’

EMMANUEL NAVON

The fact that Israel has experienced four snap elections within two years is not the outcome of a dysfunctional system but rather of a paradox: that the right-wing has a parliamentary majority, but its leader does not. Because Benjamin Netanyahu has betrayed and alienated too many of his political allies, he has lost their support and is no longer able to form a coalition. Since the defection of ’s nationalist and secular Yisrael Beiteinu party, Netanyahu has been left short of a majority after three consecutive elections (April and September 2019, and March 2020).

The anti-Netanyahu coalition meanwhile had a majority on paper but was too incoherent to govern, as it spanned from Lieberman’s party to the Joint Arab list (itself a union of convenience that included Arab nationalists, communists, and Islamists). ’s promises not to join Netanyahu and not to rely on the Arab List were contradictory, since Gantz could not unseat Netanyahu without the Arab parties. Gantz was bound to break one of his two promises, as he did by joining a coalition government with Netanyahu in May 2020. Having disappointed his voters and having been outmanoeuvred by an old political fox, Gantz burnt his political capital.

Netanyahu blocked the passing of the 2020 state budget to force an early election and exploit a loophole in the agreement he had signed with Gantz. Until December 2020, polls predicted that he would easily obtain the majority he had failed to assemble after three previous elections (those disgruntled voters who switched to Naftali Bennett out of discontent with Netanya- hu were paradoxically expanding the latter’s potential majority). Netanyahu’s secure path to re-election ceased to be a nearly foregone conclusion only with Gideon Saar’s announcement in December 2020 that he was leaving the Likud and running for prime minister.

Why did Saar make this dramatic decision, and why did I decide to endorse him? In a nutshell, because Netanyahu has become dysfunctional and toxic. Netanyahu is the Jekyll and Hyde of Israeli politics. He displayed leadership and courage as finance minister (between 2003-2005) but voted under pressure in favour ’s decision to unilaterally withdraw from the . He talks with conviction about free markets but has done precious little to undo Israel’s monopolies during his combined 15 years as prime minister. He rightly decries judicial activism but has failed to implement a single reform to reign it in.

9 NAVON | NEW HOPE

Despite his imperfections and failings, I once considered Netanyahu the most suited to run the country. Yet he lost my support in 2014, for two reasons: 1) He tried to repeal the institution of the state presidency through a last-minute bill to bar the election of just because holds a grudge against him; and 2) He forced an early election (which took place in 2015) to block a bill that would have cut-down the distribution of his mouthpiece and freebie newspaper . Following these elections Netanyahu became obsessed with being in control of the media, an obsession that eventually produced criminal charges against him.

Through his social media activists and his traditional media mouthpieces, Netanyahu has been promoting a populist narrative describing him as a God-given and irreplaceable shield against enemies from without (Iran) and within (the elites). Yet fanning the flames of identity politics has enabled Netanyahu to preserve his core support but not to assure him a parliamentary majority. Since his indictment in November 2019 for bribery, fraud, and breach of trust, Net- anyahu has stepped up his anti-establishment rhetoric and taken any measure possible to shield himself from trial.

Saar ran against him for the leadership of the Likud in 2019, but Netanyahu has turned the party into a personal operation that rewards submissiveness and punishes dissent. When Ne- tanyahu blocked the passing of the budget and dragged the country to a fourth election, Saar took the bold decision to run against him for prime minister. It is the same Saar who had voted against the Gaza withdrawal in 2005 and who had stood firm against Netanyahu when he tried to repeal the presidency. Saar has proven himself to be a man of courage and of principles at every critical juncture.

Netanyahu has a very good foreign policy record, and he has successfully imported millions of COVID-19 vaccines. But the prime minister has also mismanaged the pandemic by failing to conduct tests at Ben-Gurion airport (thus bringing in variants) and by not fully enforcing lockdowns for fear of crossing his ultra-Orthodox coalition partners. After 15 years as prime minister, it is time for Netanyahu to step down. Gideon Saar is level-headed, has a well- thought worldview and detailed programme, and has an excellent record as education and interior minister. He is the most suited and reliable candidate to replace Netanyahu.

Emmanuel Navon is an expert who lectures at (TAU) and at the Interdisciplinary Center (IDC). He is a senior fellow at the Kohelet Policy Forum and at the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS). His latest book is The Star and the Scepter: A Diplomatic History of Israel (Jewish Publication Society/University of Nebraska Press, 2020).

10 ELECTION 2021 | THE FATHOM ESSAYS

‘WHY I AM VOTING FOR LABOUR’

PETER LERNER

Avoda, Israel’s Labour Party, is the party that established the State of Israel. The ideology of Labour Zionism finally brought me in November 2020 to join as a part member.

Throughout my adult life, as an officer in the (IDF), I was prevented from political activism. My personal political views were expected – by military order – to be exactly that, personal. During my 25 years of service, I cast my ballot every few years, celebrated Isra- el’s democracy, and then went back to my operational routine.

As a spokesperson of the IDF, it was even more important for me to be apolitical. I had to represent the military activities, sometimes in the hardest of circumstances, and put my politics in the back drawer. Throughout my career, I didn’t really find myself in a state of internal con- flict. Israel has the right and obligation to protect itself. The IDF is a responsible, professional, and decent tool of the government to fulfill this mission.

Over the course of my voting history, I always voted in the centre across the spectrum of Likud, Yesh-Atid, , and Labour. In the last three elections I voted for Blue and White and my former commander Benny Gantz because I believed in his decency and candidness. I also believed that he wouldn’t give Benjamin Netanyahu the reins of government. I knew his strengths and was aware of some of his weaknesses. I was wrong. I was deeply disappointed with his action to join Netanyahu, despite understanding the rationale behind it. I was also tired of these ‘prophet politicians’ that talk the talk, but stumble on the walk. It was thus Gantz’s actions that sent me on a personal soul searching process to find my ideology, one that led to me supporting Labour.

Labour Zionism embodies a distinct vision of Jewish destiny as a free nation, building a just society and safeguarding it.

When I joined Labour in November, people thought I was mad. The polls pointed to the ex- tinction of the party that had built the country and led it for almost half of its existence.

As elections were announced, Labour began its internal process of leadership primaries. It was a battle of the old guard versus new powers, and (who stayed out of the Net- anyahu-Gantz government on principle) won the leadership.

11 LERNER | LABOUR

Since Michaeli’s victory and the internal processes of bringing in new blood, (even I briefly considered running for a Knesset seat), the party is once more a relevant political player.

Israel today is deeply divided. Inequality is everywhere. People serve the economy instead of the economy serving the people. If COVID-19 has shown us anything, it is that people need to be at the heart of decision-making. This is the essence of Labour Zionism.

Avoda has risen from the dead and is placing equality, education, social services, and much more on the table. The party believes that, like when we established it in 1948, the Jewish State of Israel requires territorial compromises. Without those compromises, Jews in the Jewish homeland will ultimately become a minority. To fulfill Labour Zionism, we must harmonise our international and social contracts. The rights of our own, and the rights of others. To remain loyal to and to ensure the future of our independent Jewish homeland, we must end permanent control over Palestinians, who are alien to our pursuit of Jewish destiny.

The roles of defence, national security, and civic security are a triarchy that needs to be re- calibrated and better balanced to make Israeli society fairer, stronger, and sustainable. This is Labour Zionism.

So, while I know that Avoda isn’t going to form the next government, I am optimistic that more people see the need for a change – a change in priorities, agenda, and attitude to our fellow countrymen and women. When I joined Labour, the polls projected it wouldn’t cross the electoral threshold. Now it is predicted to win six or seven seats. For me, this would be a great beginning of the renewed Israeli Labour party.

The letters EMET – which appear on the ballot paper for Labour – mean truth in Hebrew. Truth is thus both the letters and the essence of my next vote for Israel’s democracy.

Peter Lerner, a lieutenant-colonel (res.), is the director-general of international relations of the Histad- rut, The General Federation of Labour in Israel, and a former IDF spokesperson.

12 ELECTION 2021 | THE FATHOM ESSAYS

‘WHY I AM VOTING FOR YISREAL BEITEINU’

MK ODED FORER

These elections are about the future of the State of Israel. Not just some theoretical conceptualisation of where we will be in the coming years, but an opportunity to ensure that the Jewish state is sustainable.

The coronavirus pandemic has had many unforeseen consequences. One of them is to be given a taste of our future in Israel if we continue to allow the growth of a ‘state’ within a state – namely the ultra-Orthodox community. It’s a state many of whose leaders teach their followers to ignore the country’s laws, to take without giving, to see themselves as separate from wider society, and to maintain their way of life even if it costs others and themselves their health, livelihoods and lives. Even more worryingly, in some instances violence and deterrence emanating from parts of that community have cowed most of our leaders and law enforcement into silence and inaction.

From the very beginning, many ultra-Orthodox leaders refused to countenance the closing of synagogues and yeshivot, even when it was clearly demonstrated that they were a major source for the spread of the contagion.

Nonetheless, I do not blame just the ultra-Orthodox community for these ethical, moral and halachic errors. I blame a political leadership which at best looked the other way and at worst assisted in these life-threatening ways.

For example, over the last nine months, this government refused to use the ‘traffic light system’ of only closing down areas of high infection, because doing so would have shut down mostly ultra-Orthodox areas. Instead, the government shut down the whole country so as not to be seen as singling out the ultra-Orthodox.

Yet even then there was discrimination – while the ultra-Orthodox currently represent 40 per cent of new coronavirus cases, they have only received 2 per cent of the fines for breaking the restrictions. We witnessed daily police coming to close down businesses or distribute fines for non-compliance all over the country yet ignoring mass events which continued in the ultra- Orthodox areas, even when they were widely known to all.

Tens of thousands of businesses have been irretrievably harmed or been forced to close, hundreds of thousands of people have become unemployed, and millions of children forced

13 FORER | YISRAEL BEITEINU from their schools, only so the prime minister can maintain his current and future political alliance with the ultra-Orthodox political parties.

Those who allow these things to continue with a wink and nod, or with a limp and vague condemnation have little care for health, livelihood and life. Politics trumps all other considerations.

Our current leaders are sending a clear message of immunity and impunity to this community, and its leaders.

We, the general public – religious, traditional and secular – should also be learning our lessons.

While today it is about a pandemic that hopefully will be under control in a matter of months, we must start preparing for the future.

We already live in a situation whereby, while only 55 per cent of ultra-Orthodox work, two thirds of their youths own their own property. Meanwhile 88 per cent of the rest of the population works and less than 30 per cent own a property. The average person in Israel pays 4,371 NIS in monthly taxes, the average ultra-Orthodox person pays 1,516 NIS.

One doesn’t need to be an economist to understand the unsustainability of this situation.

In a generation or less, it will be too late to change the future, as the ultra-Orthodox population moves from 12 per cent of the population to 25 per cent and beyond. Today, around half of all Israeli children in the first grade are ultra-Orthodox. This will ensure a political reality which demographically will be exponentially harder to ignore.

This means that when our children and grandchildren are ready to serve in the army, go out into the world and make a living, the situation will become increasingly unsustainable. They will sink under a constantly rising tax burden that will need to be raised in order to keep others in the manner to which they have become accustomed.

Dealing with this problem next year is too late, it must be dealt with today. Yisrael Beiteinu is the only party which has officially stated and promised that it will end this situation and put the ultra-Orthodox political parties in the opposition. They will no longer control the Knesset Finance Committee, the Housing Ministry, or any other centre of power where they work solely for their own constituency to the detriment of all other Israelis, and imperil our future.

This is what these elections are about. The very future of the State of Israel.

Oded Forer is an MK and the Knesset Faction Chairman of the Yisrael Beiteinu Party.

14 ELECTION 2021 | THE FATHOM ESSAYS

‘WHY I AM VOTING FOR THE ARAB JOINT LIST’

GULI DOLEV-HASHILONI

At first glance, it may seem like these elections – like the previous three – concern one topic: Benjamin Netanyahu, and his unconstrained effort to keep himself out of jail. Yet this view, that many so-called opposition parties promote, is only a camouflage to the mechanisms of incitement, oppression, cronyism and patronage which allowed Netanyahu’s premiership in the first place.

I genuinely believe in all the beautiful words we were taught in childhood, that sound almost naïve these elections: civil equality, bridging social and economic gaps, sexual and religious freedom, and more and more. In light of this, my moral and political aspirations don’t amount to the replacing of one right-wing prime minister with another. I’m in for the grand prize: the creation of a true democracy, treating all of its citizens justly.

I am proud to resist the occupation, or may I say the apartheid, of Palestine – which introduced Israel to norms of oppression. I resist the brutal economy, built on socialist benefits for the rich and harsh capitalism for the rest, that has paved the way for the corruption which has gotten completely out of control. I resist the way Israel abuses its asylum seeker community and deprives it of the right to refugee status. I resist the abandonment of women to domestic violence and the exploitation of our natural resources. For all those reasons, I have no choice but to vote for the Joint List.

As a Jew, some find it strange that I vote for an Arab-led party. But I believe that – in contrast to the positions of the so-called centre left parties – the interests of the ideological left, to which I proudly belong, completely overlap with the political goals of the Palestinian minority. Maybe it’s due to the harsh discrimination that the minority has always been subject to, but the fact is that the Joint List has always loudly resisted all the trends that led to the current deterioration of Israel’s democratic sphere. Moreover, I believe there’s a great importance in the growing support for the Joint List among Jews. Our vote is a powerful testimony to all the good people who lost their hope that there are people who truly want a Jewish-Arab partnership and aren’t afraid to act accordingly.

The arbitrary COVID-19 restrictions revealed to many that the government is only worried about its political survival. Normal citizens suspected of being infected with Corona have found themselves subject to the surveillance techniques the government uses in Palestine and

15 GULI | JOINT LIST have lost their sense of privacy. When the demonstrations were outlawed, others discovered that police brutality is not only used against ultra-Orthodox or Ethiopian Jews, but against anyone challenging the government. All began to understand that even in the midst of one the greatest crises in Israel’s history, the parties of the existing wide and maladjusted government are acting completely irresponsibly and failing to transcend their own narrow interest. I hope many of the disillusioned people will join us at the Joint List, and I am optimistic that they will.

The vote for the Joint List is not only ideological, but also pragmatic: this is the only party that remains suspicious not only of Netanyahu, but of those trying to replace him – Gideon Saar, and Naftali Bennett. On the one hand, the Joint List is entirely devoted to a political change, as it proved in the last elections, when it recommended Benny Gantz as prime minister. On the other hand, if another dreadful government will form, the Joint list are the only ones I wholeheartedly trust to oppose it.

Guli is the Education Assistant at ARDC, and prior to that he was a journalist at Galei Tzahal, where he produced and edited programmes about Africa.

16 ELECTION 2021 | THE FATHOM ESSAYS

‘WHY I AM VOTING FOR YAMINA’

SHRAGA ALWEISS

The Israeli public approaches these elections battered and bruised. Quite simply, there have been too many failed attempts at creating a coalition to lead the country that possesses both a stable majority in the Knesset and the confidence of the majority of citizens.

Couple this with the added uncertainty, frustration and malaise caused by COVID, and the deep fissures it has exposed in Israeli society - and the perhaps even deeper flaws it has exposed in the way the country is being led - and it becomes clear that this election is being fought on very different lines from previous campaigns. This time it’s less about ideology, and more about character and competence.

The first order of business is the need for Israel to put its mind towards recovering economically.

Netanyahu‘s government has had no sound, consistent and transparent strategy to address the pandemic. Whilst he deserves praise for securing the vaccines which now offer us a new beginning, his management of every other aspect of the crisis has been a colossal failure.

I believe that this is down to the way that Netanyahu chose to run things, with his judgement clouded by his own personal concerns and his mind always on the legal battles he is fighting to clear his name. His total dependence on the ultra-Orthodox parties – their whims and interests – for his political survival has exacted a heavy toll on us all. The cloud of impropriety hanging over his head has sullied the office of the prime minister, and his leadership has only exacerbated sectoral divides.

The one candidate who from the very start has consistently stressed the centrality and urgency of this dimension of the crisis has been Naftali Bennett, head of Yamina. He was the only one, when as a government minister back when COVID was in its infancy, who worked night and day planning a route through the crisis. Indeed, he wrote an entire book on the subject.

The Singapore Plan that Bennett has put together for the economy is bold and creative. It provides an opportunity to do away with the antiquated policies held over from the first years of the fledgling state. We are a powerhouse of innovation and technology, and shouldbe leading the way in streamlining processes, dropping needless taxes and standards, and getting

17 ALWEISS | YAMINA business back to life.

It is time for a younger, more dynamic leadership to come to the fore. Bennett has the character, skills and experience to be that leader. He is a successful international high-tech businessman – a rarity in party leadership in Israel. He has demonstrated aptitude and ability over the years, from the ministerial posts he has held in education and defence. He has also displayed the clarity of vision and boldness of mind to plan and execute strategy. , the party’s number two, also has a varied and strong pedigree in both politics and commerce. She excelled as Minister of Justice implementing long overdue reforms. I for one, will be delighted to see her occupy that post once again. Ayelet is not religious, which also appeals to me. It reflects Yamina’s bona-fides as a party that is truly representative of citizens from varied sectors of the general public – yet with an ideology underpinned by Jewish values. Indeed, every candidate filling the top ten positions on the list offers a rich and deep array of skills and community affiliations. There is something novel about a political party that sets out to refresh the Knesset scene with a breadth of religious values amongst the candidates and a down to earth and open approach to others – Jew and non-Jew. Yamina proffers a positive right-leaning attitude to politics tempered by clear realism.

Traditionally, we Israelis have chosen our candidates on a left-right affiliation. Foreign policy and attitude to various peace moves and settlements has dominated. That is not where the story is any more. There is a sense that we need new ideas and new energy to address current and future threats and opportunities – on Iran, international trade, repairing relations with many in the US and Europe, climate change and more.

Israel needs a leadership that is newer and younger, fresh yet assured; a leadership that reflects the country’s right-leaning majority, but also represents the full spectrum of Israeli life; a leadership that will work in the interests of the country as a whole, not just its own sectoral partners; a leadership which marries traditional aspects of Israeli and Jewish life but is armed with an openness to the world and a readiness and ability to seize the opportunities of the post- COVID era. Israel needs Naftali Bennett and his Yamina party.

Shraga Alweiss is an English born Israeli entrepreneur living in Jerusalem. Work and voluntary communal programming has taken him to far flung places on earth, but he’s happiest at home in the Holy Land.

18 ELECTION 2021 | THE FATHOM ESSAYS

‘WHY I AM (RELUCTANTLY) VOTING FOR MERETZ’

ITTAY FLESCHER

As an Israeli with progressive values who believes in seeing equality for all people who live in this land, I’m pleased that for this election Meretz has a list that has 40 per cent Arab representa- tion in the top 5, and equal male-female representation in the top 10.

My desire to support Meretz despite the issues I have with the way it communicates its agenda mainly lies in the fact that I feel the party will fight hardest in the Knesset for the values I hold dear. These include ending the occupation, preventing loss of life from war and terrorism, combatting violence against women, stopping gun violence in Arab communities, and ensur- ing Health Ministry rules during the pandemic are enforced equally – without fear or favour.

As a party that has been fighting for a more just economy and justice for Palestinians since the founding of the state (in its previous incarnation), the positions of Meretz on civil marriage, public transport on Shabbat and advancing an agreement with the Palestinians are actually shared by the majority of Israelis. Yet this is rarely reflected in the number of votes it receives. This shows that the party needs to work in a much smarter way at building solidarity between marginalised communities.

Even in opposition, Meretz MKs have proven to be some of the most effective in the Knesset. Despite not having been in government since ’s premiership over 20 years ago, Meretz MKs have in recent years passed laws that have prevented bank loans to tycoons, in- creased support for people with disabilities, and helped women in shelters keep their financial benefits.

At certain moments in history, there’s nothing to be ashamed about choosing to be in op- position. Vocal opposition parties such as Meretz are essential elements of every democracy. Whether or not they are included in the next coalition, I know Meretz will continue standing in the front line of defending Israel’s human rights NGOs and speaking out further against settlement construction on land that should be part of a Palestinian homeland.

Benjamin Netanyahu’s recent embrace of Jewish supremacists in the Religious Zionists Party, who justifies revenge ‘price tag’ attacks on Palestinians and delegitimises Reform Jews and the LGBT community, has been deeply disappointing for me as an Israeli.

Ittay Flescher is a journalist and educator who moved to Jerusalem from Australia in 2018.

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