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Trials of the War Criminals
TRIALS OF THE WAR CRIMINALS General Considerations The Fascist regime that ruled Romania between September 14, 1940, and August 23, 1944, was brought to justice in Bucharest in May 1946, and after a short trial, its principal leaders—Ion and Mihai Antonescu and two of their closest assistants—were executed, while others were sentenced to life imprisonment or long terms of detention. At that time, the trial’s verdicts seemed inevitable, as they indeed do today, derived inexorably from the defendants’ decisions and actions. The People’s Tribunals functioned for a short time only. They were disbanded on June 28, 1946,1 although some of the sentences were not pronounced until sometime later. Some 2,700 cases of suspected war criminals were examined by a commission formed of “public prosecutors,”2 but only in about half of the examined cases did the commission find sufficient evidence to prosecute, and only 668 were sentenced, many in absentia.3 There were two tribunals, one in Bucharest and one in Cluj. It is worth mentioning that the Bucharest tribunal sentenced only 187 people.4 The rest were sentenced by the tribunal in Cluj. One must also note that, in general, harsher sentences were pronounced by the Cluj tribunal (set up on June 22, 1 Marcel-Dumitru Ciucă, “Introducere” in Procesul maresalului Antonescu (Bucharest: Saeculum and Europa Nova, 1995-98), vol. 1: p. 33. 2 The public prosecutors were named by communist Minister of Justice Lucret iu Pătrăşcanu and most, if not all of them were loyal party members, some of whom were also Jews. -
Romania Redivivus
alexander clapp ROMANIA REDIVIVUS nce the badlands of neoliberal Europe, Romania has become its bustling frontier. A post-communist mafia state that was cast to the bottom of the European heap by opinion- makers sixteen years ago is now billed as the success story Oof eu expansion.1 Its growth rate at nearly 6 per cent is the highest on the continent, albeit boosted by fiscal largesse.2 In Bucharest more politicians have been put in jail for corruption over the past decade than have been convicted in the rest of Eastern Europe put together. Romania causes Brussels and Berlin almost none of the headaches inflicted by the Visegrád Group—Czechia, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia— which in 1993 declined to accept Romania as a peer and collectively entered the European Union three years before it. Romanians con- sistently rank among the most Europhile people in the Union.3 An anti-eu party has never appeared on a Romanian ballot, much less in the parliament. Scattered political appeals to unsavoury interwar traditions—Legionnairism, Greater Romanianism—attract fewer voters than do far-right movements across most of Western Europe. The two million Magyars of Transylvania, one of Europe’s largest minorities, have become a model for inter-ethnic relations after a time when the park benches of Cluj were gilded in the Romanian tricolore to remind every- one where they were. Indeed, perhaps the aptest symbol of Romania’s place in Europe today is the man who sits in the Presidential Palace of Cotroceni in Bucharest. Klaus Iohannis—a former physics teacher at a high school in Sibiu, once Hermannstadt—is an ethnic German head- ing a state that, a generation ago, was shipping hundreds of thousands of its ‘Saxons’ ‘back’ to Bonn at 4,000–10,000 Deutschmarks a head. -
Romanians of the French Resistance
French History, Vol. 28, No. 4 (2014) doi:10.1093/fh/cru080 Advance Access publication 10 October 2014 ROMANIANS OF THE FRENCH RESISTANCE GAVIn BOWD* Downloaded from Robert Guédiguian’s film L’Armée du crime and Didier Daeninckx’s novel Missak have been recent reminders of the role of immigrants in the French Resistance. The fate of the ‘Groupe Manouchian’, twenty-two men and one woman executed in early 1944 (they were used in the Nazi propaganda campaign L’Affiche rouge), still resonates and provokes controversy, raising the issue of the silence which http://fh.oxfordjournals.org/ has often surrounded the place of foreigners in la France résistante. What is more, it raises the wider issues of the fate of many of the surviving résistants in post-war communist Eastern Europe and the potential conflicts between inter- nationalism, nationalism and ethnicity. This article seeks to address such issues by examining the largely overlooked involvement of Romanians in the French Resistance, and the significant role they played—well beyond their numerical strength—in both the struggle against the German Occupier and in the post- at University of North Dakota on June 5, 2015 war communist regime. If this could be seen as yet another example of l’amitié franco-roumaine—those strong political and cultural bonds that made of Bucharest a ‘petit Paris’ and of the French capital a place of pilgrimage and ref- uge—it also reveals a complex and sometimes tragic entanglement. An event such as l’Affaire Manouchian is rightly cited as an example of the ‘Vichy Syndrome’ described by Henry Rousso, where a nation’s reassur- ing self-image is shattered by the unbearable reminder of ‘la guerre franco- française’.1 But this resurgence of a past that ‘will not pass’ goes beyond the strictly national frame. -
The Tragicomedy of Romanian Communism
RESEARCH REPORT T O NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE : THE TRAGICOMEDY OF ROMANIAN COMMUNIS M AUTHOR : Vladimir Tismanean u CONTRACTOR : Foreign Policy Researc h Institute PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Vladimir Tismanean u COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 903-0 4 DATE : September, 198 9 The work leading to this report was supported by funds provided b y the National Council for Soviet and East European Research . Th e analysis and interpretations contained in the report are those o f the author . a NOTE This report, based on an article to be published i n Eastern EuropeanPolitics andSocieties, is an inciden- tal product of the Council Contract identified on the title page . It is not the Final Report, which wa s distributed in August, 1989 . TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Introduction 1 Stalin's Romanian Disciples 1 1 The Comintern and the RCP 1 6 Stalinism for All Seasons 3 4 The Anti-De-Stalinization Platform 3 9 The Road to Absolute Power 43 The Manipulated Manipulator 47 Assault on the Party Apparatus 5 2 Notes 57 The Tragicomedy of Romanian Communis m Vladimir Tismanean u Un monde sans tyrans serait aussi ennuyeux qu'un jardi n zoologique sans hyenes . E . M . Cioran, Histoire et utopi e Now, despite eternal cabals in the inner clique and unendin g shifts of personnel, with their tremendous accumulation o f hatred, bitterness, and personal resentment, the Leader' s position can remain secure against chaotic palace revolution s not because of his superior gifts, about which the men in hi s intimate surroundings frequently have no great illusions, bu t because of these men's sincere and sensible conviction tha t without him everything would be immediately lost . -
Dniester Jews Between
PARALLEL RUPTURES: JEWS OF BESSARABIA AND TRANSNISTRIA BETWEEN ROMANIAN NATIONALISM AND SOVIET COMMUNISM, 1918-1940 BY DMITRY TARTAKOVSKY DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2009 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Professor Mark D. Steinberg, Chair Professor Keith Hitchins Professor Diane P. Koenker Professor Harriet Murav Assistant Professor Eugene Avrutin Abstract ―Parallel Ruptures: Jews of Bessarabia and Transnistria between Romanian Nationalism and Soviet Communism, 1918-1940,‖ explores the political and social debates that took place in Jewish communities in Romanian-held Bessarabia and the Moldovan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic during the interwar era. Both had been part of the Russian Pale of Settlement until its dissolution in 1917; they were then divided by the Romanian Army‘s occupation of Bessarabia in 1918 with the establishment of a well-guarded border along the Dniester River between two newly-formed states, Greater Romania and the Soviet Union. At its core, the project focuses in comparative context on the traumatic and multi-faceted confrontation with these two modernizing states: exclusion, discrimination and growing violence in Bessarabia; destruction of religious tradition, agricultural resettlement, and socialist re-education and assimilation in Soviet Transnistria. It examines also the similarities in both states‘ striving to create model subjects usable by the homeland, as well as commonalities within Jewish responses on both sides of the border. Contacts between Jews on either side of the border remained significant after 1918 despite the efforts of both states to curb them, thereby necessitating a transnational view in order to examine Jewish political and social life in borderland regions. -
The Sovietization of the Romanian Historiography. Case Study: in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Cluj History Institute, 1948-1953
The Sovietization of the Romanian Historiography. Case Study: Cluj History Institute, 1948-1953. By Grigore Claudiu Moldovan. Submitted to Central European University History Department In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Marsha Siefert Second Reader: Professor Constantin Iordachi CEU eTD Collection BUDAPEST 2009 Statement of Copyright “Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author.” CEU eTD Collection 1 Abstract In the same year with the creation of the new Academy and the new educational legislative act, all former Romanian historical institutions were replaced with one History Institute controlled by the Party. The educational and the scientific institutions were either destroyed or segregated; competence was replaced with devotion towards the regime. Its agenda was to create a “new man”, on the model of homo sovieticus. How did this institution’s structuring affect the former History Institute of Cluj, and what were the ‘actors’ involved in the implementation of the soviet model? CEU eTD Collection 2 Table of Contents INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................... -
Robert Levy, Ana Pauker: the Rise and Fall of a Jewish Communist
Book Reviews Robert Levy, Ana Pauker: The Rise and Fall of a Jewish Communist. Berkeley: Univer- sity of California Press, 2001. 406 pp. $ 35.00. Reviewed by Robert Weiner, University of Massachusetts at Boston Ana Pauker, the legendary “Iron Lady” of Romania, was the unofªcial leader of the Romanian Communist Party immediately after World War II. She was appointed for- eign minister in 1947 and also served as deputy minister of agriculture. Using newly Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/jcws/article-pdf/4/4/126/695719/jcws.2002.4.4.126.pdf by guest on 29 September 2021 available archival material, Robert Levy paints a generally sympathetic portrait of Pauker as the epitome of socialism with a human face. Although Levy is aware that vi- tal documentary evidence may have been tampered with and destroyed, his assessment is much more favorable than the accounts in conventional Western and Romanian historiography during both the Communist era and the post-Communist period, which depicted Pauker as a Stalinist monster. Pauker was born on 13 December 1893 in what is now Moldova, the grand- daughter of a rabbi. Levy makes a great deal out of her Jewish background as he dis- cusses the historical and political circumstances in turn-of-the-century Romania that gave rise to anti-Semitism. These circumstances were the backdrop for the formation of Pauker’s contradictory nature. Levy argues that anti-Semitism in Romania helped motivate Pauker to become a revolutionary personality. In her early years as a dedi- cated and precocious Communist, she worked in the Latin section of the Communist International (Comintern), the organization set up by the Soviet Union to bind the world’s Communist parties together under Soviet domination. -
The Rise and Fall of a Jewish Communist
00-C1478-FM 11/22/00 12:42 PM Page i Ana Pauker 00-C1478-FM 11/22/00 12:42 PM Page ii 00-C1478-FM 11/22/00 12:42 PM Page iii Ana Pauker The Rise and Fall of a Jewish Communist Robert Levy UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley . Los Angeles . London 00-C1478-FM 11/22/00 12:42 PM Page iv Frontispiece: Ana Pauker, 1926. Courtesy of Tatiana Bra˘tescu and Gheorghe Bra˘tescu. University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd. London, England © 2001 by The Regents of the University of California Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Levy, Robert, 1957–. Ana Pauker: the rise and fall of a Jewish Communist / Robert Levy. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 0-520-22395-0 (cloth: alk. paper). 1. Pauker, Ana, 1893–1960. 2. Romania— Politics and government—1944–1989. 3. Cabinet officers—Romania—Biography. 4. Communists—Romania—Biography. 5. Jews—Romania—Biography. I. Title. dr267.5.p38 l48 2001 949.803Ј1Ј092—dc21 [b] 99-087890 cip Manufactured in the United States of America 09 08 07 06 05 04 03 02 01 10987654321 The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of ansi/niso z39.48-1992 (r 1997) (Permanence of Paper). ᭺ϱ 00-C1478-FM 11/22/00 12:42 PM Page v To Mary and Isaac Rosenberg 00-C1478-FM 11/22/00 12:42 PM Page vi Last, but most certainly not least, there was Ana Pauker.... I have always felt when I was with her that she was like a boa constrictor which has just been fed, and therefore is not going to eat you—at the moment! Heavy and sluggish as she seemed, she had all that is repellent and yet horribly fascinating in a snake. -
Hungarian Revolution of 1956 and Romanian
Published In: „The Crisis of the ‘50s- Political and Military Aspects”- Proceedings of the Romania-Israeli seminar, IDF- Department of History, Tel Aviv, February 2007, pp. 6-21 The Impact of Hungarian Revolution of 1956 on Romanian Political “Establishment” CARMEN RIJNOVEANU Scientific researcher, Institute for Political Studies of Defense and Military History From the beginning it should be said that in 1956 Romanian communist leadership faced with key-major challenges whose consequences reshaped the whole policy promoted by Romania at internal as well as international level. Romanian leader Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej correctly understood that both the destalinization process initiated by the new Soviet leader N. Khrushchev and the impact of Hungarian anti-communist movement could turn into an open threat against his own political power. This insecurity was basically the engine driving his strategy towards both issues and motivating further on the rethinking of his policy at international level, with a special focus on the relation with USSR. The paper will start with an overview on the main characteristics of the Romania’s political situation in the context of 1956 Hungarian crisis as a general background for understanding the further actions taken by the Romanian leadership in relation to this event. It will then look at Bucharest’s general approach towards the political developments from the neighbor country with a special focus on the way in which Communist Romania has been involved and the 1 major actions undertaken in this regard. At the end, I intend to draw up a general perspective on the main consequences/implications these events had upon the future evolution of Romania’s position within Warsaw Pact and in relation to the Soviet Union. -
Granville Outcover.Indd
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian & East European Studies Johanna Granville Number 1905 “If Hope Is Sin, Then We Are All Guilty”: Romanian Students’ Reactions to the Hungarian Revolution and Soviet Intervention, 1956–1958 The Carl Beck Papers in Russian & East European Studies Number 1905 Johanna Granville “If Hope Is Sin, Then We Are All Guilty”: Romanian Students’ Reactions to the Hungarian Revolution and Soviet Intervention, 1956–1958 Dr. Johanna Granville is a visiting professor of history at Novosibirsk State University in Russia, where she is also conducting multi-archival research for a second monograph on dissent throughout the communist bloc in the 1950s. She is the author of The First Domino: International Decision Making during the Hungarian Crisis of 1956 (2004) and was recently a Campbell Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, USA. No. 1905, April 2008 © 2008 by The Center for Russian and East European Studies, a program of the University Center for International Studies, University of Pittsburgh ISSN 0889-275X Image from cover: Map of Romania, from CIA World Factbook 2002, public domain. The Carl Beck Papers Editors: William Chase, Bob Donnorummo, Ronald H. Linden Managing Editor: Eileen O’Malley Editorial Assistant: Vera Dorosh Sebulsky Submissions to The Carl Beck Papers are welcome. Manuscripts must be in English, double-spaced throughout, and between 40 and 90 pages in length. Acceptance is based on anonymous review. Mail submissions to: Editor, The Carl Beck Papers, Center for Russian and East European Studies, 4400 Wesley W. Posvar Hall, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, PA 15260. Abstract The events of 1956 (the Twentieth CPSU Congress, Khrushchev’s Secret Speech, and the Hungarian revolution) had a strong impact on the evolution of the Romanian communist regime, paving the way for the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Roma- nia in 1958, the stricter policy toward the Transylvanian Hungarians, and Romania’s greater independence from the USSR in the 1960s. -
Institutul De Studii Istorice Si Social
NR. INVENTAR: 3229 ARHIVELE NAŢIONALE SERVICIUL ARHIVE NAŢIONALE ISTORICE CENTRALE BIROUL ARHIVE CONTEMPORANE FOND INSTITUTUL DE STUDII ISTORICE ŞI SOCIAL-POLITICE FOTOTECA – Portrete INVENTAR 3414 u.a. Arhivele Nationale ale Romaniei PREFAŢĂ 1. Istoricul creatorului fondului - Institutul de Studii Istorice şi Social-Politice Institutul de Studii Istorice şi Social-Politice (I.S.I.S.P.) a devenit funcţional la 26 martie 1951, sub denumirea de Institut de Istorie a Partidului, având ca principal scop cercetarea şi (re)scrierea istoriei mişcării muncitoreşti, socialiste (social-democrate) şi comuniste din România şi din lume în conformitate cu propaganda oficială şi linia politico-ideologică a P.M.R./P.C.R. Relaţia Institutului cu Partidul Comunist este demonstrată prin directa tutelare a acestuia de către Comitetul Central al Partidului. Problema înfiinţării unui asemenea institut s-a discutat încă din anul 1950, când prin Hotărârea Biroului Politic al C.C. al P.M.R. nr.2/1950 s-a decis organizarea Institutului de Istorie a Partidului, însă noua instituţie şi-a început oficial activitatea un an mai târziu, la data de 8 mai 1951. Comitetul Politic Executiv al P.C.R. a hotărât la 22 martie 1966 transformarea Institutului de Istorie a Partidului în Institutul de Studii Istorice şi Social- Politice de pe lângă C.C. al P.C.R. Institutul era condus de un consiliu ştiinţific din care iniţial făceau parte şi unii dintre principalii lideri comunişti români: Gheorghe Gheorghiu- Dej, Ana Pauker, Vasile Luca, Teohari Georgescu, Lothar Rădăceanu, Iosif Chişinevschi, Alexandru Moghioroş, Gheorghe Apostol, Constantin Pârvulescu, Ion Niculi, Leonte Răutu, Mihail Roller, Gheorghe Stoica, Sorin Toma, A. -
Diplomatici Ai URSS,SUA Şi Marrea Britanie, PNŢ,PNL,PSD,PCR Au Creat O Coaliţie ,Cu Scopul Constituirii Unui Guvern Care Să Încheie Armistiţiul Cu Naţiunile Unite
VICTIMELE GENOCIDULUI: DIPLOMAŢI [sinteză Livia Dandara] Miniştrii de Externe : 23 aug.'44- 29 dec.'89- 12 mai '95 ) LD: Enumerăm şefii diplomaţiei româneşti în "epoca Dej " , "epoca Ceauşescu " şi "epoca Iliescu" ,pentru a medita asupra rolului sau răspunderii lor în represiunea regimului comunist , pentru a imprima un anume curs poziţionării României pe planul relaţiilor internaţionale. -Grigore Niculescu-Buzeşti - guv.Sănătescu (I ): 23 aug.-3 nov.'44 ; - Constantin Vişoianu - guv.Sănătescu(II ) şi guv.Nicolae Rădescu ( 4 nov. '44-5 mart'45 ) - Gheorghe Tătărescu -guv. Petru Groza (I, II ) : 6 mart.'45- 5 nov.'47. - Ana Pauker - guv. Petru Groza (II, III, IV) şi guv.Gheorghiu- Dej( I ): (5 nov.'47 -10 iul'52 ) - Simion Bughici - guv. Gheorghe Gheorghiu -Dej ( I, II ): 10 iul.'52 - 4 oct.'55 ; - Grigore Preoteasa - guv. Gheorghiu Dej (II ) , guv. Chivu Stoica : 4 oct.'55 - 15 iul.'57 ; - Ion Gh.Maurer - guv.Chivu Stoica : 15 iul.'57 - 21 mart.'61 - Corneliu Mănescu - guv. I.Gh.Maurer ( I ,II,III,IV, V ): 21 mart'61 - 23 oct.'72.) - George Macovescu - guv. IGMaurer ( V) şi guv. Manea Mănescu (I): 23 oct.'72 - 23 mart.'78 ) - Ştefan Andrei - guv.Manea Mănescu ,guv.Ilie Verdeţ ,guv.C.Dăscălescu :mart.'78 -22 dec.'89 ). Revoluţia din dec.'89 - Sergiu Celac - guv.provizoriu Petre Roman: 26 dec.'89-28 iun.'90 - Adrian Năstase - guv. Petre Roman ( II ), guv.Stolojan :28 iun.'90 - 19 nov.'92 - Teodor Viorel Meleşcanu - guv.Stolojan , guv. Nic.Văcăroiu : 19 nov.'92 -12 mai'95 CRONOLOGIE LEGISLAŢIE REPRESIUNE /23 august '39 - / iunie '40 / iun.'41 / România- stat învins [LD: nu este cazul să fac- fie şi pe scurt- istoria războiului al II-lea mondial.