On the Value of Social Reproduction Informal Labour, the Majority World and the Need for Inclusive Theories and Politics Alessandra Mezzadri
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Telling the Truth About Class
TELLING THE TRUTH ABOUT CLASS G. M. TAMÁS ne of the central questions of social theory has been the relationship Obetween class and knowledge, and this has also been a crucial question in the history of socialism. Differences between people – acting and knowing subjects – may influence our view of the chances of valid cognition. If there are irreconcilable discrepancies between people’s positions, going perhaps as far as incommensurability, then unified and rational knowledge resulting from a reasoned dialogue among persons is patently impossible. The Humean notion of ‘passions’, the Nietzschean notions of ‘resentment’ and ‘genealogy’, allude to the possible influence of such an incommensurability upon our ability to discover truth. Class may be regarded as a problem either in epistemology or in the philosophy of history, but I think that this separation is unwarranted, since if we separate epistemology and the philosophy of history (which is parallel to other such separations characteristic of bourgeois society itself) we cannot possibly avoid the rigidly-posed conundrum known as relativism. In speak- ing about class (and truth, and class and truth) we are the heirs of two socialist intellectual traditions, profoundly at variance with one another, although often intertwined politically and emotionally. I hope to show that, up to a point, such fusion and confusion is inevitable. All versions of socialist endeavour can and should be classified into two principal kinds, one inaugurated by Rousseau, the other by Marx. The two have opposite visions of the social subject in need of liberation, and these visions have determined everything from rarefied epistemological posi- tions concerning language and consciousness to social and political attitudes concerning wealth, culture, equality, sexuality and much else. -
Bourdieu and Criminology Foreword
Criminology & Criminal Justice. Special Collection of Articles on: Bourdieu and Criminology Foreword Bourdieu on the Block: Punishment, Policing and the Street Fraser, A. and Sandberg, S (2020) This essay introduces the Special Issue 'Bourdieu on the Block: Punishment, Policing and the Street'. Although Bourdieu wrote comparatively little on criminological matters, references to Bourdieu's work have in the last decade gathered into a steady stream. There is a sense in which criminology, though something of a late-adopter, may be beginning to undergo its own 'Bourdieusian moment'. Notably, several of the contributions to this emergent discussion have taken place in the pages of this journal. Our intention in bringing them together is to take stock of the 'field of reception' into which Bourdieu's concepts have entered. We have selected articles that directly engage with Bourdieu, either embracing the framework or criticizing it, in something more than a throwaway reference. As represented in the papers, there are at least three tributaries that have pooled to form what we might term a putative Bourdieusian criminology: punishment, policing and the street. In recognizing the mutually constitutive role of structure, culture and agency in the wellspring of social action, Bourdieu creates a vocabulary for a systematic sociology of crime and criminalisation that bears further development and debate. Taken together, we believe these papers demonstrate not only the important role that Bourdieu has played in criminological research but also the potential to expand further. In order to clarify and develop these approaches, we suggest two future directions for the development of a Bourdieusian criminology. -
Althusser After Althusser
REVIEWS Althusser after Althusser Louis Althusser, Philosophy of the Encounter: Later Writings, 1978–1987, ed. François Matheron and Olivier Corpet, trans. and introduced by G.M. Goshgarian, Verso, London and New York, 2006. 300 pp. £50.00 hb., £16.99 pb., 1 84467 069 4 hb., 1 84467 553 X pb. ʻI am looking, in the history of philosophy, for the Althusser most dramatically addresses the question elements that will enable us to account for what Marx of non-publication in reminding us of Marxʼs refusal thought and the form in which he thought itʼ, writes to publish the theoretically invaluable ʻCritique of Althusser in ʻPhilosophy and Marxismʼ. The statement the Gotha Programmeʼ at a crucial moment in the arguably describes his project as a whole, from For historical institution of Marxism. Meekly resisting his Marx onwards, in which he tracks down the ways in own status as a ʻMarxistʼ (when he could rather have which Marx avoids epistemological capture by Hege- deployed the ʻtheoretical-personage effectʼ emerg- lianism and political economy and breaks away into a ing around him), Marx, paradoxically for a critic of new science of history. But here it also refers specifi- political idealism, refused to intervene theoretically in cally to a more positive turn in his endeavours: the party political practice: the founding of the German articulation of a possible ʻmaterialism of the encounterʼ Social Democratic Party on completely misguided or ʻaleatory materialismʼ. ʻPhilosophy and Marxismʼ, a ʻcommunistʼ grounds. Maybe these texts by Althusser long interview, originally published in Mexico in 1988 – together with their associated correspondence – will (interestingly, aimed ʻexclusivelyʼ at a Latin American prove to be politically and theoretically invaluable in audience of students and political activists), is the most the future too. -
Sociology As Self-Transformation
SOCIOLOGY AS BOURDIEU'SSELF-TRANSFORMATION CLASS THEORY The Appeal &The Limitations Academic of as the Revolutionary Work of Pierre Bourdieu DYLAN RILEY ierre Bourdieu was a universal intellectual whose work ranges from P highly abstract, quasi-philosophical explorations to survey research, and whose enormous contemporary influence is only comparable to that previously enjoyed by Sartre or Foucault. Born in 1930 in a small provincial town in southwestern France where his father was the local postman, he made his way to the pinnacle of the French academic establishment, the École Normale Supérieur ( ENS), receiving the agrégation in philosophy in 1955. Unlike many other normaliens of his generation, Bourdieu did not join the Communist Party, although his close collaborator Jean-Claude Passeron did form part of a heterodox communist cell organized by Michel Foucault, and Bourdieu was clearly influenced by Althusserian Marxism in this period.1 Following his agrégation, Bourdieu’s original plan was to produce a thesis under the direction of the eminent philosopher of science and historical epistemologist Georges Canguilhem. But his philosophical career was interrupted by the draf. The young scholar was sent to Algeria, evidently as 1 David Swartz, Culture and Power: The Sociology of Pierre Bourdieu (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), 20. Catalyst SUMMER 2017 punishment for his anticolonial politics,2 where he performed military service for a year and subsequently decided to stay on as a lecturer in the Faculty of Letters at Algiers.3 Bourdieu’s Algerian experience was decisive for his later intellectual formation; here he turned away from epistemology and toward fieldwork, producing two masterful ethnographic studies: Sociologie de l’Algérie and Esquisse d’une théorie de la pratique. -
Socialism, Feminism and Men
Socialism, Feminism and Men Peter Middleton Feminism has been both welcomed and resisted by socialist they return to either a divided socialism pretending to an men in the past twenty years. As a critique of exploitation and imaginary unity, or an uneasy masquerade as feminists. Nei inequality, feminism has been easily recognisable to social ther is tenable. Men can and should support feminism, but ism. Women can be added on to its emancipatory project as they cannot be its subjects, representatives or policy makers. another oppressed class to be liberated. In practice this has How can we speak of a socialist politics in which gender often meant that feminist politics and socialist politics have was recognised to be involved with its every aspect, that managed an uneasy co-operation, a co-ordination that breaks would make it possible for men to take active roles, and that down when specific issues highlight the consequences in would remain socialist and pro-feminist? That, I want to priorities and strategies of their seemingly incompatible fun suggest, is one of the most pressing demands on the socialist damental analyses of contemporary society. Feminism has agenda, and one of the hardest to respond to in both theory and been resisted when these fundamental differences have be practice.2 In the remainder of this article I will discuss two come central to political strategy. The respective emphases on areas of especial conceptual difficulty: the questions of op the primacy of patriarchy or the relations of production have pression and of sexual difference. The confusion these have created a split between feminists and socialists. -
Notes on Gender in Marx's Capital
CONTINENTAL THOUGHT & THEORY: A JOURNAL OF INTELLECTUAL FREEDOM Notes on Gender in Marx’s Capital Volume 1 | Issue 4: 150 years of Capital 19-37| ISSN: 2463-333X Notes on Gender in Marx’s Capital Silvia Federici Abstract As interest in Marxism and Feminism is reviving and Marx’s views on ‘gender’ are receiving a new attention, some areas of agreement among feminists are emerging that also shape my approach to the subject. 1 First, while denunciations of gender inequalities and patriarchal control in the family and society can be found in Marx’s work from an early stage, it is agreed that Marx “did not have much to say on gender and the family” 2 and, even in Capital his views on the subject must be reconstructed from scattered observations. Nevertheless, Marx’s work has given a significant contribution to the development of feminist theory, although not primarily based on his direct pronouncements on the subject. Not only has his historical materialist method helped demonstrate the constructed character of gender hierarchies and identities.3 Marx’s analysis of capitalist accumulation and value creation have given feminists of my generation powerful tools to rethink the specific forms of exploitation to which women have been subjected in capitalist society and the relation between ‘sex, race, and class.’4 However the use that feminists have made of Marx has at best taken them in a different direction from the one he traced. 19 CONTINENTAL THOUGHT & THEORY: A JOURNAL OF INTELLECTUAL FREEDOM Notes on Gender in Marx’s Capital Key words: Gender, Marx, Labour-Power, Feminism, Wages for Housework Movement, Domestic Work, Reproduction Writing about gender in Capital, then, is coming to terms with two different Marxes and, I add, two different viewpoints on gender and the class struggle. -
How Can We Move On?
HOW CAN WE MOVE ON? by Duncan Hallas There is no effective socialist party in Britain. None of the existing organisations has the potential to become one. Yet the creation of such a party is indispensible for any real advance. This is, I think, a fair state- ment of the essential argument of Ralph Miliband's Moving On (Socialist Register 1976). The specifications given for an effective socialist party are modest enough. It is accepted that a mass party is not an immediate possibility. What is envisaged is 'a party of ten thousand members and upwards' with a serious implantation in the working class movement and 'a real measure of electoral legitimation'. The party must have the capacity to begin to challenge right wing dominance in the movement and it must be internally democratic. Politically, the party must firmly reject the view that the Labour Party can ever be won to 'socialist policies'; hence it must reject the Communist Party's British Road to Socialism, for this view is central to that strategy. It must also take a critical attitude to the USSR and similar regimes. This leaves some very large questions unanswered, not least the viability of the more fundamental assumption of the British Road-that there is a parliamentary road to socialism. This, and related questions, certainly cannot be evaded. Nonetheless, it will be useful to follow Ralph Miliband's approach, to concede at once that the party he describes does not yet exist and to ask how something like it could be created. This is to take for granted that the analysis of the Labour Party given in Moving On is correct in its essentials, that the cause of 'reform' in that party is indeed hopeless. -
E. P. Thompson, 1924-1993
NEWS E. P. Thompson, 1924-1993 The great bustard has winged off, removing as he went one of the prime attractions of these shores, and one of the few remaining reasons for still proclaiming intellectual allegiance to them. Thompson liked to present himself as an earth-bound English creature incapable of much soaring. But he had enough of the lark in him to have died singing, as Blake is said to have done; and who knows but that he did in his own fashion, for he was of that spirit. Thompson's trust in 'experience' shared common roots with Blake's 'Auguries of Innocence'. He knew what the poet meant when he warned that 'He who shall teach the Child to Doubt, The rotting Grave shall neer get out' , and he has escaped that rot, and will live with us now as one of the most inspirational voices of English culture. Thompson has been rightly acclaimed the great est English historian of the post-war period, and his stature as a peace activist aptly compared to that of Bertrand Russell. But as a polemicist and radical visionary, he may be ranked in a canon which transcends our own century. Thompson was not simply a rill, to invoke Coleridge' s metaphor, flowing with a perforation in the tanks ofBlake, and Morris, Swift and Cobbett. He was himself a fountain comparable to theirs. But perhaps the watery image is not the most appropriate. In many respects he was more like a power house; and although illness had already reduced some of the force before he died, now that he has been finally extinguished, one feels the cut in energy The other great family influence was exerted posthumously by his all the more acutely. -
Why Not Capitalism
WHY NOT CAPITALISM SOCIALIST REGISTER 1 9 9 5 Edited by LEO PANITCH Special Coeditorx ELLEN MELKSINS WOOD JOHN SAVILLE TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Preface vii Ralph Miliband, Socialist Intellectual, 1924-1994 1 Leo Panitch A Chronology of the New Left and Its Successors, Or: Who's Old-Fashioned Now? Ellen Meiksins Wood Saying No to Capitalism at the Millenium George Ross Once More Moving On: Social Movements, Political Representation and the Left Hilary Wainwright Globalizing Capitalism and the Rise of Identity Politics Frances Fox Piven Europe In Search of a Future Daniel Singer The Yeltsin Regime K. S. Karol The State in the Third World William Graf Page The 'Underclass' and the US Welfare State 163 Linda Gordon 'Class War conservatism': Housing Policy, Homelessness and the 'Underclass' Joan Smith Capitalist Democracy Revisited John Schwartzmantel Parliamentary Socialism Revisited John Saville Harold Laski's Socialism Ralph Miliband How it All Began: A Footnote to History Marion Kozak Ralph Miliband, A Select Bibliography in English PREFACE Ralph Miliband, the founder of the The Socialist Register with John Saville in 1964, and its co-editor for the subsequent three decades, died on May 21, 1994. His death, after falling ill upon his return to London from the New York Socialist Scholars Conference in April, was unexpected. Despite a close brush with death after a heart by-pass operation three years before, he had resumed his activities with characteristic strength of will and stamina, and celebrated the completion of a new book, Socialism for a Sceptical Age, at a festive 70th birthday party in January, 1994. -
The Revival of Hegelian Marxism on Martin Hägglund’S This Life Nathan Brown
The revival of Hegelian Marxism On Martin Hägglund’s This Life Nathan Brown When a notable philosopher, having established a reputa- been able to carry out this project with such accessible tion for rigorous argumentation and scholarship, directs clarity is so unusual as to be disorienting. a major new book toward a popular audience, a certain Hägglund’s book unfolds in two parts: the first ar- skepticism may be forgiven among those familiar with ticulating a concept of ‘secular faith’ as a condition of the earlier work. However welcome an accessible style intelligibility for any form of care; the second articulat- may be, popular address too often gives way to the pop- ing a concept of ‘spiritual freedom’ that demands for its ularisation of philosophical concepts and problems with actualisation the overcoming of capitalism and the de- results that are seldom adequate to the complexity of termination of value in terms of socially available free their history and significance. The general reader re- time. The critique of religion in the first half of the ceives a bowdlerisation of conceptual difficulties, while book will be broadly familiar to readers of Hägglund’s the price of public reception is inconsequence at the level Radical Atheism (2008): across three chapters engaging of philosophical intervention, and the demands of legib- most substantially with C.S. Lewis, Charles Taylor, Sören ility offer an excuse for setting aside abstruse debates Kierkegaard, Saint Augustine and Karl Ove Knausgaard, and technical details. Hägglund argues that the religious orientation of desire Martin Hägglund’s third book, This Life: Secular toward eternal life – in itself incompatible with care for Faith and Spiritual Freedom, may be met with varieties of this life – in fact obscures an implicit commitment to such skepticism among seasoned readers of Marx, Hegel, a secular form of faith grounding any and all commit- Heidegger – and of the traditions from which their work ments to the projects of finite existence. -
The Survival of Capitalism: Reproduction of the Relations Of
THE SURVIVAL OF CAPITALISM Henri Lefebvre THE SURVIVAL OF CAPITALISM Reproduction of the Relations of Production Translated by Frank Bryant St. Martin's Press, New York. Copyright © 1973 by Editions Anthropos Translation copyright © 1976 by Allison & Busby All rights reserved. For information, write: StMartin's Press. Inc.• 175 Fifth Avenue. New York. N.Y. 10010 Printed in Great Britain Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 75-32932 First published in the United States of America in 1976 AFFILIATED PUBLISHERS: Macmillan Limited. London also at Bombay. Calcutta, Madras and Melbourne CONTENTS 1. The discovery 7 2. Reproduction of the relations of production 42 3. Is the working class revolutionary? 92 4. Ideologies of growth 102 5. Alternatives 120 Index 128 1 THE DISCOVERY I The reproduction of the relations of production, both as a con cept and as a reality, has not been "discovered": it has revealed itself. Neither the adventurer in knowledge nor the mere recorder of facts can sight this "continent" before actually exploring it. If it exists, it rose from the waves like a reef, together with the ocean itself and the spray. The metaphor "continent" stands for capitalism as a mode of production, a totality which has never been systematised or achieved, is never "over and done with", and is still being realised. It has taken a considerable period of work to say exactly what it is that is revealing itself. Before the question could be accurately formulated a whole constellation of concepts had to be elaborated through a series of approximations: "the everyday", "the urban", "the repetitive" and "the differential"; "strategies". -
Social Reproduction and Migrant Education: a Critical Sociolinguistic Ethnography of Burmese Students’ Learning Experiences at a Border High School in China
Department of Linguistics Faculty of Human Sciences Social Reproduction and Migrant Education: A Critical Sociolinguistic Ethnography of Burmese Students’ Learning Experiences at a Border High School in China By Jia Li (李佳) This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2016 i Table of Contents Abstract ........................................................................................................................ viii Statement of Candidate ................................................................................................... x Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................... xi List of Figures .............................................................................................................. xvi List of Tables .............................................................................................................. xvii List of Abbreviations and Acronyms ........................................................................xviii Glossary of Burmese and Chinese terms ..................................................................... xix Chapter One: Introduction .............................................................................................. 1 1.1 Research problem ................................................................................................. 1 1.2 Introducing the research context at the China-and-Myanmar border ................... 4 1.3 China’s rise and Chinese language