A Roadmap to Regulatory Strategy in an Era of Hyper-Partisanship

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

A Roadmap to Regulatory Strategy in an Era of Hyper-Partisanship A Roadmap to Regulatory Strategy in an Era of Hyper-Partisanship August 2020 Bethany Davis Noll NEW YORK UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW Natalie Jacewicz Copyright © 2020 by the Institute for Policy Integrity. All rights reserved. Institute for Policy Integrity New York University School of Law Wilf Hall, 139 MacDougal Street New York, New York 10012 Bethany Davis Noll is the Litigation Director at the Institute for Policy Integrity at NYU School of Law, where Natalie Jacewicz is a Legal Fellow. This report does not necessarily reflect the views of NYU School of Law, if any. Table of Contents Executive Summary 1 I. Promulgating Resilient Regulations 4 A. Procedural and Substantive Requirements that Govern Rulemaking 4 1. Notice and Comment 4 2. Reasoned Explanation Requirement 5 B. Rollback Risks and Resulting Time Pressures 6 1. Threat of Future Rollbacks Through Delays 6 2. Rollback Strategies in the Courts 7 3. Threat of Future Rollbacks in Congress 8 C. Steps to Shorten the Timeline for Promulgating Thorough Rules 9 II. Undoing an Outgoing Administration’s Policies 11 A. What Congress Can Do 11 B. What the Justice Department Can Do 12 C. What Other Executive Agencies Can Do 13 1. Pull Back on Non-Final Rules Through Stop-Work Orders and Implement Legal Delays 13 2. Promulgate Regulations Delaying, Repealing, or Replacing Rules 14 a. Delays Through Notice-and-Comment Rules 15 b. Interim Final Rules 15 c. Strategies for Effective and Efficient Rollbacks Through 16 Notice-and-Comment Rulemaking i. Vulnerable Rules 17 ii. Rules with Prior Records 17 iii. Other Considerations 17 3. Promote Legal Positions Through Adjudications and Nonenforcement 18 4. Recommendations for a New Administration to Use Administrative Tools 20 Conclusion 21 i Executive Summary gencies and the regulations they produce are indispensable to promoting an administration’s policy agenda. But to get the most out of regulations and avoid future rollbacks, agencies must navigate a tension between A adequately supporting a rule and hastening the rulemaking process. On the one hand, adequately supporting a rule involves developing legal arguments and evidentiary records necessary to survive legal challenges. Such thorough analyses take time. On the other hand, in an era of partisan tit-for-tat,1 speed is more important than ever as the threat of rollbacks after a presidential term looms large. These two forces place conflicting pressures on a president at the beginning of a term. This report discusses how an administration that begins a new term can navigate regulatory strategy. It offers advice on navigating this terrain for White House officials, the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA), transition teams at agencies, and advocates. The report also contains a section on how an incoming administration can roll back the prior administration’s rules if there is an inter-party transition. Though it uses the potential for a transition from the Trump administration to a Democratic administration as an illustrative example, the report is relevant for any future inter-party transition where an administration is interested in rolling back the prior administration’s regulations. A note on terminology: This report refers to the administration that wins an election as theincoming administration. Second, this report refers to the presidential administration that has just ended as the outgoing administration. And third, the report refers to the administration that will follow the incoming administration four or eight years later as the future administration. This report lays out several principles that should guide an administration at the beginning of a new term – whether it is Democratic or Republican. To do so, the report draws on lessons from President Trump’s first term as president, during which his administration deployed an array of tactics to roll back Obama-era regulations, particularly those promulgated late in the Obama administration’s tenure. These rollback tools are likely to be used in future administrations. And that risk places increased pressure on an administration’s ability to make long-lasting policy through agencies. If there is an inter-party transition, the incoming administration could also use these tools to undo policies from the outgoing administration. But they must be used in accordance with the law. As this report explains, the first priority to consider is the threat of future rollbacks: In addition to rollbacks through traditional notice-and-comment rulemaking, there are three time-sensitive tactics that a future administration can use to roll back the incoming administration’s policies, all of which the Trump administration deployed: Congressional Review Act disapprovals, litigation strategies like abeyances, and administrative delays. An incoming administration must plan the timing of its rules to mitigate these risks from a future administration as much as possible. The first time-sensitive tactic, Congressional Review Act disapproval, poses a threat if rules are finalized too late in an administration. This tactic, which typically depends on the same party controlling both houses of Congress and the White House, allows a future administration to roll back any rules that fall within a certain timeframe before the end of the prior administration. 1 The second tactic, abeyances, poses a threat if the administration’s policies are under review in court at the end of its presidential term. In that case, the future administration can seek abeyances in court to put off judicial review, clearing the path for rollbacks through rulemakings. And the third tactic, administrative delay, poses a threat if rules are not fully implemented—because either effective dates or deadlines for compliance have not yet passed. In that case, a future administration may attempt to delay implementation of the rules. Because the impact of these tools is muted the earlier a rule is promulgated, the possibility that a future administration will undertake all of these rollback efforts places time pressure on the administration’s rulemaking from the start of the new term. The fate of Obama-era regulations during the Trump administration makes these rollback risks apparent. The Stream Protection Rule, promulgated in the last full month of the Obama administration, was repealed under the Congressional Review Act.2 The Clean Power Plan, promulgated in October 2015 and therefore beyond the reach of the Congressional Review Act, was nonetheless enmeshed in ongoing litigation at the end of the Obama presidency. The Trump administration requested abeyances to stall legal proceedings, which simultaneously blocked the rule from taking effect because the Supreme Court had stayed the rule during litigation.3 And through serial delays of regulatory implementation deadlines, the Trump administration blocked some Clean Water Act regulations from being implemented.4 These risks are now part of the landscape for any new or second-term president. To mitigate the risks of these rollback tools, an administration must take several steps. First, where feasible, an incoming administration should strive to promulgate rules with compliance dates that pass before the end of the presidential term to minimize the risk that a future administration will seek to delay rules that have not been fully implemented. Second, the new administration should work to finalize rules in the first two to two-and-a-half years of the term to increase the chances that any judicial review can be resolved prior to a future administration’s taking office. And third, the administration should avoid finalizing rules within the final eight or nine months of a presidential term because of the risk of Congressional Review Act repeals.5 The second priority this report addresses is an incoming president’s own opportunity to quickly rescind an outgoing administration’s regulations. The three rollback tools used by the Trump administration highlight opportunities for reviewing and repealing an outgoing administration’s policies. This report reviews those options and explains how they should be deployed. All these considerations together raise the stakes to complete regulations during the first two years of a presidential term. As this report lays out, an administration has the challenging task of promulgating resilient regulations quickly, while also reviewing and, if appropriate, undoing the regulations of the previous administration. This report is designed to provide guidance on meeting this challenge through highlighting the relevant timing considerations as well as the applicable legal rules. This report has two parts. First, the report describes the procedural and timing considerations that an administration should keep in mind as it seeks to create resilient regulations, striking a balance between thoroughness and efficiency. And second, this report offers advice about how an incoming administration can most efficiently and effectivelyreverse the regulatory agenda of an outgoing administration if desired. 2 To issue resilient regulations in the face of rollback threats: BEFORE ELECTION DAY:* • Assemble a team that (in addition to identifying people for top agency positions) develops a list of policy priorities for each agency and determines the contours of regulations to fulfill those policy goals. DURING THE TRANSITION PERIOD BETWEEN ELECTION DAY AND INAUGURATION:* • Develop contours of priority regulations for each agency. AFTER INAUGURATION:* • Direct agencies to immediately begin filling in the contours
Recommended publications
  • Federal Register/Vol. 86, No. 134/Friday, July 16, 2021/Rules
    37674 Federal Register / Vol. 86, No. 134 / Friday, July 16, 2021 / Rules and Regulations (Federalism), it is determined that this DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE Pennsylvania Avenue NW, Washington, action does not have sufficient DC 20530. Comments received by mail federalism implications to warrant the 28 CFR Part 50 will be considered timely if they are preparation of a Federalism Assessment. [Docket No. OAG 174; AG Order No. 5077– postmarked on or before August 16, As noted above, this action is an 2021] 2021. The electronic Federal eRulemaking portal will accept order, not a rule. Accordingly, the RIN 1105–AB61 comments until Midnight Eastern Time Congressional Review Act (CRA) 3 is at the end of that day. inapplicable, as it applies only to rules. Processes and Procedures for FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CONTACT: 5 U.S.C. 801, 804(3). It is in the public Issuance and Use of Guidance Robert Hinchman, Senior Counsel, interest to maintain the temporary Documents Office of Legal Policy, U.S. Department placement of N-ethylhexedrone, a-PHP, AGENCY: Office of the Attorney General, of Justice, telephone (202) 514–8059 4-MEAP, MPHP, PV8, and 4-chloro-a- Department of Justice. (not a toll-free number). PVP in schedule I because they pose a ACTION: Interim final rule; request for SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: public health risk, for the reasons comments. expressed in the temporary scheduling I. Posting of Public Comments order (84 FR 34291, July 18, 2019). The SUMMARY: This interim final rule Please note that all comments temporary scheduling action was taken (‘‘rule’’) implements Executive Order received are considered part of the pursuant to 21 U.S.C.
    [Show full text]
  • The Application of the Congressional Review Act to Recent Trump Administration Rulemakings
    The Application of the Congressional Review Act to Recent Trump Administration Rulemakings Last updated January 29, 2021 Congress can fast-track reversal of rulemakings from the Trump Administration under the Congressional Review Act. However, only certain rules are eligible for this process, and Congress has a narrow window to use it. Moreover, the Congressional Review Act includes a prohibition on the promulgation of rules that are substantially similar to those that are overturned through the Congressional Review Act process. Therefore, whether to deploy the Congressional Review Act in any individual case calls for careful consideration. History of the CRA The Congressional Review Act (CRA) was enacted in 1996 as a component of the Small Business Regulatory Enforcement Fairness Act. Under the CRA, agencies are required to submit to Congress and the Government Accountability Office (GAO) notice of a finalized rule. Once notified, Congress has the option of passing a joint resolution of disapproval (JROD) to overturn the rule. If the JROD passes both chambers of Congress and is signed into law by the President, the rule is immediately overturned and has no effect both proactively and retroactively. Importantly, the JROD need only pass by a simple majority in both chambers. Since its enactment, the CRA has been used by Congress to overturn 17 rules total: one in 2001 (107th Congress) and 16 in 2017 (115th Congress). In the 107th Congress (under Republican control and with President George W. Bush in office), the CRA was used to reverse a Clinton Administration rule issued by the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) to implement ergonomic standards to reduce workplace injuries.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Congress Should Repeal the Congressional Review Act
    April 2020 Why Congress Should Repeal the Congressional Review Act By Kevin Chen, JD 2020 I. Introduction The Congressional Review Act (CRA) provides expedited congressional procedures for reviewing and repealing certain agency rules. Under the CRA, Congress may pass a joint resolution of disapproval by a simple majority in both Houses. If the President signs the resolution into law, the rule cannot take effect or continue in effect, and the agency may not reissue a rule that is “substantially the same” as the disapproved rule. A little-used statute during its first two decades of existence, the CRA has experienced both revival and transformation during the Trump Administration. The CRA’s usage exploded after January 2017, as the total number of joint resolutions signed under the CRA rose from one to seventeen within a little over a year. Further, Congress and President Trump have used the CRA in novel and previously unanticipated ways, expanding the CRA’s reach to years-old informal guidance documents. Given these developments, how should a Democratic Congress treat the CRA after President Trump leaves office? Congress originally passed the CRA through a bipartisan effort to increase congressional oversight of executive agencies, arguably promoting democratic values by in effect returning some rulemaking authority to elected officials. Ultimately, however, the CRA has emerged as a threat to sound administrative governance by expert agencies and should be repealed for five principal reasons. First, the CRA is a hazard to future regulation. The meaning of the phrase “substantially the same” remains ambiguous, as neither the CRA’s text nor its legislative history provides clear guidance on the matter, and the phrase has never been tested in court.
    [Show full text]
  • Background on the Congressional Review
    MEMORANDUM November 17, 2016 Subject: “Major” Obama Administration Rules Potentially Eligible to be Overturned under the Congressional Review Act in the 115th Congress From: Maeve P. Carey, Specialist in Government Organization and Management (7-7775) Christopher M. Davis, Analyst on Congress and the Legislative Process (7-0656) Casey Burgat, Research Assistant (7-7109) This memorandum was prepared to enable distribution to more than one congressional office. This memorandum lists “major” rules issued by federal agencies under the Obama Administration that are potentially subject to consideration under the procedures of the Congressional Review Act (CRA) in the 115th Congress. Background on the Congressional Review Act The CRA is a tool that Congress may use to overturn a rule issued by a federal agency, including, in some cases, rules issued in a previous session of Congress and by a previous President.1 The CRA requires agencies to report on their rulemaking activities to Congress and provides Congress with a special set of procedures under which to consider legislation to overturn those rules. The CRA, which was enacted in 1996, was largely intended to assert control over agency rulemaking by establishing a special set of expedited or “fast track” legislative procedures for this purpose, primarily in the Senate.2 Of the approximately 72,000 final rules that have been submitted to Congress since the legislation was enacted in 1996, the CRA has been used to disapprove one rule: the Occupational Safety and Health Administration’s November 2000 final rule on ergonomics, which was overturned using the CRA in March 2001.3 The primary reason the CRA has overturned one rule in the 20 years since its enactment is that under most circumstances, it is likely that a President would veto such a resolution in order to protect rules developed under his own administration, and it may also be difficult for Congress to muster the two- thirds vote in both houses needed to overturn the veto.
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional Record—Senate S1649
    March 10, 2020 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE S1649 The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without I yield the floor. that misrepresentation. What this objection, it is so ordered. The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. meant is, if you went to a school that Mrs. MURRAY. Madam President, CRAMER). The Senator from Tennessee. had misled students, your loan could be later today the Senate will be taking Mr. ALEXANDER. Mr. President, if forgiven even if you had a job making up the borrower defense CRA vote and your car is a lemon, you don’t sue the $85,000 a year. likely voting on it tomorrow. Each and bank; you sue the dealer. A college can Under the Trump administration, every Senator will have a choice. They be a lemon, just like a car can be. A each student needs to file a claim, can side with working students, or college could promise a potential stu- prove that they were defrauded and they can side with predatory, for-profit dent a job and then tell them that 50 that they were financially harmed, and colleges. It should not be a hard choice, percent of their students scored per- then their loan would be forgiven by and that choice certainly should not be fectly on their SAT tests. The poten- the taxpayer. Remember, the bank is partisan. tial student might use that informa- the taxpayer. Students who were cheated and de- tion to take out student loans and en- Secretary DeVos’s borrower defense frauded by predatory, for-profit col- roll in a college. Then, if the informa- rule restores the original intent of the leges are often left with crushing debt tion turns out to be false, the student law that a borrower must be misled and no path forward.
    [Show full text]
  • GAO to Toomey: CFPB Failed to Comply with Law on Indirect Auto Lending Regulatio
    GAO to Toomey: CFPB Failed to Comply with Law on Indirect Auto Lending Regulatio... Page 1 of 2 GAO to Toomey: CFPB Failed to Comply with Law on Indirect Auto Lending Regulation December 5, 2017 Washington, D.C. - In a review requested by U.S. Senator Pat Toomey (R-Pa.), the Government Accountability Office (GAO) today confirmed that the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) violated the Congressional Review Act when it issued a ‘bulletin' regulating third-party auto lenders in 2013. In this instance, GAO found CFPB did not submit its ‘bulletin,' which was subsequently used to impose millions of dollars in fines on auto lenders, to Congress as required by the Congressional Review Act. Sen. Toomey's statement: "GAO's decision makes clear that the CFPB's back-door effort to regulate auto loans, which was based on a dubious legal justification, did not comply with the Congressional Review Act. GAO's decision is an important reminder that agencies have a responsibility to live up to their obligations under the law. When they don't, Congress should hold them accountable. I intend to do everything in my power to repeal this ill-conceived rule using the Congressional Review Act." Background While the Dodd-Frank Act of 2010, which created the CFPB, prohibited the Bureau from regulating auto dealerships, the CFPB issued a guidance document, or ‘bulletin,' in March 2013 that imposed restrictions on third-party lenders whose loans are made available to car buyers at a dealership. GAO's decision that the "Indirect Auto Lending and Compliance with the Equal Credit Opportunity Act" bulletin is, in fact, a rule may now give Congress the option to overturn the bulletin via a simple majority vote of both chambers of Congress under the Congressional Review Act.
    [Show full text]
  • The Congressional Review Act: Determining Which “Rules” Must Be Submitted to Congress
    The Congressional Review Act: Determining Which “Rules” Must Be Submitted to Congress Updated March 6, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45248 The Congressional Review Act: Which “Rules” Must Be Submitted to Congress Summary The Congressional Review Act (CRA) allows Congress to review certain types of federal agency actions that fall under the statutory category of “rules.” The CRA requires that agencies report their rules to Congress and provides special procedures under which Congress can consider legislation to overturn those rules. A joint resolution of disapproval will become effective once both houses of Congress pass a joint resolution and it is signed by the President, or if Congress overrides the President’s veto. The CRA generally adopts a broad definition of the word “rule” from the Administrative Procedure Act (APA), defining a rule as “the whole or a part of an agency statement of general or particular applicability and future effect designed to implement, interpret, or prescribe law or policy or describing the organization, procedure, or practice requirements of an agency.” The CRA, however, provides three exceptions to this broad definition: any rule of particular applicability, including a rule that approves or prescribes for the future rates, wages, prices, services, or allowances therefor, corporate or financial structures, reorganizations, mergers, or acquisitions thereof, or accounting practices or disclosures bearing on any of the foregoing; any rule relating to agency management or personnel; or any rule of agency organization, procedure, or practice that does not substantially affect the rights or obligations of non-agency parties. The class of rules the CRA covers is broader than the category of rules that are subject to the APA’s notice-and-comment requirements.
    [Show full text]
  • () Office of the Comptroller of the Currency
    () Office of the Comptroller of the Currency Washington, DC 20219 April 14, 2021 The Honorable Sherrod Brown. Chairman Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs United States Senate Washington, D.C. 20510 The Honorable Pat Toomey. Ranking Member Committee on Banking. Housing, and Urban Affairs United States Senate Washington, D.C. 20510 Dear Chairman Brown and Ranking Member Toomey: On March 25, 2021, S.J. Res. 15 was introduced, providing for Congressional disapproval under the Congressional Review Act of the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency’s (0CC) final rule, entitled “National Banks and Federal Savings Associations as Lenders,” commonly referred to as the “True Lender” rule. As you and other members consider the resolution, I want you to be aware of the rule’s intended effect and the adverse impact of overturning the rule. On October 27, 2020, the 0CC issued its final true lender rule’ to provide legal and regulatory certainty to national banks’ and federal savings associations’ (banks) lending, including loans made in partnerships with third parties.2 The OCC’s rule specifies that a bank makes a loan and is considered to be the true lender of the loan if. as of the date of origination, it (1) is named as the lender in the loan agreement or (2) funds the loan. The rule clarifies that as the true lender of a loan, the bank relains the compliance obligations associated with making the loan, even if the loan is later sold, thus negating concerns regarding hanthul rent-a-charter arrangements, Our rulemaking prevents potential arrangements in which a bank receives a fee to “rent” its charter and unique legal status to a third party with the intent of evading state and local laws, while disclaiming any compliance responsibility for the loan.
    [Show full text]
  • The 2020 Volcker Rule Amendments and the Congressional Review Act – Is Time on Our Side?
    Alternative Investments Practice Client Alert The 2020 Volcker Rule Amendments and the Congressional Review Act – Is Time on Our Side? September 15, 2020 Contact Catherine Leef Martin, Partner Sean M. Solis, Partner Mitch Cooper, Associate +1 212.530.5189 +1 212.530.5898 +1 212.530.5533 [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] On October 1, 2020, significant changes to the covered fund provisions of the Volcker Rule (the “2020 Volcker Amendment”) are expected to go into effect. The changes, which add exclusions for several new categories of private funds (such as qualifying credit funds and venture capital funds) and ease requirements for certain existing exclusions (such as the loan securitization and foreign public fund exclusions), were issued in late June by the five federal agencies responsible for implementing the Volcker Rule (the “Agencies”). The 2020 Volcker Amendment was submitted by the Agencies to Congress during July and published in the Federal Register on July 31, 2020. These dates have significance, because they directly impact whether the amendment may be subject to reversal under the Congressional Review Act1 (the “CRA”), a 1996 statute that establishes a window in which Congress can reject new rules adopted by federal agencies. This Client Alert considers the time period during which the 2020 Volcker Amendment may be vulnerable to the CRA process and the potential consequences if the CRA is, in fact, invoked. CRA Basics After any federal agency rule or amendment is published, the CRA permits Congress to invalidate it by vote of a simple majority in both houses, subject to Presidential veto.
    [Show full text]
  • The Congressional Review Act: the Basics1
    The Congressional Review Act: The Basics1 The Congressional Review Act (CRA) [5 U.S.C. §§ 801-808] allows Congress, subject to Presidential veto, to overturn, on a fast track, final agency rules if Congress acts within 60 days of the rule's submission to Congress for review. Once a rule (including many guidance documents) has been blocked, agencies can never reissue that rule or any substantially similar rule without an act of Congress. Congress can only overturn an entire rule; it can’t pick and choose which parts it likes. With the CRA, it’s all or nothing. In summary, the CRA can be used to: ❑ Overturn a whole rule; ❑ Block “substantially similar” rulemakings in the future. This decision-tree gives an overview of how a rule may proceed through the Act. FAQs about this process are on the following If the rule is a “major” rule, it (A) 60 days after Congress pages. will take effect on the latest receives the report or of... after the rule is When an agency issues a If Congress does not pass published in the Federal rule… a joint resolution of If the rule is a non-major rule, Register, whichever is disapproval (or the it will take effect as otherwise later. resolution is vetoed by the provided by law (B) When the President President and Congress The agency must submit a vetoes a joint resolution, doesn't vote to override), rule report to both chambers the earlier of (i) the date the rule will take effect, of Congress and the either chamber votes but the timeline varies: Government Accountability ❑ The rule will not take and fails to override the Office (GAO).
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional Review Act: Disapproval of Rules in a Subsequent Session of Congress
    Order Code RL34633 Congressional Review Act: Disapproval of Rules in a Subsequent Session of Congress Updated September 3, 2008 Curtis W. Copeland Specialist in American National Government Government and Finance Division Richard S. Beth Specialist on Congress and the Legislative Process Government and Finance Division Congressional Review Act: Disapproval of Rules in a Subsequent Session of Congress Summary The Congressional Review Act (“CRA,” 5 U.S.C. §§801-808) established a special set of expedited or “fast track” legislative procedures, primarily in the Senate, through which Congress may enact joint resolutions disapproving agencies’ final rules. Members of Congress have 60 “days of continuous session” to introduce a resolution of disapproval after a rule has been submitted to Congress or published in the Federal Register, and the Senate has 60 “session days” to use CRA expedited procedures. Although the CRA was considered a reassertion of congressional authority over rulemaking agencies, only one rule has been disapproved using its procedures, and that reversal was the result of a specific set of circumstances created by a transition in party control of the presidency. The CRA also indicates that if a rule is submitted to Congress less than 60 session days in the Senate or 60 legislative days in the House of Representatives before Congress adjourns a session sine die, then the rule is carried over to the next session of Congress and treated as if it had been submitted to Congress or published in the Federal Register on the 15th legislative day (House) or session day (Senate). This restart of the CRA process in a new session of Congress occurs even if no joint resolution of disapproval had been introduced regarding the rule during the preceding session of Congress.
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional Review Act
    Disapproval of Regulations by Congress: Procedure Under the Congressional Review Act Richard S. Beth Specialist on the Congress and Legislative Process October 10, 2001 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL31160 Disapproval of Regulations by Congress: Procedure Under the Congressional Review Act Summary The Congressional Review Act of 1996 established expedited (or “fast track”) procedures by which Congress may disapprove a broad range of regulatory rules issued by federal agencies by enacting a joint resolution of disapproval. For initial floor consideration, the Act provides an expedited procedure only in the Senate. (The House would likely consider the measure pursuant to a special rule.) The Senate may use the procedure for 60 days of session after the agency transmits the rule to Congress. In both houses, however, to qualify for expedited consideration, a disapproval resolution must be submitted within 60 days after Congress receives the rule, exclusive of recess periods. Pending action on a disapproval resolution, the rule may go into effect, unless it is a “major rule” on which the President or issuing agency does not waive a delay period of 60 calendar days. If a disapproval resolution is enacted, the rule may not take effect and the agency may issue no substantially similar rule without subsequent statutory authorization. If a rule is disapproved after going into effect, it is “treated as though [it] had never taken effect.” If either house rejects a disapproval resolution, the rule may take effect at once. If the President vetoes the resolution, the rule may not take effect for 30 days of session thereafter, unless the House or Senate votes to sustain the veto.
    [Show full text]