Sergei Mariev (Ed.), Byzantine Perspectives on Neoplatonism
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Personalism and Bulgarian Identity Discourse Between the Two World Wars (A Preliminary Exploration)
ISSN 2029–2236 (print) ISSN 2029–2244 (online) SOCIALINIŲ mokslų STUDIJOS SOCIETAL STUDIES 2012, 4(4), p. 1281–1298. PERSONALISM AND BULGARIAN IDENTITY DISCOURSE BETWEEN THE TWO WORLD WARS (A PRELIMINARY EXPLORATION) Jordan Ljuckanov Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Literature Shipchenski Prohod blvd. 52, block 17, 1113 Sofia, Bulgaria Telephone (+359 2) 979 6341 E-mail: [email protected] Received on 5 May, 2012; accepted on 12 June, 2012 Abstract. In this paper I investigate the compatibility between personalist philosophy and the Bulgarian identity discourse between the two World Wars. Having outlined the variability and conceptual tensions (on “collective personality,” e.g.) within Russian and French personalism(s) of the 1910s-1940s, I delineate four prerequisites for emerging and adopting personalism in interwar Bulgaria: (1) the post-idealist crisis of identities and identifications; (2) the reception of foreign personalist (or close to such) philosophy; (3) the re- assessment of “home” (East-Christian) theological tradition and its philosophical implications; (4) the discovery of someone “other” needed worthy of being recognised as (collective) “Thee.” Postponing the exploration of the third prerequisite for a subsequent study, I conclude so far that within interwar Bulgarian secular thought only random juxtapositions between personalism and identity discourse can be expected, and I examine three such cases. Keywords: personalism, collective identity, Byzantium after Byzantium, morphology of history, conservative avant-garde, Bulgarian intellectual culture 1919–1944. Socialinių mokslų studijos/Societal Studies ISSN 2029–2236 (print), ISSN 2029–2244 (online) Mykolo Romerio universitetas, 2012 http://www.mruni.eu/lt/mokslo_darbai/SMS/ Mykolas Romeris University, 2012 http://www.mruni.eu/en/mokslo_darbai/SMS/ 1282 Jordan Ljuckanov. -
Filip Ivanovic
C u r r i c u l u m v i t a e FILIP IVANOVIC Address: Ivana Vujosevica 19, 81000 Podgorica, Montenegro Phone: +382 69 498 468 E-mail: [email protected] EDUCATION PhD (2010-2014) Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Norwegian University of Science and Technology MA (2007-2009, score 110/110 cum laude) Department of Philosophy, University of Bologna BA (2004-2007, score 110/110) Department of Philosophy, University of Bologna APPOINTMENTS 2017-2018 Onassis International Fellow, Norwegian Institute at Athens 2016–2017 Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Department of Greek Studies, University of Leuven 2015-2016 Postdoctoral Research Fellow, The Polonsky Academy for Advanced Studies, The Van Leer Institute – Jerusalem 2015-2016 Visiting Researcher, Hebrew University of Jerusalem 2010-2014 Research Fellow, Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Norwegian University of Science and Technology – Trondheim 2010 Fellow, Centre for the Study of Antiquity and Christianity, University of Aarhus LANGUAGES Serbian (native), English (fluent), Italian (fluent), French (fluent), Spanish (reading and good communication skills), Norwegian (basic reading skills), Ancient/Byzantine Greek (reading and research skills), Modern Greek (reading and basic conversation skills) SCHOLARSHIPS AND FELLOWSHIPS 2017-2018 International Postdoctoral Fellowship, Onassis Foundation, Athens 2016–2017 Postdoctoral Research Fellowship, University of Leuven 2015-2016 Polonsky Postdoctoral Research Fellowship, The Van Leer Institute, Jerusalem 2012-2013 -
An Orthodox and Byzantine Reception of the Elementsof Theology
chapter 2 An Orthodox and Byzantine Reception of the Elements of Theology Frederick Lauritzen Scuola Grande di San Marco, Venezia The question of the existence of Byzantine philosophy may be intellectually interesting but remains fundamentally surreal.1 Regardless of whether one defines the Byzantine Empire as beginning with Diocletian (284–305), Con- stantine (306–337) or Theodosius (379–395), it is clear that Proclus (8th Febru- ary 412–17th April 485) composed his text within an Empire whose capital was Constantinople, and whose official religion was Christianity since 27th Febru- ary 380.2While this may be obvious, it is interesting for the reception of Proclus’ Elements of Theology, a text that was composed within a Byzantine background and whose subsequent translations where done from originals copied within the Byzantine Empire. It is such an environment which gave rise to the anecdote that Proclus advised the emperor Anastasius (491–518) on how to defeat an invading enemy army with Greek fire.3The story gives us a non-philosophical explanation to the 1 An overview of intellectual history is Kaldellis and Sinissioglou (2017). 2 Codex Theodosianus, xvi.1.2 = Codex Iustiniani 1.1.1. Cfr. Basilicorum libri LX, 1.1.1: Imppp. gra- tianus,ValentinianusetTheodosiusaaa.edictumadpopulumurbisConstantinopolitanae.cunc- tos populos, quos clementiae nostrae regit temperamentum, in tali volumus religione versari, quam divinum Petrum apostolum tradidisse romanis religio usque ad nunc ab ipso insinuata declarat quamque pontificem Damasum sequi claret et Petrum Alexandriae episcopum virum apostolicae sanctitatis, hoc est, ut secundum apostolicam disciplinam evangelicamque doctri- nam Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti unam deitatem sub parili maiestate et sub pia Trinitate credamus. -
Ierodiakonou.Ffinal Version
Byzantine Philosophy Revisited (a decade after) KATERINA IERODIAKONOU It is exactly ten years ago that the volume Byzantine Philosophy and its Ancient Sources was published (Ierodiakonou 2002). In the introduction to that volume my aim was to give a short guide to the basics of Byzantine philosophy, and at the same time a partial list of the unsettled questions concerning its dates, sources, and character. No definitive answers were given then; in fact it was argued that no definitive answers could be given, since more scholarly research needed to be done in this neglected area of the history of philosophy. A decade after, do we have answers to those ques- tions? Is it time to reassess our somewhat dated, though still prevailing, standard views on the fundamental issues of Byzantine philosophy? During the last decade there has been increasing interest in Byzantine philosophy, which has resulted in the appearance of critical editions of Byzantine philosophical texts, systematic studies of specific topics in Byzantine philosophy, as well as general surveys of the discipline as a whole. It is also indicative that the recent volumes and websites of the Cambridge History of Late Antique Philosophy, the Cambridge History of Medieval Philosophy, the Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies, the Oxford Handbook of Medieval Philosophy, the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, the Geschichte der Philosophie (Bd. 5, C. H. Beck), the Ency- clopédie philosophique universelle, the Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques and others have included entries on Byzantine philosophy and on the more illustrious Byzantine thinkers. But does the implicit acknowledg- ment that among the periods of the history of philosophy a place should also be reserved for the study of Byzantine thought imply that we are now in a position to draw a more accurate map of this formerly ignored field? It rather seems that, although some of the issues previously raised have been adequately scrutinized, many remain undecided or controversial. -
Byzantine Studies Conference
Thirty-Seventh Annual BYZANTINE STUDIES CONFERENCE DePaul University Chicago, Illinois October 20-23, 2011 ABSTRACTS of PAPERS Copies of the Abstracts are available for purchase. Subscriptions for Series 8, nos. 36-40, 2010- 2014 are available for $60 a set, with additional $20 for postage. Orders must be pre-paid in U.S. currency. Make checks payable to the Byzantine Studies Conference and send orders to: Prof. Anna Gonosová Department of Art History Humanities Gateway 2000 University of California, Irvine Irvine, CA 92697-2785 For questions about orders of the Abstracts e-mail Anna Gonosová at: [email protected] This Book of Abstracts was compiled and edited by James Hull, Elena Boeck, and Brian Boeck from papers supplied electronically by the speakers. Copyright © is reserved by the individual speakers. Abstracts of Papers – Byzantine Studies Conference, 1st-1975-Madison, Wis. [etc.] Byzantine Studies Conference Key title: Abstracts of Papers – Byzantine Studies Conference. ISSN 0147-3387 1.Byzantine Empire – Congresses DF 501.5b9a 949.5 77-79346 Library of Congress 77 MARC-S Cover Image: Heraclius, with Heraclius Constantine. 610-641. AV Solidus (20mm, 4.50 g, 6h). Constantinople mint, 10th officina. Struck 629-632. Credit for image is due to http://www.cngcoins.com. Conference Sponsors: DePaul University, the DePaul University Research Council, the Vincentian Endowment Fund, the office of the Dean of the College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences of DePaul University, the History Department of DePaul University, the Department of the History of Art and Architecture of DePaul University, the Department of Religious Studies of DePaul University, the DePaul University Catholic Studies Department, the DePaul University Center for World Catholicism and Intercultural Theology, the Art Institute of Chicago and the Boshell Foundation Lecture Fund, and the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. -
Byzantine Critiques of Monasticism in the Twelfth Century
A “Truly Unmonastic Way of Life”: Byzantine Critiques of Monasticism in the Twelfth Century DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Hannah Elizabeth Ewing Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Professor Timothy Gregory, Advisor Professor Anthony Kaldellis Professor Alison I. Beach Copyright by Hannah Elizabeth Ewing 2014 Abstract This dissertation examines twelfth-century Byzantine writings on monasticism and holy men to illuminate monastic critiques during this period. Drawing upon close readings of texts from a range of twelfth-century voices, it processes both highly biased literary evidence and the limited documentary evidence from the period. In contextualizing the complaints about monks and reforms suggested for monasticism, as found in the writings of the intellectual and administrative elites of the empire, both secular and ecclesiastical, this study shows how monasticism did not fit so well in the world of twelfth-century Byzantium as it did with that of the preceding centuries. This was largely on account of developments in the role and operation of the church and the rise of alternative cultural models that were more critical of traditional ascetic sanctity. This project demonstrates the extent to which twelfth-century Byzantine society and culture had changed since the monastic heyday of the tenth century and contributes toward a deeper understanding of Byzantine monasticism in an under-researched period of the institution. ii Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to my family, and most especially to my parents. iii Acknowledgments This dissertation is indebted to the assistance, advice, and support given by Anthony Kaldellis, Tim Gregory, and Alison Beach. -
Augustinian Model in the Byzantine Political Thinking
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Directory of Open Access Journals 1624 Challenges of the Knowledge Society. Social sciences AUGUSTINIAN MODEL IN THE BYZANTINE POLITICAL THINKING. CASE STUDY: THE ELEMENTS OF POLITICAL AUGUSTINISM IN THE CURRENT ROMANIAN MENTALITY ANDREI TINU* CĂTĂLIN BOBOC** ANDREI-SEBASTIAN DUMITRESCU*** VIOLETA IOSEFIDIS-SERGHEI**** ABSTRACT The byzantine society, de jure and de facto heir of the Greco-Roman world, has it’s own philosophy, it’s own structure model and policy thinking. Without doubt, for the New Rome this model is that sprang from the Christian teachings, and as a philosophy it harmoniously blends the legacy of the Roman world with Blessed Augustine’s thinking about man and city which itself is a symbiosis between the acquired pagan knowledge and Christian experience of the latter. The Byzantine fortress (The Empire-n.n.) will use religion as the main instrument for political and social consolidation. Religion (Christianity – n.n.) is, for the Byzantine monarchy , the path to divinity, immortality... The Byzantine Christianity is not just a "phrase invented by them" as in the words of Eminescu, but a complex mechanism which represents the totality of good concepts about the world and about life of the constantinopolitan city.In preparing this study we started from the model offered by St. Augustine, "De Civitate Dei", a model which compares the two types of cities - people's city, with all its flaws, and the City of God, personified by the Church to which the Christian Roman Empire provides the Regnum. -
HISTORY of the STUDY of THEOLOGY [Pt
HISTOEY OF THE STUDY OF THEOLOGY BY CHARLES AUGUSTUS gRIGGS D.D., D.LITT. Prepared for Publication by his Daughter EMILIE GRACE BRIGGS, B.D. VOL. II. NEW YORK CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 1916 Published igt6 All rights reserved CONTENTS PART I THE STUDY OF THEOLOGY IN THE MIDDLE AGES CHAP. PA01 I. THE STUDY OF THEOLOOT IN THE NINTH AND TENTH .1 CENTURIES ...... 1 II. THE STUDY OF THEOLOGY IN THE ELEVENTH AND TWELFTH CENTURIES . .17 III. THE ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF THE UNIVERSITIES IN THE TWELFTH AND THIRTEENTH CENTURIES . 40 IV. THE DECLINE OF SCHOLASTICISM IN THE FOURTEENTH AND FIFTEENTH CENTURIES . .61 PART II THE MODERN AGE L THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING . .82 IL THE REFORMATION ..... 105 III. THE STUDY OF THEOLOGY IN THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES .... 143 IV. THB STUDY OF THEOLOGY IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ...... 184 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 213 INDEX ....... 219 PART I THE STUDY OF THEOLOGY IN THE MIDDLE AGES CHAPTER I THE STUDY OF THEOLOGY IN THE NINTH AND TENTH CENTURIES 1. A palace school was established by the Franks for the training of princes and nobles ; when Charlemagne ap pointed Alcuin as its superintendent, it rapidly became a great centre of learning. The palace school was founded by one of the pre decessors of Charlemagne for the training of the sons of princes and nobles. As a court school it moved about with the monarch from place to place. Charlemagne himself was trained there.1 He had some knowledge of Greek as well as Latin, and studied with the grammarian, Peter of Pisa ; possibly also with Paul the Deacon (t 797), a Benedictine monk and noted Lombard scholar, who taught Greek at his court for a time, and afterwards wrote a history of the Lombards. -
Byzrev 02.2020.032 Doi: 10.17879/Byzrev-2020-3168
ByzRev 02.2020.032 doi: 10.17879/byzrev-2020-3168 Alexander Brungs – Georgi Kapriev – Vilem Mudroch (eds.), Die Philosophie des Mittelalters. Band 1: Byzanz. Judentum (Grun- driss der Geschichte der Philosophie). Basel: Schwabe Verlag 2019. 362 + xxvii pp. – ISBN: 978-3-7965-2623-7 (Hardback: €160) • András Kraft, Princeton University ([email protected]) This first volume in the subseries “Philosophie des Mittelalters” is a most welcome addition to the ongoing revision of the standard reference: Grun- driss der Geschichte der Philosophie. It consists of two disparate parts: the first section, comprising the bulk of the work, presents a chronological sur- vey of Byzantine philosophy. It ties into and continues chapter 13 of the previous volume, which discusses early Byzantine thinkers until John of Damascus.1 The second section gives a critical appraisal of the history and the historiography of medieval Jewish philosophy. It supplements chapter 7 and 15 of the previous volume, which review philosophy in Hellenis- tic and Rabbinic Judaism.2 Each section closes with a rich bibliography, which is – with few exceptions – confined to scholarly works penned in Western European languages (cf. p. xxv). The peculiarity of the volume is that the two parts do not share any substantial connection (p. xxi); their juxtaposition is motivated by their respective otherness vis-à-vis medieval Latin philosophy. Byzantine and medieval Jewish philosophy are incorpo- rated here into the historiographical metanarrative of the Grundriss series that revolves around the history of European philosophy. The Byzantine section aims at giving a complete overview of philosophy in the Byzantine Empire (p. xvii). -
THEOLOGICAL DISPUTE, LOGICAL ARGUMENTS: on PHOTIOS' USE of SYLLOGISMS AGAINST the FILIOQUE in the MYSTAGOGIA Christophe ERISMA
THEOLOGICAL DISPUTE, LOGICAL ARGUMENTS: ON PHOTIOS’ USE OF SYLLOGISMS AGAINST THE FILIOQUE IN THE MYSTAGOGIA Christophe ERISMANN The long ninth century was indisputably a time of religious and theological controversies, both within Christianity and among and against neighbouring cultures. The dispute about the veneration of images bitterly divided Byzan- tium; Latins were also involved in the polemical exchange. Controversies against Islam, already begun in the eighth century by John of Damascus, who considered Islam a Christian heresy, intensified, especially due to further trea- tises by Theodore Abu-Qurra and Niketas Byzantios.1 Arabic Christian theolo- gians, like the Jacobite Abū Rā’iṭah and the Dyophysite ῾Ammār al-Baṣrī, also wrote polemical essays.2 Numerous treatises against non-Chalcedonian Chris- tian groups considered to be heretics flourished. Even if it is written with dip- lomatic courtesy, Photios’ letter to the Armenian Prince Ashot is a firm exhor- tation to adopt Chalcedonian Christology. Finally, the Filioque controversy began, spawning a host of polemical treatises of its own.3 A striking feature of this abundant polemical literature is the frequent use of Aristotelian logic. The application of logic in religious controversies is indeed not an invention of the ninth century. The debates between the followers of the Christology of Chalcedon and their Miaphysite opponents were often enhanced by logical considerations. The ninth-century production of logically informed theological texts is dis- tinguished not only by -
Inside Byzantium
AVERIL CAMERON NATALIE ZEMON DAVIS LECTURES, BUDAPEST, 2014 OCTOBER 17 – 22 ARGUING IT OUT: DISCUSSION IN BYZANTIUM LECTURE 1 INSIDE BYZANTIUM Social history, comparison, methodology Arnason, Johann P., ‘Byzantium and historical sociology’, in Stephenson 2010, 491-504 Haldon, John F., ed., A Social History of Byzantium (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009) Haldon, John F., ‘Towards a social history of Byzantium’, in Haldon 2009, 1-30 Haldon, John F., ‘The Byzantine empire’, in Ian Morris and Walter Scheidel, eds., The Dynamics of Ancient Empires (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 224-73 Haldon, John F., ‘The Byzantine successor state’, in Peter Fibiger Bang and Walter Scheidel, eds., The Oxford Handbook of the State in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013) Stephenson, Paul, ‘Byzantium transformed, c. 950-1200’, Medieval Encounters 10 (2004), 185-210 Preiser-Kapeller, J., ‘Complex historical dynamics of crisis: the case of Byzantium’, in S. Deger- Jalkotzy and A. Suppan, ed., Krise und Transformation. Beiträge des internationalen Symposiums vom 22. bis 23. November 2010 an der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2011), 69-128 Byzantine literary culture, 11c and 12c (selective!) Agapitos, P.A., ‘In Rhomaian, Frankish and Persian lands: fiction and fictionality in Byzantium’, in P.A. Agapitos and L.B. Morensen, eds., Medieva Narrative between History and Fiction: From the Centre to the Peripheruy of Europe, c. 1100-1400 -
Chapter Chapter
ChapterChapter 9 The Byzantine Empire and Russia (A.D. 330 – A.D. 1613) In small groups, find evidence to support the following thesis statements. 1. Justinian was an autocrat. 2. Women could attain positions of power and influence in the Byzantine Empire. 3. Religious differences divided Byzantine Christians from Roman Catholics. 4. The Byzantine empire preserved the achievements of earlier civilizations and influenced later civilizations. The Byzantine Empire and Russia After the fall of Rome, the Greco-Roman heritage survived in the Byzantine empire for 1000 years. Byzantine civilization shaped the developing cultures of Russia and Eastern Europe. Section 1 Growth of the Byzantine Power . The Byzantine empire centered around Constantinople, was the Roman Empire, not just the continuation of it in the East. The Byzantine empire served as a center of world trade and a buffer between Western Europe, and the Arab empire. Emperor Constantine rebuilt the city of Byzantium in A.D. 330, renaming it Constantinople. The city of Constantinople developed a uniquely Greek or Byzantine character as early as during the reign of Diocletian from 284 to 305. When Rome was seized by the Goths, the Byzantine empire continued as before, believing themselves to be the Roman Empire. Over the centuries Byzantium evolved into a very different civilization. Why was Constantinople so successful? . It was located in the center of a trade route from Africa to the Balkans and Europe to the East, making it Europe’s busiest marketplace. It was easily defensible, located on an isthmus, surrounded on three sides by water. Land and sea walls bolstered defenses.