IN ILOILO CITY, PHILIPPINES Justin Francis Bionat1*, Leonard Francis Alcoran2 and Rejie Lyn Duya3

QUEER POLITICS AND HUMAN RIGHTS: A CASE STUDY OF HOMOSEXUAL AND TRANSGENDER “PARLORISTA” IN ILOILO CITY, PHILIPPINES Justin Francis Bionat1*, Leonard Francis Alcoran2 and Rejie Lyn Duya3

1Institute of Human Rights and Peace Studies, Mahidol University, Thailand 2 College of Arts and Sciences, West Visayas State University, Philippines 3 College of Law, Sultan Kudarat University, Philippines

Abstract: This is a case study of the selected five (5) parlorista bakla who typically identify as either homosexual men or transgenders women in Iloilo City. Parloristas are typically seen as low-income “bakla” – a colloquial Filipino term that means effeminate homosexual men an transgender women. This study identifies and describes the socio-cultural and economic background of the selected participants, analyzes the forms of oppression and acts of discrimination that they experienced and identify the types of government support and legislation that can serve as basis for further human right programming in local settings in the Philippines. The research utilized queer politics as basis of analysis into the lived experiences of respondents with varying socio-cultural and economic backgrounds. Interviews were conducted and facilitated with the use of one questionnaire. Results have shown that the respondent's multi-faceted intersectional socio-cultural and economic backgrounds play a significant role in the acceptance of the participants in various settings. The participants‟ socio-economic background, as well as, the discovery of self-identified sexual orientation, gender identity and expression (SOGIE). Parloristas have developed a tolerance of discrimination and have regarded it as common-day experience that does not need to be corrected or addressed to the proper authority or institution. The findings also suggest that government support and legislation are essential in protecting the rights of these populations because legal mechanisms are most effective in curtailing discrimination. This study takes on intersectional analysis as precursor to legal redress for the discrimination of sexual and gender minorities in the Philippines.

Keywords: homosexual men, transgender women, Philippines, queer politics, intersectional analysis, discrimination

Queer Politics, The ‘Parlorista’ Classification and LGBTQ Rights in the Philippines

Mara, a „parlorista‟ who‟s in her 40s, proudly claims she already lived a “colorful - if not yet full - life … She eventually ended up in Hong Kong, running a salon, and there, “naging masaya ako (I was happy).” This, then, became somewhat of a call for her - “maging manggugupit (to cut hair)” (Tan, 2017)

The study of queer politics focuses on advancing political participation through a human rights-based approach recognizing the liberties and policies aimed for the development of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Queer (LGBTQ) sector. The discourse shall revolve around inclusion and assimilation as approaches to secure the rights of the individual. Rights and responsibilities of LGBTQ persons are analysed and studied. Queer politics accommodates gender non-conformists and sexual minorities. The battle over inclusion and equality is fought not only at the state level but also at the local or personal level.

Human rights is seen as being highly influential in the LGBTQ liberation movement, albeit we still live in a society where persons are attacked in the street, bullied in schools, underrepresented and misrepresented in the media and oppressed in many other ways, on the basis of their sexual orientation and gender identity.

Corresponding Authors‟ Email: * [email protected] Justin Francis Bionat et al / Queer Politics and Human Rights: A Case Study of Homosexual………

Queer politics is first understood as an “in your face” politics of a younger generation that seeks to make “queer” function as more than just an abbreviation for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgendered. Secondly, it recognizes and encourages the fluidity and movement of people‟s sexual lives. Thirdly, that sexual expression is something that always entails the possibility of change, movement, redefinition, and subversive performance. Finally, it highlights the instability of sexual categories and sexual objects and challenges the multiple practices and vehicles of power which render them invisible and at risk. In a nutshell, queer politics is liberatory politics bringing together those deemed marginal and recognizes multisited systems that seek to normalize our sexuality, exploit our labor, and constrain our visibility. (Cohen, 1997)

Echoing the historically powerful speech of former United States of America Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, at Geneva, Switzerland in 2011, she proclaimed that “Gay rights are human rights, and human rights are gay rights.” Those identifying with the LGBTQ community have long been under fire even before the landmark June 28, 1969 Stonewall Riots which began the Gay Liberation Front (GLF). It is evident that the LGBTQ movement did not start easy elsewhere. The LGBTQ movement struggled in a highly conservative and traditional society, much like the present situation in the Philippines.

The 1987 Philippine Constitution has committed to upholding the dignity, equality and human rights of all persons. The Philippines has also ratified several international covenants, such as the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCAR), International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), Convention Against Torture (CAT) and the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). Finally, the country is also a signatory of the November 2006 Yogyakarta Principles, “a set of principles drawing on legally binding international human rights law to address the application of a broad range of international human rights standards to issues of sexual orientation and gender identity,” which further affirms that the Philippines agrees to promote equal rights within the jurisdictional boundaries of the state, especially on issues pertaining to sexual orientation and gender identity, self-determined or perceived.

In 2014, a report entitled Being LGBTQ in Asia: The Philippines Country Report noted that there are continuing social and political challenges for the LGBTQ community collectively and as individuals. On a political and legal perspective, same-sex activity is not criminalized and sexual orientation is mentioned in various laws, however, there is still a lack of a national Anti-Discrimination Law with numerous proposals to the Philippine Senate and Congress since the 1990s but to no avail. At the policy level, there are inclusive policies in various offices, institutions and private establishments. Many forms of discrimination are systematic in nature and are institutionalized. Culturally and socially, attitudes towards LGBTQ persons are complex, with signs of acceptance among young Filipinos but questions of whether that acceptance is based conforming to stereotypes, social norms and occupational niches.

Due to the lack of active legislation and policy to protect the rights of LGBTQ individuals, they are faced with discriminatory acts that are manifested in their day to day lives. Rainbow Rights Project (2014) shows us an interesting narrative by a transgender women respondents recalling her experience of harassment and discrimination when applying for passports and international travel documents at the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA). Police officers and the military were also responsible for harassment, bullying, ridiculing, arbitrarily detaining, asking and ordering to provide sexual favors and taunting transgender women.

This study seeks to recognize that in terms of social acceptance fueled by mass media. Tagudina (2012), “Most, if not all, portrayals of gays in television and film continue to perpetuate stereotypes as promiscuous, unstable in handling relationships and ridiculous. The queer community in the Philippines has many faces, but the one most used frequently seen is the parlor gay stereotype.” The typical “parlorista bakla”, as defined by Benedicto (2008), is a flamboyant, camp cross-dresser who works in a beauty salon.

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In Limpangog, Pruitt, & Lee (2017), the authors have noted that as a workforce sector, the parlorista bakla, constitutes the biggest, most organized sector of transgender women. Organizations like the Hairdressers and Cosmetologist Association of the Philippines (HACAP) have become avenues of representation for this sector in lobbying for labor rights and economic justice. The diverse participation of the parlorista bakla extends to the entertainment industry, market vending, hospitality work and even commercial sex work taking place in varying degrees across the Philippines. It is, however, beneficial to note that the previous study failed to see that although economically, the parloristas have been game changers in the sector, they still face disproportionate levels of economic and social barriers.

In Claudio (2013), an opinion piece entitled “In defense of the parlor gay”, a parlorista, he explains, “reflects a version of homosexuality that Philippine society finds hard to accept. The platonic idea of male homosexuality further fuels the discrimination of the parlor gay both outside and within the community. In effect, preventing the discrimination of the LGBTQ community would mean distancing oneself and creating distinctions between the modern, middle-class gay from the “parlorista beki”, easily becoming a form of denigration. Contemporary cultural theory sees the creation of “others” as the first step of systematic discrimination and exclusion.”

The need to preserve sexual diversity, gender plurality, sexual rights and freedom in diverse societies as the spirit of rights based approach is highlighted in Kole (2007), leaving indigenous queer sexualities perform their own way. This study argues that LGBT identities may emerge in Eastern societies without the political rhetoric of the West that tends to globalize the LGBT identity blurring sexual diversities, sexual cultures and indigenous queer identities. Similar to India there is a need to study the parloristas of the Philippines as a an indigenous and local queer identity in the Philippines.

Historically, the 1960‟s is considered the start of the conceptual history of Philippine gay culture. It was then that swardspeak/gayspeak/baklese, the subcultural „lingo‟ of urban gay men that uses elements from Tagalog, English, Spanish and Japanese, emerged and practiced in the Philippine „gay‟ scene. The 1990s witnessed the birth and emergence of Philippine-specific “LGBT studies” carried out in several major universities around the country. This was a big boost in the study of the LGBT identity in the Philippine context. This decade also saw the mainstreaming of LGBT-related writing in mainstream media. (Garcia, 2009)

As Garcia noted, LGBT studies distinguished by its critical perspective, is interested in the political and politicized interest of non-heteronormative identities and desires. Theoretical inquiry into epistemology is the central theme of these studies, focused on determining who “gays, lesbians, transgenders, ans bisexuals are?” These studies first, seek to problematize the issues of gender and sexuality and second, given the postcolonial context of the Philippines, sexual and gender definitions become historically and reflexively essential in understanding the present situation of the Philippines.

This increased awareness, although not significant, of the existence of LGBTs in the entertainment industry strengthened the gay culture in the Philippines, but somehow limited to the entertainment industry only. “Gay lingo” and LGBT literature (in the form of poetry, film and story) flourished during the early years of the 21st century.

In new millennium, 2000s, more LGBT organizations were formed addressing specific needs such as sexual and reproductive health (particularly HIV/AIDS), psychological support, representation in sports events, religious and spiritual organizations, and political representation.

There was also a significant rise of LGBTs in the media industry with the emergence of a new generation of gay and lesbian comedians, singers, actors, media personalities and fashion icons, including the outbreak of humorous blockbuster films that revolve around the storyline of a typical gay or lesbian Filipino, propagating the stereotype against the parloristas.

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The Philippine context presents several classifications of gay men influenced by cultural constructions influenced by norms and behaviors, one specific classification is the parlorista (Garcia, 2009). This parlorista classification has been further defined as being an effeminate gay man, a crossdresser, flamboyant lifestyle and having feminine mannerisms (Benedicto, 2008). Specifically in the media, the portrayal of local gay guys, such as the the image of the extreme flamboyant screaming parloristas, greatly affect the level of consciousness/tolerance and acceptance of the general public towards gays. (Reyes, Balacuit, Carangcarang, Diayon, & Lerin, 2012)

In Manalansan (2003), the Filipino social category, bakla, has the conceptual core of crossdressing and effeminacy but likewise addressed the intersection of race, gender and sexuality. The term bakla¸ nonetheless, has become an emotionally laden derogatory term. In this study one participant was quoted as saying, “Pag minsan, kahit na palagi kang nakikisama sa mga gay dito, kailangan mo rin ipakita na iba ka. Iba ang drama mo. (Sometimes, even after trying to fit in with other gays here, you need to show that you are different. One has a different drama.),” religion, class, family, and race are sites where Filipino gay men‟s articulations of belonging and being are performed. Finally, notions of the bakla possession a “female heart” (pusong babae) or that there is a “real” screaming queen inside becomes problematic when one encounters a “masculine” bakla which is then met either with puzzlement or suspicion.

One recorded case of discrimination that clearly exhibited the stereotypical notion of the parlorista gay was noted in Rainbow Rights Project, Inc., 2015, as one of the participant narrations was that “When a gay man decided to run for public office as a barangay (village) official, his opponent went around the barangay and told voters, “If you vote for him, this barangay will be crowded with gays and will become a beauty parlor.” Fortunately, the gay man still won the elections.”

Sexual identity development becomes an essential insight in the life of gay Filipinos. Take for example, in Docena (2013), the narratives of the coming out experiences of Waray gay youth were studied and results have shown that feelings of being different from same-gender peers were felt at an early age. Recognition and acceptance happened instantaneously for some, while others explored opposite-gender relationships before accepting their gay identity. Family played a determining role in the subsequent sexual identity development of the participants. Ambivalent heterosexism placed these Waray young gay adolescents in a difficult position.

According to Johnson (1997), most gay men in the south are often believed to pretend that they are either real gays or pretending as parloristas to get closer to women. So either designation of the term bantut-bantut refers to young men who cross-dress but who are thought to be pretending or a real gay. He also analyzed that young gays working at the parlors are often favored by their families for contributing to the household economy in comparison to the unmarried sons who are contrary to what gay men do for the household, and their involvement with beauty is in part effected by the glamour attached to working in the beauty parlor. All this points out that gay parloristas are not only acknowledged as industrious children but are also celebrated for their gifts in creating beauty.

Branching from those realities and considering the present-day situation of human rights and peace in the Philippines, the relevance of these types of studies are essential in the larger discourse of social justice and human rights. They are apposite to status-quo because oppression figuratively will not choose the person‟s sexual orientation, gender identity and expression (SOGIE), but targets all persons who come from minority groups. This type of discrimination haunts the members of the LGBTQ community, along with the rampant acts of tyranny, oppression, and repression. State violence breeds in patriarchal societies. This is the same patriarchal society that labels LGBTQ persons as second-class citizens, as deviants, as faggots and as dykes. These persons are victimized as their basic human rights are not afforded to them.

This study strives to see the parallelism of a radical post-modern field of political science, queer politics, that tackles sexuality and counters heteronormativity as core themes, and the lived experiences of the stereotypical

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“gay identity” in the Philippines, the “parloristas”. This study specifically looks into the participants experiences of discrimination and oppression as self-identified gay and transgender “parloristas” and the subsequent effects of this identity to their economic, socio-cultural and cultural lives. Describing the socio-cultural and economic background of gay and transgender parloristas in Iloilo City and analyzing the forms of oppression and acts of discrimination that gay and transgender parloristas experienced, will help to identify the types of support systems and legislation that can serve as medium in achieving human rights for sexual and gender minorities in the Philippines.

In this study, the researchers limited their research primarily on the lived experiences of five (5) gay and transgender parloristas. The participants shall be self-identified gays (homosexual men who are attracted to other men, and who identify as gay) and transgender women (individuals biologically born male but identify themselves and present themselves as female). They are either employed or are the owners a beauty parlor, beauty salon, spa and other similar businesses or establishments within the seven (7) districts of Iloilo City aging from 18 to 50 years old. The researcher see no conflict of interest in the conduct of this paper. The study focused mainly on this demographic only due to the need to address LGBT issues at the grassroots level with members of the community that experience such acts first hand. Also, although the study looks into the status quo of lesbians and bisexual community members as well, the study is limited to members of the LGBT community that are biologically male only as most parloristas are assigned male at birth. The study is limited to those residing in the city of Iloilo only because the limited resources of the researchers and availability of respondents coming from various locations.

This is article is a shortened version of an unpublished undergraduate thesis submitted by the authors to the Department of Social Science, College of Arts and Science, West Visayas State University, Iloilo City, Philippines. This paper was presented in the International Conference of Gender Studies hosted by TIIKM and the University of Johannesburg, South Africa at Bangkok Thailand on the 4th and 5th of October, 2018. The paper underwent ethical review from West Visayas State University. The authors admit that there are gaps in the methodology and overall process of this research project.

The Participants

The five (5) participants were determined by local groups and organizations. The participants are gay and transgender parloristas in the City of Iloilo which reside in within the seven (7) geographical districts namely, Jaro, Molo, Mandurriao, La Paz, Lapuz, Villa-Arevalo and City Proper. The participants were chosen as such, because the research is mainly targeted in determining their experiences and how this affected their lives politically and socially, which may then be used for further advocacy work, lobbying, policy making and service provision.

The researchers will be seeking the assistance of grassroots LGBTQ organizations, Local Government Units (LGUs), advocates in the field and identified individuals for recommendations in choosing the right pool of individuals as our participants.

To facilitate the discussion in the chapter containing the results of the study, we present a brief introduction to the five participants including their sexual orientation, gender identity and expression. The participants used their preferred names and not their real names. This will also add a more creative and genuine tone to the discussion while ensuring that all voices are heard.

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Gwen Tan: She is 34 years old and identifies as transgender, homosexual, and feminine. She is single, a vocational diploma holder and works at Camilla’s Beauty Salon located at E. Lopez St., Jaro, Iloilo City.

Cassandra Gustillo. She is 39 years old and identifies as transgender, homosexual, and feminine. She is single, has not completed a college degree and works at Ash8 Beauty Salon located at Brgy. Arguelles, Jaro, Iloilo City.

Mitch Borromeo. She is 29 years old and identifies as male, homosexual, and feminine. She is single, is a vocational diploma holder and works at Pink Castle Salon and Spa located at The Shops at Amigo, Brgy. Danao, Iloilo City Proper, Iloilo City.

Ducky Pamplona. She is 32 years old and identifies as transgender, homosexual, and feminine. She is in a live-in relationship, is a vocational diploma holder and owns and works at Salon de Pamplona located at Ledesma St., Iloilo City Proper, Iloilo City.

Jewel Dela Fuente. She is 39 years old and identifies as male, homosexual, and feminine. She is single, a college graduate and works at S.P.A. Salon located at Marymart Mall, Iloilo City Proper, Iloilo City.

Thematic Narratives of the ‘Parloristas’

The analysis of the data began with the transcribing of the participants‟ responses and then analysis using thematic coding. The researchers reviewed the results, made notes and sorted it out into categories, then the researchers moved their analysis from a broad reading of the data to the discovering patterns, identifying predominant problems, and developing themes.

Table 1 reflects the socio-cultural and economic background of the participants including their educational background and discovery of their sexual orientation, gender identity and expression (SOGIE).

Table 1: Socio-Cultural and Economic Background of the Participants Participant 1 discovered her sexuality since elementary. her choice of playmates and toys contributed to her sexuality. worked in Manila, after graduating high school, as an entertainer and became more „out‟ and she felt freedom drank many pills to alter biological and physiological makeup to conform with her gender identity and expression. worked as a beauty consultant of Natasha Iloilo Participant 2 developed from elementary to college years. dressed like a girl during her younger years. discovered her sexuality, of being a woman, when she went to Manila. joined beauty contests and worked in a bar in Manila. supported her family financially while working in Manila. Participant 3 was feminine when she was younger as observed by

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her parents. she believes that her sexuality is inborn but only came out when she graduated from high school. ran away from home and learned to do haircut, and graduated from a vocational course. Participant 4 discovered her sexuality when she was 5 years old. did not have a male image in her life. was born in a Christian, Catholic family and was mistreated from male family members. ran away from home and joined pageants to sustain he daily needs. Participant 5 discovered she was gay when she was 7 years old and believes that it is a natural thing. started her interest in beauty care since high school like cleaning her brother‟s nails and being a makeup artist for her neighbors. plans to earn lots of money in preparation when she gets old.

Based on the data in Table 1, all of the participants have discovered their sexualities at a young age but only experienced liberation later in life. Four of the participants have finished vocational courses and only one finished college. This is largely because of harsh economic struggles intrinsic in poor Filipino families but the research found that moving to Manila or escaping their own homes is a recurring theme in four of the participants. This is a compounding factor why access to tertiary education is limited because they are mostly self-supporting. Although, in this aspect of self-definition, the participants are not only seeking personal freedoms but are also looking for better job opportunities, which they find unavailable in Iloilo City.The participants surmised that after returning from Manila and/or from their families, they experienced a sense of reacquisition of their lives going on to supporting their families, this portrays that most of the participants have contributed to the household economy and are productive as financial supporters to their kin.

Other forms of gender expression also manifested as a theme, all the participants have experienced that joining beauty pageants are ways for them to feel accepted. It is a liberatory factor and is considered by the participants as a major undertaking on their holistic personal development.

Only one of the participants expressed the need for future plans, specifically during old age. It is important to note that although only one participant elaborated on saving money and accumulating funds, she also expressed the need for aging homes or home for the aged exclusive for LGBT persons. This may be expressed by one participant but aging without access to retirement benefits and security plans is a reality all of the participants experience.

Table 2 shows the forms of oppression and acts of discrimination that the participants experiences

Table 2: Forms of Oppression and Acts of Discrimination Experienced by the Participants Participant 1 taunted by her brother, called “ano ka agi ka!) (you are gay!) recognized discrimination that comes from within the community, from lesbians, like when they attended a fiesta and were called „Oy ara na ang agi! Ara na! Ara na!‟ (Oh the gays are here! They are here! They are here!) Participant 2 recognized that gays are murdered in the present administration (extrajudicial killings).

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verbal abuse as a form of discrimination is one of her experiences, “Siling nila nga „bakla, bakla ka malas ka sa buhay‟ (They say Gay! Gay! You‟re bad luck!) exploitation from a live-in partner. “Nag-asawa ako na hindi ko pala dapat maglive-in na sa ganun. Kumbaga inubos ko kaagad ang aking buhay sa kanya” (I had a husband when I wasn‟t ready for that type of relationship. Participant 3 teased in public places. struggles using the public comfort rooms in malls and other places, reprimanded for using the female comfort room. verbal discrimination, being shouted at in the streets and this worsened especially when she was in high school. had difficulty applying for a work because of her appearance, having long hir and being asked about her gender experienced discrimination in her barangay, was told that “Bwisit gid na ang mga agi sa kalibutan” (Gays are bullshit in this world” and “Ngaa nag agi pa kamo man?” (Why did you like to be gays” Participant 4 mistreated in her family from male family members. raped by her ex-boyfriend. discrimination from police authorities, reported an incident in the police station and no one believed her. verbal discrimination, called „kabayo‟ (horse) Participant 5 was teased and bullied in school but believes that this is natural. was physically discriminated when she was younger

Based on the data in Table 2, all five participants have experienced varied forms of discrimination and oppression. A recurring theme in all the participants‟ experiences is their experiences of verbal abuse in school and in other public spaces. These verbal attacks are often imbued with prejudice and disgust, common social reactions toward LGBT individuals, irregardless of their personalities or expression. All five participants have reacted to these verbal attacks by not fighting back and internalizing the experience as a part of the life of a gay or transgender in the Philippines. This is a common pattern and it can be analyzed that this normalization of discrimination is a form oppression because they are forced to be silent and use the experience as a form of motivation.

Another form of discrimination that the participants recognized comes from members of the LGBT community. Verbal abuse comes from lesbians, one participant said.

Perhaps the most severe form of oppression comes from abusive relationships. Two of the participants shared personal anecdotes of abuse. One participant was financially leeched off by her partner while another was sexually raped by her partner. The data shows that neither of the two were given help by the government. Especially Participant 4, who reported it to the authorities but was utterly ignored. These are the realities that the participants face in their lives.

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Table 3 shows the types of government support and legislation that can serve as medium in achieving human rights for LGBTs.

Table 3: Types of Government Support and Legislation that can serve as Medium in Achieving Human Rights for LGBTs Participant 1 a candidate running for congressman gathered the LGBT community in Guimaras and formed an association for them. give more laws that will prevent gays and the LGBT community from being harassed (ant- discrimination) give them the right to seek redress and right to forward their rights. Participant 2 government needs to accept gays in the society and not turn them down Participant 3 a gay representative in the government that will fight for our rights. gender neutral bathrooms for members of the LGBT community in public places. Participant 4 give us private toilets for our privacy (gender neutral bathrooms) minimum wage increase and benefits like health benefits and social security system (SSS) benefits for members of the LGBT community. addressing the issue of gays who ran away from home. Participant 5 livelihood opportunities for gays because she believes that gays are talented. home for the aged for gays. LGBT representation in the government that will represent the sector.

Table 3 illustrates the types of support that the participants felt that the government could help. The participants expressed varied concerns on areas where the government could help. All of the participants agree that an anti- discrimination statute could help ease their struggles and provide fairer treatment towards LGBT‟s in the Philippines. The themes here are derived from their desire for representation, gender neutral bathrooms, minimum wage increase and social security, and livelihood programs for parloristas. Generally, the participants need inclusion in political discussions and for their struggles to be seen.

Conclusion of Findings

The socio-cultural and economic background of the ten (10) participant gay and transgender parloristas were described. Different variables were taken into account that would piece together the background of their identities. One notable thrust that this study gathered is that acceptance of the family of the participants depended on their capacity to provide. Similar to (Limpangog, Pruitt, & Lee, 2017), the participants were subjected to social pressures to provide for the financial and material needs of their individual families, such as being the breadwinner of the family and giving a certain portion of their salary to the family coffer, so to speak. In order to provide for the needs of their families, they relied greatly on their employment status and annual income.

The significant socio-economic barriers faced by the parloristas, is their low income in employment and educational background. Parloristas are typically seen as low-income bakla. As for their educational

9 Justin Francis Bionat et al / Queer Politics and Human Rights: A Case Study of Homosexual……… background, majority of the participants of this study have not attained a college degree, a few however, have received vocational or associate diplomas for specific skills. Finally, the need to be the provider of the family stems from the actuality that they are still seen, by their parents or immediate family members, as the male son or the one that is tasked to do hard work to support the family.

Intersectionality comes into play when we look into the compounding realities of parloristas relevant to the acceptance of their sexuality among family members. The typical parlorista struggles to provide for his or her family‟s needs and is further impeded by lack of better opportunities due to unsubstantial educational qualifications despite the conscious intent and willingness to finish formal education. Their sexual orientation, gender identity and expression plays a determining role in the level of acceptance and relationship with kinsfolk that they live-through.

Some of the participants have seen this line of work, being a parlorista, as an eventuality in their lives that will last until they grow old. They have likened beautification, talent and skill to their identity as a parlorista. One participant responded to the question by relating her lack of substantial educational background to her present “lowly” employment.

The research delved into the forms of discrimination that the participants experienced. The gathered data shows that the participants recognize the discriminatory acts (whether verbal discrimination such as teasing and catcalling, or social discrimination such as exclusion and or rejection from employment) that they undergo. Participants recount that they are called “plagues of society”, heckled for being gay, being teased by children, being called as thieves, being bullied in school, and being reprimanded for using the female comfort room in public areas such as malls. However, their behavior toward these acts were reduced to being one of the roles of LGBT individuals to accept criticisms and discrimination as part of the „normal‟ lives of LGBT individuals, redirecting it and using it as motivation to increase self-confidence, to not get affected by the act or ignore the act as it is not worth minding, finding ways to alter the perception of society towards the community and leaving the scene during the instance that it may lead to physical assault.

The fundamental premise of this inference is that parloristas have developed a tolerance of discrimination and have regarded it as common-day experience that does not need to be corrected or addressed to the proper authority or institution. This becomes problematic when we discuss human rights as a concept to realize the fundamental, inherent, universal and inalienable rights of a person. It is a common trend reveled by the participants that they just want to be accepted as an individual in society free from judgement and given utmost respect. They have also revealed that acceptance in the family and at home is indispensable.

Finally, bridging from the previous conclusion, the participants were asked about their self-determined definition of “acceptance” in the context of being a parloristas in status-quo. The participants have asserted that only through government support and active legislation will acceptance be achieved, such as, providing employment, pledge to provide a mechanism to deter discrimination such as an anti-discrimination law, observance of the rule of law and to not murder gays because they are not animals and passing a law to legalize same-sex marriage as it is seem as the highest form of acceptance.

One issue that was not explicitly mentioned as a possible recommendation to state actors for the benefit of LGBTQ rights is in addressing and providing an alternative solution to LGBTQ persons who use public comfort rooms that do not match their biological sex at birth but rather coincides with the gender identity or preferred gender identification. In the case of transgender individuals and other genders that are not typically pegged as male or female, it has been an issue as to which comfort room they will utilize. The findings of this study revealed that one respondent was reprimanded for using the female bathroom since the participant was biologically male.

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The aspect of queer identities and intersectionality now becomes apparent when one discusses the ensuing discrimination that happens against these individuals. The findings see the need to apply cross cut analysis of the lived experiences of discrimination of parloristas. Much like other queer identities, parloristas are composed of multi-layered identities that are dictated by their socio-cultural identities (like age, ethnicity, race, religion, sex, gender, educational background etc.) and economic identities (like social class and employment). The parloristas in the Philippine setting live through diverse and varying identities which contribute to the discrimination that they face.

All of the participants felt that the discrimination they experienced was a violation of their human rights (regardless of how minimal or extensive the effect was.) They asked for the support of the government by addressing the discrimination that is a reality that the community lives through. The study indicates that the support of the government is pre-requisite for the complete acceptance of parlorista gays in the society. By addressing the problems of discrimination among the participants this unambiguously means that the government is giving equal chances for the inclusion and acceptance of homosexual and transgender parloristas.

Implications

Our main aim in this study was to reveal the experiences of homosexual and transgender parloristas and address the almost total lack of research evidence on the use of intersectional analysis tool and queer theory in the deriving of results. We have done so by directly interviewing, observing and reporting on the socio- cultural background, experiences of discrimination and desired or available government support of the participants.

Our study, being of an exploratory and interpretive nature, raises a number of opportunities for future research, both in terms of theory development and concept validation. More research will in fact be necessary to refine and further elaborate our novel findings.

First, while we have generated a number of new and we believe useful conceptual categories, given the in-depth sampling strategy focused on exploring the experiences of homosexual and transgender parloristas.

Second, our study offers the opportunity to refine and validate the concepts and constructs that emerged from our data analysis and case profiling. For example, available and desired government support that can aid in forwarding the rights of LGBT individuals will need further refinement and elaboration, in terms of both its political and societal dynamics.

Finally, as discussed the Limitations of this study, further work is necessary to examine the experiences of other members of the LGBT community, like bisexuals and transgender men, for example. This is necessary to maintain an inclusive and diverse academic research environment.

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to acknowledge the faculty of the Social Science Department, College of Arts and Sciences, West Visayas State University. We would like to most especially thank Professor Joyce Colon and Professor Mary Ann Dela Vega, for their guidance and supervision.

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