Letters from the Chairs and Crisis Director

Dear fellow delegates,

My name is James Shiang and I am ecstatic to be your chair for the Soviet Civil Administration at WinMUN III! I am a junior at Winchester High School and have loved being a delegate of Model United Nations since I stepped into my first debate room in freshman year. Last year, I staffed the backroom of the JCC at WinMUN II and had a blast responding to crisis notes and immersing myself as debate unfolded.

Step into the world of 1946 Korea: a tumultuous time with two of the strongest governments and militaries facing off for dominance over the Korean peninsula. The Soviets claim the north part of the 38th parallel while the United States claims the south. Who will come out victorious? It’s up to you to decide.

Crisis committees are my favorite type of MUN committees because they mirror real-world scenarios: fast-pace, rapid debate with delegates gunning for personal gain by any means necessary including backstabbing, betrayal, murder, and espionage. Anything can and will happen in this crisis committee. Prepare the best you can, but don’t be caught off guard; if another delegate foils your original plans, always have another one ready to execute. I want you all to push your public speaking, debate, character and perseverance skills to the limit: this JCC is meant to be difficult, but give it everything you’ve got.

Outside of MUN, I am the Vice-President of Tri-M, an honors society dedicated to serving the community through music. I am also into filmmaking and video production, playing the violin, and card magic.

I look forward to getting to know you all and watching you grow over the course of the conference. Maybe, just maybe you will walk away with an award that day, but if you don’t I at least want you to be proud of your accomplishments and the effort you provided to make yourself a better MUN delegate. If you have any questions or concerns, don’t hesitate to reach out to me or the rest of the conference staff!

James Shiang WinMUN III JCC Chair: Soviet Civil Administration [email protected]

Korea 1946 Background Guide 1

Salutations Delegates,

My name is Shakir Sahibul and I’m a junior at Winchester High School and a member of the Winchester MUN team. I’ll be the chair for the United States Military Government side at WinMUN III, and I’m so excited to help craft this JCC experience for all of you. Although this will be my first time chairing a committee, I have experience as a crisis staffer from WinMUN II’s JCC, working in the shadows to shift the story of the crisis. As a chair, I hope to encourage you all to make big moves and keep the other side always guessing what you’ll throw at them. What will you be willing to trade away to gain an advantage over your adversaries... and who really a​ re​ your adversaries?

Crisis Committees are unique, with individual delegates being capable of swaying the entire crisis if they use crisis notes properly. If you want a fun and interesting committee experience, I cannot stress this enough: write lots of detailed crisis notes. They will allow you to build your personal “crisis arc” and pursue your objectives, which are of the utmost importance when representing a person in a Crisis committee. They will often times also be more influential than any directive that is passed in committee (not to say that directives are not important).

I also want to stress that you should be an individual in committee. Don’t be afraid to voice a new opinion, even after one has already started to gain momentum. Also, remember that every action you take in committee should be in the service of your personal objectives. If you cannot get the committee’s support for directives that further your objectives, write crisis notes that do. Remember that not everyone in your room has the same goals as you, but there will be a few similarly minded delegates. You should find them and write joint crisis notes together to further your personal objectives more effectively. You may be in a room with other people on the same side of this conflict, but that does not mean that your objectives are very similar.

I excitedly await to see how all of you will pursue your personal objectives while still trying to work together. I especially can’t wait to see what insane crisis arcs you all will craft. Remember to be bold and independent.

Shakir Sahibul WinMUN III JCC Chair: United States Military Government [email protected]

Korea 1946 Background Guide 2

안녕 대표들! (Hello delegates!)

My name’s Alex Lee, and I’m a junior at Winchester High School and a member of THE Winchester MUN Executive Board. I’m super pumped to welcome you to WinMUN III! This is my third WinMUN Joint Crisis Committee and my second as Crisis Director. I’ll act as the “storyteller” of committee, weaving your nefarious plots (and some nefariousness of our own) into an exciting and challenging crisis that both sides must overcome to survive.

This year’s JCC is kind of a passion project for me. You’ll jump into the middle of a very uncertain post-war world, where East Asia has just emerged from decades of colonialism and the US and USSR haven’t quite fallen into their Cold War deadlock. With all of the layered subplots, conflicting loyalties, and clashing interests that our topic provides, supported by an amazing series of chairs and an incredible backroom staff, I’m positive that you will find novel, manipulative, treacherous, and probably murderous ways of upending the Korean peninsula.

One thing I want to emphasize in this year’s JCC is to reach out to members of the other room. A unique aspect of our scenario is that, while the USMG and SCA each hold many opposing goals, the committee rooms don’t start out in open conflict and don’t necessarily have to enter it. It’s up to delegates how inter- and intra-committee conflicts play out! I encourage you to seek out your delegate’s counterparts in the other half of the Crisis and talk face-to-face. Some of you may find that your closest allies aren’t even in the same committee room, or that your enemies are sitting right next to you.

When preparing for crises (or any committee in general), the best thing you can do is research, research, research. On top of your typical in-committee maneuvering, Crisis committees involve a ton of rapid-fire events that have to be dealt with quickly and effectively. The better you know the topic and your character’s positions, the easier of a time you’ll have when the crisis starts heating up and directives get debated. This background guide is (hopefully) a solid start to your researching quest, but make sure to look beyond what we’ve given you and study up on outside resources.

I’m thrilled to get back into the crisis room and see what crazy schemes you come up with. We’re really excited about this committee, and we hope that you are too. Happy researching, and best of luck!

Alex Lee WinMUN III JCC Crisis Director [email protected]

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How JCCs Work

Intro to Crisis1 Crisis Committees differ in many ways from a General Assembly or other traditional MUN simulations. Rather than an international debate over a global issue, most Crisis simulations focus on a specific region or conflict. There are typically no more than a few dozen delegates, who usually represent the interests of individual people instead of entire nations. Delegates receive dossiers describing the objectives and abilities of their person, as well as pertinent information about that person. Compared to a GA, the pace of debate is much faster and less formal.

Crisis Committees are most significantly different from GAs in delegates’ capacity to directly affect their scenario. While General Assemblies typically pass resolutions at the end of the session, Crisis Committees will pass multiple directives throughout the day that immediately alter the “state of the world.” Delegates can also submit private “Crisis Notes,” which use the delegate’s personal powers to individually change the direction of the committee. All documents are sent to the Crisis backroom. Another major aspect of Crisis committees is “Crisis Events.” Crisis staffers will regularly deliver updates to the committee room about changes in their scenario, whether it be wars, natural disasters, statements to the press, or beyond. Delegates can even be assassinated! Some of these events may be the result of directives or crisis notes. These Crisis Events create a feedback system between delegates and the crisis staff as each work to build the world and the story of the committee.

It is usually harder to prepare for crisis committees as a delegate since you have no way of predicting when, how, or which curveballs will be thrown your way. In this committee, you are your given character, and the crisis staff represents the “outside” world and all the events that occur there. Every delegate will be advancing their own character’s agendas, so stay on your toes!

So what’s a JCC? Prepare for trouble. And make it double. A JCC, or Joint Crisis Committee, is a special type of Crisis consisting of two or more individual Crisis Committees, where decisions in one committee directly affect the other. The traditional raising of placards is replaced with international espionage, fast-paced decision making, and incessant debates—all aimed to destroy the ideological enemy. Delegates will not only have to worry about their committee, but also keep the opposite room in mind. The existence of an opposing committee opens up new opportunities for secret plots, secret communications, and most of all, backstabbing betrayals. The well-meaning, or hostile, actions of the opposing committee offer an unpredictable, volatile, and urgent, but undoubtedly exciting, experience.

1 Adapted from the WinMUN Crisis Workshop Guide.

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Introduction

January 1, 1946 World War Two has been over for some time now. After 35 years of colonial Japanese rule, the Korean peninsula is finally “liberated” (as both the Americans and Soviets might like to put it). In reality, Korea is still dominated by the interests of foreign powers, artificially divided between two rival administrations separated at the 38th parallel. The authority of the Korean Provisional Government in China has largely been dismissed; the future of a second domestic government, the People’s Republic of Korea, is uncertain.

The United States Military Government (USMG) controls the Korean peninsula south of the 38th parallel. A few Korean politicians sit on the USMG’s Korean Advisory Council, some more reluctantly than others. Meanwhile, the Soviet Civil Administration (SCA) occupies territory north of the 38th parallel, all the way to the Chinese and Soviet borders. The SCA exerts its influence on various Korean “People’s Committees,” inviting Korean leaders to join the SCA’s own council. The USMG and SCA severely mistrust each other, and each group faces internal conflict and domestic strife.

A few days ago, diplomatic representatives from the United States, Soviet Union, and the United Kingdom met in Moscow, where negotiations focused on how to manage territories in the Far East. It was decided that the U.S. and Soviet military commands in Korea would set up a Joint Commission to recommend guidelines for a single free government in Korea, handing control back to the Koreans after a five-year period of “trusteeship”. Now, it is up to the leaders of the USMG and SCA to form this new Korean government. What could possibly go wrong?

Disclaimer While based around real events, this JCC simulates an alternate history. As a result, although the background guide is largely historically accurate, not everything in the simulation will be completely true to life, including room composition or specific territorial control. During your research, if an event or character in the background guide conflicts with an event or character in real life, defer to the background guide.

A Note on Names Unlike Western names, Chinese and Korean names are typically spelled with a family name followed by a given name. For instance, John Smith would become Smith John. We used this naming system in the background guide and for individual dossiers (except for Syngman Rhee, whose Anglicized name is better known).

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Fun fact!​ Historically, most Koreans did not have a family name. During the 18th century, many Koreans adopted the surnames of a few aristocratic families, hence the many Kims, Parks and Lees today.

Japanese colonialism in Korea

The Empire of Japan After the Tokugawa shoguns lost all power in 1868, the Japanese emperor reclaimed his role as head of state in the Meiji Restoration. Japan failed to advance militarily and technologically under Tokugawa rule, allowing for Western powers to unfairly influence Japanese affairs and trade.

The Meiji emperor initiated several reforms aimed at modernizing and centralizing the empire. Samurai and nobles were forced to surrender their lands as the imperial court consolidated Japan into prefectures governed directly by a strong central bureaucracy and national Diet. At the same time, the creation of a national army ended dependence on samurai military support, effectively abolishing the old feudal system. With the creation of a nationwide tax system, the central government was able to pursue an agenda of Western-style industrialization through the construction of numerous railroads and telegraphs.2 Within a few decades, Japan had grown from a feudal society to a modern industrial powerhouse, allowing it to partake in imperialist ambitions.

Around the turn of the 20th century, the Empire of Japan embarked on an aggressively expansionist push into mainland Asia, hoping to capture territory rich in much-needed natural resources (particularly oil) and resenting the dominance of Western powers in Asia.3 Korea was an early target of Japanese colonization.

Foreign Intervention in Late-19th Century Korea Despite early successes at repelling Western attempts at trade, political changes during the late nineteenth century within the Korean monarchy allowed for the opening of several Korean ports to Japanese trade. With a growing Japanese presence on its borders, Qing China stationed soldiers in Korea while forcing the Korean government to open up to Chinese trade. Through China, Western nations seized the opportunity to set up embassies in Seoul.

By 1894, economic mismanagement and subsequent peasant revolts left the Korean monarchy severely weakened, prompting both Chinese and Japanese forces to intervene. The struggle between

2 “The Meiji Restoration and Modernization.” A​ sia for Educators | Columbia University,​ Columbia University, 2009. 3 Pruitt, Sarah. “Why Did Japan Attack Pearl Harbor?” History.com, A&E Television Networks LLC.

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Chinese and Japanese influence ballooned to new heights as each side competed for dominance on the peninsula during the First Sino-Japanese War. Japan’s victory in that conflict ensured enormous sway over the Korean government.

In an attempt to block further Japanese influence, the Korean monarchy sought to develop relations with the Russian Empire. In response, Japanese agents assassinated the anti-Japanese Empress Myeongseong, forcing Emperor Gojong’s flight to the Russian embassy. Clashing influences resulted in the Russo-Japanese War in 1904, which ultimately gave Japan sole power over Korea. After being forced to become a Japanese protectorate the same year, Korea reached out to Western powers in a last attempt at liberation. The Japanese Empire formally colonized Korea in 1910 after imprisoning Gojong’s son, Emperor Sunjong, in the imperial palace in Seoul.

Korea under Japanese Rule The Japanese set up a system of military government that restricted rights and censored Korean heritage while expanding Japanese education. To exploit Korean natural resources, the Japanese rapidly industrialized the peninsula, modernizing Korea.4 However, new economic policies directed at new transportation methods such as railroads and financial systems favored Japanese and excluded Koreans. The Japanese Government-General seized land, resulting in a diaspora of Koreans to other countries. The Japanese forced others to migrate, such as the thousands of Korean women who faced exploitation by Japanese soldiers as “comfort women.”5 Japanese atrocities during the colonial era still affect Korean-Japanese relations today.

In 1931, Japan resumed military rule over Korea despite several independence movements throughout the 1920s. The situation worsened as the Government-General forced Koreans to adopt Japanese customs and religion. Stricter rule came with the Second Sino-Japanese War in 1937 and World War II in 1941 as thousands of Korean men were conscripted into the military.

The March 1st Movement Fueled by the death of Emperor Gojong in 1919 and liberal movements internationally, Korean intellectuals and religious groups began advocating for independence. On March 1st, 1919, several leaders of the movement signed a declaration of independence. From there, protests and calls for independence spread throughout Korean cities. Protests became increasingly violent as Japanese police began firing into crowds and torturing suspected leaders. Koreans responded with assaults on Japanese government buildings and attacks on police. The Government-General only succeeded in suppressing the protests after Japanese reinforcements arrived in the peninsula.

4 Buzo, Adrian. ​The Making of Modern Korea.​ Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2017. 5 Hahn, Bae-ho, and Young Ick Lew. “Korea under Japanese Rule.” ​Encyclopædia Britannica​, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 25 Jan. 2019.

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The establishment of a Korean provisional government in Shanghai allowed for the continuation of the movement, and many Koreans continued to resist through the distribution of leaflets and worker strikes.6 Despite its failure, the March 1st Movement initiated political reforms that shifted the Government-General away from military rule and set off a wave of Asian anti-imperialist movements.

The Korean Provisional Government

The Provisional Government Forms Following the March 1st Movement, leaders such as Syngman Rhee and Kim Gu fled to Shanghai, establishing the Korean Provisional Government in April 1919. The creation of the provisional government was instrumental in unifying Korean independence activists and acquiring Western backing. The same month, Korean nationalists in Seoul formed a similar provisional government, which soon merged with the Shanghai government with Rhee as its leader.

Foreign Diplomacy After establishing the Provisional Legislative Assembly and establishing itself under republican values, the provisional government sent several delegates to the 1919 Paris Peace Conference. Delegates hoped to persuade Western powers to pressure Japan for Korean autonomy. These efforts to gain recognition were aimed particularly at the United States, as figures like Rhee, Kim Gyu-sik and An Chang-ho spent time in Washington raising support for liberation. Koreans, as well as other nationalists, looked to Wilson’s theory of self-determination as hope for American support.

Initially, the provisional government found some success. Aided by American missionaries’ reports of Japanese brutality, the provisional government was able to persuade some Americans to advocate for liberation. Several progressive and anti-imperialist congressmen petitioned Congress to act on the Korea issue, citing Japanese imperialist ambitions as a threat.7 However, America and European powers, hoping for a return to peace after World War I, feared to intervene in Korea and largely ignored the issue. Japan had already criticized the United States for allowing its missionaries to aid revolutionaries, forcing the Wilson administration to cautiously avoid helping the provisional government. By 1920, most American politicians, while still sympathetic to Korean liberation, dismissed the issue as out of their control. Soviet support for independence also declined after normalization of Japanese relations in 1925.

6 Baldwin, Frank. “Participatory Anti-Imperialism: The 1919 Independence Movement.” ​The Journal of Korean Studies,​ vol. 1, 1979, ​ pp. 123–162. JSTOR. 7 Savage, Timothy L. “The American Response to the Korean Independence Movement, 1910—1945.” ​The Journal of Korean Studies,​ vol. 20, 1996, pp. 189–231. JSTOR.

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Decline and Dissolution Korean independence activists fared little better in the 1930s. Within Korea, increased Japanese repression and the dissolution of moderate nationalist organizations like the Singanhoe led to fringe or radical voices becoming mainstream, advocating for guerilla or terrorist activities. Outside of Korea, a lack of a foreign sanctuary for Korean expats hampered petitions towards the US, UK, and USSR, all of which accepted Japan’s dominance over Korea. Although WWII renewed international attention to Korean independence, it was purely a strategic proposition, disregarding Korean national aspirations.8

The lack of tangible change led many Koreans to look upon the provisional government in Shanghai as weak and ineffective.9 Radical groups like the Korean National Revolutionary Party fared little better, eventually folding into KPG remnants under Nationalist Chinese control. Communists were also unsuccessful in organizing, with their Korean Communist Party outlawed in 1928. No Korean independence group had enough authority to be enlisted by the Allies against the Japanese.10 After World War II, the Soviet Union, the United States, and Britain largely ignored the provisional government as their own military governments took control of the Korean peninsula.

World War Two

The Second Sino-Japanese War Throughout the early 20th century, Japan slowly chipped away at China’s power, taking control of Chinese mines, ports, and the Manchurian railway system.11 Anti-Japanese sentiment steadily rose as the Chinese became increasingly resentful of Japanese control, particularly in Manchuria. In 1931, the Japanese faked a Chinese railway attack to transform Manchuria into a puppet state. When the League of Nations (a precursor to the modern United Nations) condemned Japan in 1933, Japan’s delegation left the League, accelerating the League’s demise.12 Japanese-Chinese relations rapidly deteriorated, leading to a major confrontation near Beiping (present-day Beijing) in the walled town of Wanping. After the Chinese refused to let the Japanese into the town and negotiations broke down, shots were fired and the Second Sino-Japanese War began.13

8 Buzo, Adrian. ​The Making of Modern Korea.​ Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2017. 9 McCune, George M. “Occupation Politics in Korea.” ​Far Eastern Survey,​ vol. 15, no. 3, 1946, pp. 33–37. JSTOR. 10 Buzo, Adrian. T​ he Making of Modern Korea​. Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2017. 11 “Twenty-One Demands.” ​Encyclopædia Britannica,​ Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 11 Jan. 2010. 12 Brown, Stewart. “Japan Stuns World, Withdraws from League.” United Press International, 24 Feb. 1933. 13 The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. “Second Sino-Japanese War.” E​ ncyclopædia Britannica​, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 14 Mar. 2019.

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Japan’s military superiority over China led to a quick succession of early victories in the war. Before the end of 1937, Japan captured the major port cities of Hankou, Peiping, Tianjin, Shanghai, and Nanjing, the Nationalist Chinese capital. Infamously, Japanese soldiers at Nanjing executed tens of thousands, raped tens of thousands more, and looted and destroyed more than one-third of all buildings. The Nanjing Massacre remains one of the deadliest massacres ever, with around 300,000 dead.

The Japanese invasion temporarily halted the Chinese Civil War, as the Communists and Kuomintang (Nationalists) issued a truce and formed the Second United Front. Their ceasefire was shaky and often broke down. The Japanese mostly targeted (and destroyed) Nationalist forces, while the Communists engaged in guerilla warfare and gained the support of China’s peasant masses as the perceived primary defenders.14 Koreans fought alongside both Chinese groups: elements of the Korean Provisional Government assisted the Nationalists, while communist expats participated in Communist guerilla units, including a little-known guerilla leader named Kim Il-sung. The Second Sino-Japanese War would rage on until the unconditional Japanese surrender in 1945.

The Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere In the 1930s, Japan used military conquest to offset the effects of the Great Depression,15 establishing the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. With the slogan “Asia for Asians,” they pushed the narrative that Asians would be happier with fellow Asians as rulers instead of Europeans. In reality, Japan’s pan-Asianism was a pretense to further enrich Japan with Asian natural resources. The Co-Prosperity Sphere became another n​ om de guerre ​for the Japanese Empire.16 Japan eventually sought to absorb the entire east Pacific into the Co-Prosperity Sphere, seeking dominance over the United States, Britain, the Soviet Union, and China.

By 1936, Japan’s military needed resources beyond what Manchuria could provide, exacerbated by the United States ending all of its Japanese oil shipments. Japanese leaders turned their attention to the oil-rich Dutch East Indies, as well as strategic locations like the Philippines and Guam that would strengthen Japan’s position in the Pacific and weaken the US’s. However, attacking these territories meant war with the US and its allies, which the Japanese were wary of. Yamamoto Isoroku, the Commander in Chief of Japan’s Combined Fleet, is quoted as saying, “In the first six to twelve months of a war with the United States...I will run wild and win victory upon victory. But then, if the war continues after that, I have no expectation of success.”17

14 “Chinese Civil War.” Chinese Civil War - New World Encyclopedia, 15 June 2018. 15 Pruitt, Sarah. “Why Did Japan Attack Pearl Harbor?” History.com, A&E Television Networks LLC. 16 United States, Office of Strategic Services, “The Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere.” T​ he Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere​, Office of Strategic Services, 1945. 17 “Pacific War.” ​Encyclopædia Britannica,​ Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 2 Dec. 2019.

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War in the Pacific In attacking the United States, Isoroku proposed a speedy, two-pronged approach, aiming to first disable the US’s naval forces to prevent retaliation before swiftly capturing US territories. On December 7, 1941, the Japanese bombed the US naval base at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, while simultaneously invading island bases across the Pacific. In response, the United States declared war on Japan and the other Axis powers, entering the fray of World War Two.

The US fought the war on two fronts: one in Europe, against the Germans and Italians, and the other in the Pacific, against the Japanese. President Franklin D. Roosevelt appointed General Douglas MacArthur to command US forces in the Far East. After a decisive American victory at the Battle of Midway in 1942, MacArthur and the Navy launched their “island-hopping” campaign, in which the US reclaimed a series of strategic island bases with the ultimate goal of eventually capturing Japan. As the US neared the Japanese mainland, the battles became bloodier and the number of casualties soared. The battles at Iwo Jima and Okinawa were some of the most violent and gruesome in the Pacific, as Japanese soldiers sabotaged tanks and desperately launched kamikaze (suicide) attacks.

Cairo, Yalta, and Potsdam Conferences In November 1943, UK Prime Minister Winston Churchill and Franklin Roosevelt met at Cairo, Egypt to discuss an invasion into France. They spoke with Chinese Premier and Nationalist leader Chiang Kai-shek to declare that Japan would lose all of the territory it gained since 1914. Roosevelt, concerned about the future of Japanese colonial territories, wanted China to be one of his “Four Policemen” to keep East Asia in check18 and sought Chinese commitment to not expand into decolonized countries. The Allied conferences at Cairo produced the Cairo Declaration, in which the Allied Powers agreed that Korea should eventually be independent.

By February of 1945, the war in Europe was drawing to a close. Leaders from the US, Great Britain, and the USSR met during the Yalta Conference in Crimea to share ideas on how to manage Europe and Asia after the war, including Churchill’s proposal for free elections in liberated Europe, Stalin’s desire for Eastern European satellite states, and Roosevelt’s wish to end the war in Japan. Roosevelt wanted Soviet troops to force a Japanese surrender and minimize US casualties, as well as for the USSR to join the fledgling United Nations. Stalin declared that he would send troops to Japan soon after Germany fell, but only if America recognized Mongolia’s independence from China as a free country and if the Soviets received Karafuto and the Kuril Islands. With the US and USSR already wary of one another’s influence, Roosevelt proposed a joint trusteeship of the US, Great Britain, China and the Soviet Union to govern Korea for twenty to thirty years, until Koreans could create a sustainable government and manage their own affairs. The Soviets and British accepted.19

18 US State Department. “The Cairo Conference 1943.” U​ .S. Department of State​, U.S. Department of State, 2001-2009. state.gov/r/pa/ho/time/wwii/107184.htm. 19 ​Lee, Kwang-rin and Hahn, Bae-ho. “Korea.” E​ ncyclopædia Britannica​, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 25 Jan. 2019

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From July 17 to August 2, 1945, the Allied Pact’s “Big Three”—the US, Great Britain and the Soviet Union—met for the last time before the end of World War II in order to demand unconditional surrender from Japan and focus on Germany’s economy. President Harry Truman replaced President Roosevelt, who died shortly before, but Stalin and Churchill were still in attendance. Strong emphasis was put on the development of agriculture and nonmilitary industry, as well as the creation of German zones for the “Big Three” to have. Truman continued to ask Russia for help against Japan, but testing of an American superweapon was nearly complete, and it would not be long before Russian help would become unnecessary.

Japan Surrenders On July 26, 1945, delegates from the United States, Great Britain, and China issued the Potsdam Declaration to Japan, asking for unconditional surrender. The Declaration stated that Japan would be met with “prompt and utter destruction” if they did not comply.20 Japan refused to accept the ultimatum.

General MacArthur wanted to mount an invasion of the Japanese mainland, warning President Truman that the US could suffer millions of casualties by doing so. Going against the judgments of top military personnel, Truman decided to deploy the now-complete American superweapon—the atomic bomb—to swiftly end the war. On August 6, 1945 at 8:15 AM, an atomic bomb codenamed “Little Boy” was dropped on the Japanese city of Hiroshima. The explosion instantly killed 80,000 people and wiped the city off the map. 3 days later, the bomb “Fat Man” was dropped over the city of Nagasaki, killing 40,000.

As the second atomic bomb devastated Nagasaki, the Soviet Union invaded Manchuria and northern Korea, overrunning the 700,000 Japanese defenders with its one million man army.21 Not expecting to fight the Soviets until the spring of 1946, the Soviet invasion caught Japan completely off-guard and, compounded with the American atomic bombings, prompted Japan to surrender unconditionally on August 15, 1945. The war was finally over.

The war ends

US Military Government in Japan Following Japan’s surrender, the Allied Powers began a military occupation, which, although in theory international, was dominated by US forces under General Douglas MacArthur, named the

20 “Potsdam Declaration.” ​Wikipedia​, Wikimedia Foundation, 6 Nov. 2019. 21 History.com Editors. “Soviets Declare War on Japan; Invade Manchuria.” H​ istory.com​, A&E Television Networks, 6 Aug. 2010.

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Supreme Commander of the Occupation forces.22 MacArthur, who was technically meant to defer to an advisory council backed by the Allies, instead carried out actions without consultation, making Japanese occupation into one of significant American influence. For the first time in its history, Japan had come under foreign control.

On September 6, 1945, President Truman approved the "US Initial Post-Surrender Policy for Japan,” which detailed two central objectives of occupation: (1) eliminating Japan’s capacity for war and (2) democratizing Japan, the only way through which the US and MacArthur believed Japan would only achieve peace.23 The Allied Powers prioritized the demilitarization of Japan, looking to do so by dissolving its armed forces and military industry, eliminating the expression of patriotism, and (most ambitiously) establishing a new constitution that would bar Japan from waging war. A section of the constitution’s draft, nicknamed the MacArthur Constitution due to heavy American influence, 24 read: “Aspiring sincerely to an international peace based on justice and order, the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes . . . In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph, land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained. The right of belligerency of the state will not be recognized.”25

Unlike Japan’s previous Meiji Constitution, the MacArthur Constitution, if officially recognized, would also state that sovereignty belonged to the people rather than the emperor; make the emperor into a mere figurehead without political authority; establish the Diet—a democratically-elected Parliament—as the highest political institution; grant women equal rights, including the right to vote; strengthen local governments; grant many civil liberties, such as the right to freedom of speech; and restrict and cautiously regulate the abilities of the police.26 Faced with deposition, it seemed likely that Emperor Hirohito would agree to the new government.

The State of Korean Politics The absence of Japanese rule resulted in the creation of several political factions aimed at molding the liberated Korea in their own ideology.

By 1945, politics in the North had coalesced into four major factions. The most prominent prior to Soviet occupation were the Christian Nationalists. Since the late 19th century, Christian missionary groups held a strong presence in northern Korea. The Japanese colonial government had tolerated Christian political activity but persecuted them religiously, leading to a strengthened political

22 ​The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. “Occupation (of Japan).” E​ ncyclopædia Britannica​, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 15 Nov. 2018. 23 ​“The American Occupation of Japan, 1945-1952.” ​Asia for Educators | Columbia University​. 24 ibid. 25 Jones, Steve. “How the US and Japan Went From Enemies to Allies After WWII.” ThoughtCo, 12 Aug. 2019. 26 “The American Occupation of Japan, 1945-1952.” ​Asia for Educators | Columbia University​.

Korea 1946 Background Guide 13 consciousness. They launched the Korean Democratic Party (Chosun Minju-dang) in November 1945.27 Their leader, Cho Man-sik, was granted power by the fleeing governor of Pyongan Namdo (the province containing Pyongyang) before Soviet forces occupied the peninsula.28 Cho, although accepted into the Soviet government, was at odds with the Soviets over land reform and advocated against participation in the Moscow Conference that December.

Domestic Communists made up a second faction. The Korean Communist Party (KCP) was founded in 1925, but internal divisions and repression by the colonial government had prevented it from becoming a major political force.29 Following the end of Japanese occupation, Park Hon-yong, a founding KCP member, established a headquarters in Seoul and recruited many members. The domestic faction was not fully aligned with Soviet interests. Hyon Chun-hyok, a major northern leader, supported Cho Man-sik in what he believed to still be a bourgeoisie revolution.30 He was assassinated in broad daylight after leaving a meeting in late 1945. The Soviet authorities never looked into the murder.

A third force in northern politics included Soviet-backed guerilla fighters led by Kim Il-sung. Kim spent the war as a guerilla leader in Manchuria with little to no communication with other communist factions, and he was not well known by Koreans upon his return in September 1945. Kim and his advisors spent a full month on political analysis and planning following his arrival, and he was introduced to a rally in Pyongyang by Cho Man-sik as a hero.31 He wasted no time consolidating his power, organizing the North Korean Central Bureau of the Korean Communist Party, of which Kim Il-sung was elected first secretary, and establishing the Central Bureau’s dominance over the less well organized domestic factions.32

The final major faction in North Korea were the Yanan Communists. This group largely stemmed from the Korean Independence League, founded in Yanan, China by exiles in 1942. Led by literary scholar Kim Du-bong, the group worked with left- and right-wing nationalists as well as communists. Their Korean Volunteers’ Corps made up the largest military force of the four factions.33 Unlike the lower-class base of its domestic and Soviet counterparts, the League found support among the middle class and intelligentsia of Korea. Many officials in the Japanese colonial government joined the League as a form of security.34 Despite their differences, the Yanan maintained good relations with the Soviet-backed communists.

27 Lee, Chong-Sik. "Politics in North Korea: Pre-Korean War Stage." T​ he China Quarterly​, no. 14, 1963, pp. 3-16. J​ STOR​, www.jstor.org/stable/65133 28 ​ibid. 29 ibid. 30 ​ibid. 31 ​ibid. 32 ibid. 33 ​ibid. 34 ​ibid.

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As defeat seemed inevitable, the Japanese requested that a government be established to ensure the safety of their persons and property after the war. In August 1945, Yo Un-hyung and other independence leaders established the Committee for the Preparation of Korean Independence (CPKI). Led by Yo, the CPKI declared itself the temporary national government of Korea. The CPKI then formed ties with local governing bodies called Peoples’ Committees, which spontaneously formed after the collapse of the colonial government to maintain law and order and provide basic services.35 By August 1945, 150 of these bodies had formed.36

The CPKI had no governing ideology, and was instead a united front for independence. This lack of ideology allowed left wing groups, which were familiar with united front politics, better organized, and were able to connect anti-colonial resistance with anti-capitalist resistance.37On September 12, the heads of the CPKI met in Seoul and established the People’s Republic of Korea (PRK), with popular support. The PRK supported left-leaning programs including anti-colonial l​ and redistribution from the Japanese to peasants, the nationalization of major industries, universal suffrage, and labor law reforms.38

Political fragmentation was also significant in the US-occupied south. As the US grew more hostile towards the PRK, some political parties distanced themselves from it and aligned with more conservative organizations, allowing Communists to dominate the PRK in their absence.39 The leftist New People’s Party (Sinmin-dang) and Communist Party (Kongsan-dang) supported the People’s Republic of Korea, while the rightist Nationalist Party (Kungmin-dang) and Democratic Party (Hanguk Minju-dang; no relation to Cho Man-sik’s Korean Democratic Party) backed the conservative provisional government led by Syngman Rhee. The People’s Republic and the provisional government began to negotiate a coalition by the end of 1945, but ultimate authority rested with the Soviets and Americans.2​ 7

The Chinese Civil War By the time of Japan’s surrender, China had gone through eight years of grueling warfare and decades of occupation. The Nationalists’ and Communists’ United Front was fragile​, ​as they had agreed it would last only until Japan had been defeated. In 1945, the Communists seemed to have the upper hand, with the Nationalist forces corrupt, ineffective, and practically exiled in northern China.40

35 Buzo, Adrian. T​ he Making of Modern Korea.​ Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2017. 36 ​ibid. 37 ​ibid. 38 Cumings, Bruce. The Origins of the Korean War, Liberation and the Emergence of Separate Regimes, 1945–1947. Princeton University Press, 1981. 39 ​ibid. 40 ​The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. “Chinese Civil War - The Tide Turns (1947–48).” E​ ncyclopædia Britannica​, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 16 Feb. 2018.

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The Soviets bolstered the Communists with supplies and troops during the Communists’ struggle to win Manchuria, and provided non-combatant Chinese Communists with refuge.41

Initially, negotiation seemed possible: before Japan’s final surrender, Nationalist leader Chiang Kai-shek had invited Communist leader Mao Zedong to discuss joining forces and rebuilding the war-torn country. Accompanied by the American ambassador, Mao spoke with Chiang on August 28, 1945, and on October 10, the two parties announced that they had reached an agreement in principle to work for a united and democratic China.42 As this initial agreement failed to touch upon some military and political issues, a pair of committees was arranged. Unfortunately, fighting between Nationalist and Communist troops broke out before they could take place.

In response to this violence, President Truman dispatched George C. Marshall to China in December on what is known as the Marshall Mission.43 This mission succeeded in establishing an armistice between the two parties, who agreed to meet at a later date to discuss a new constitution, societal reform, and military unification.44 However, fighting broke out yet again before any of these agreements could be acted upon. By January, negotiations had stalled, and whether a deal could surface—or if China would resume its civil war—remained to be seen as both sides struggled to keep their military gains.

A Brave New World While relations between the Allied Powers had not completely collapsed, in 1945, the cracks were beginning to show. Per the dictums of the Yalta and Potsdam Conferences, Germany had been divided into four occupation zones led by Britain, France, the United States, and the USSR. In 1945, the USSR and USA had few disagreements over the governing of Germany, and were rather cooperative with each other, but Americans were beginning to suspect that the Soviets did not intend for a free Germany.

Meanwhile, the United Nations Conference on International Organization, commonly known as the San Francisco Conference, established the dominance of the Big Four of the Second World War, with the addition of France, in global politics. The conference negotiated the United Nations Charter, which, despite the efforts of smaller countries, placed most of the power of the United Nations in the hands of the UN Security Council, where the United Kingdom, United States, China, the Soviet Union, and France were granted permanent veto power.

41 Chen, Jian. China's Road to the Korean War: The Making of the Sino-American Confrontation. New York: Columbia University Press, 1994. 42 ​The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. “Chinese Civil War - The Tide Turns (1947–48).” E​ ncyclopædia Britannica​, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 16 Feb. 2018. 43 ibid. 44 ibid.

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Division and occupation

The 38th Parallel Division Following Japan’s surrender, the Allied Powers took control of the Korean peninsula. The US feared that the USSR would attempt to occupy the entirety of Korea and use it as a staging ground to invade Japan. Colonel Charles H. Bonesteel III and Colonel Dean Rusk, members of General MacAuthur’s staff, were tasked with determining which power each group of Japanese soldiers should surrender to, simultaneously dividing Japan’s former territories among the Allies. The US told Bonesteel and Rusk to draw the demarcation line for Korea as far north as possible45 to minimize Soviet control.

On August 15, after spending thirty minutes consulting a National Geographic map, Bonesteel and Rusk settled on the 38th parallel, since it roughly split the peninsula in half while placing Seoul, the Korean capital, in American control.46 Bonesteel and Rusk had no input from Korean experts, nor did they know that Japan and pre-revolutionary Russia had planned to split Korea along the same parallel in the past. To the US’s surprise, the USSR immediately accepted the division. 47

The territory allocated to the Soviet Union included 130,115 square kilometers and nine million people, while the United States received 100,790 square kilometers and sixteen million people, residents of Seoul among them. Northern Korea was richer in natural resources and thus had a greater concentration of factories and modern infrastructure, while southern Korea was heavily agrarian and had ports, including a major one at Incheon, but few paved roads. The two economic systems worked in tandem, but the 38th parallel division depressed inter-zone trade. Furthermore, with the end of WWII, industrial production geared towards the Japanese war effort was now useless, causing a severe slowdown in the economy of the whole peninsula.48

The 38th parallel ran through mountains, forests, and villages, dividing a people that had known a single, contiguous state for a thousand years.49 Koreans north and south of the parallel had fought alongside (or against) one another in the independence movement, whether as members of the Korean Provisional Government or as partisans under Communist China. Despite the omnipresence

45 W​ atts, Tim J. "38th Parallel." A​ merican History​, ABC-CLIO, 2019. 46 Edidin, Peter. "Korea: and then there were two: Japan's imperialism and the Cold War split Korea apart, leading to vastly different nations in the North and South." ​New York Times Upfront,​ 12 Dec. 2005, p. 16+. 47 W​ atts, Tim J. "38th Parallel." A​ merican History​, ABC-CLIO, 2019. 48 Buzo, Adrian. T​ he Making of Modern Korea​. Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2017. 49 Breen, Michael. T​ he New Koreans: the Story of a Nation​. St. Martin's Press, 2017.

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of factional infighting,50 the 38th parallel division did not come naturally to Koreans; it would be up to the occupying powers to enforce it.

United States Military Government On September 8, 1945, US forces south of the 38th parallel established the United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK, or USMG). The US Joint Chiefs of Staff designated ​General MacArthur to receive the Japanese surrender south of the 38th parallel. McArthur appointed Lieutenant General John R. Hodge, a Pacific War veteran and commander of the XXIV Corps, to lead the USMG. Four days before they arrived in Korea, Hodge told his officers that Korea “was an enemy of the United States.”51

The USMG was not prepared to govern Korea. They arrived with no knowledge of the language or political situation, resulting in many of their policies having unintended, destabilizing effects.52, 53 Hodge also believed that the USMG lacked specific policy instructions from Washington, leaving his government even less confident. Waves of refugees from the North and expatriates returning from abroad only added to the chaos.54

Popular discontent plagued the USMG. H​ odge initially supported the deeply unpopular Japanese colonial government, leading to major public outcry. Hodge then ousted Japanese governors and replaced the Governor-General with an American, Major General Archibald Arnold, but he immediately rehired the Japanese chiefs as advisors, causing even more anger. The USMG also dismissed local leaders who sought American recognition: it immediately rejected the authority of the Korean Provisional Government, ​and forcibly disbanded the People’s Republic of Korea by December.55 Both moves were highly unpopular. However, PRK-affiliated People’s Committees continued to operate after the USMG outlawed the organization, particularly on Jeju Island.56

In response to mounting unrest, Hodge established the Korean Advisory Council in October 1945. The USMG allocated a majority of the council’s seats to members of the US-backed Korean Democratic Party, or KDP (again, no relation to Cho Man-sik’s Korean Democratic Party), which was primarily composed of wealthy business people, large landowners, and former officials in the colonial

50 ibid. 51 W​ atts, Tim J. "38th Parallel." A​ merican History​, ABC-CLIO, 2019. 52 C​ umings, Bruce​. ​The Origins of the Korean War, Liberation and the Emergence of Separate Regimes, 1945–1947.​ Princeton University Press, 1981. 53 Buzo, Adrian. T​ he Making of Modern Korea​. London: Routledge, 2002. 54 H​ art-Landsberg, Martin. K​ orea: Division, Reunification, & U.S. Foreign Policy​. Monthly Review Press, 1998. 55 ibid. 56 Buzo, Adrian. T​ he Making of Modern Korea​. London: Routledge, 2002.

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government.57 Hodge also offered positions to a few PRK members. Although they resented their collaborationist KDP colleagues, some accepted the invitation.58

Soviet Civil Administration On August 19, 1945, Colonel-General Terentii Shtykov accepted Japan’s surrender in northern Korea. Seeking to build a friendly buffer between the USSR and the US, Stalin then tasked Shtykov with forming a northern military government, the Soviet Civil Administration (SCA). Once Japan surrendered, northern communities abandoned Japanese laws, leaving the region teetering towards anarchy. The SCA temporarily filled the power vacuum by re-establishing colonial governments (without their Japanese overseers) before assisting the Koreans in building a new, Soviet-inspired governmental system.59

When the Soviets entered the city of Pyongyang on August 24, they encountered the PRK-affiliated South Pyongyang’s People’s Committee, the most important People’s Committee in northern Korea. Its leader, Cho Man-sik, became one of the Soviets’ primary candidates to lead northern Korea, but many Soviets instead supported Kim Il-sung. In December, the Soviets installed Kim as the chairman of the northern branch of the Korean Workers’ Party, which rapidly grew in power with Soviet support. With few domestic Communist leaders in the north, the Soviets mostly appointed Communists returning from exile or ethnic Koreans living in the USSR.

Unlike their American counterparts, Shtykov and the SCA recognized and worked to reconstitute local governments, exercising Soviet influence through domestic leaders.60 Prior to Soviet occupation, most People’s Committees focused solely on local issues and rarely interacted with one another. The SCA organized People’s Committees into a centralized body, allowing for greater cooperation.61 From October 8-10, delegates from provincial People’s Committees met in a joint conference. They unified under the Pyongyang People’s Committee and standardized the organization and functions of People’s Committees,62 beginning a shift away from grassroots politics and towards centralized authority.63 On November 19, the SCA established the Five Province Administrative Bureau with Cho Man-sik as chairman, consisting of ten departments paralleling the SCA’s structure. Every department had a Korean bureau chief with a Soviet advisor.

The SCA and People’s Committees established a representative system of government, where locals directly elected members to the lowest level of People's Committees and members of each higher

57 Hart-Landsberg, Martin. Korea: Division, Reunification, & U.S. Foreign Policy. Monthly Review Press, 1998. 58 While this sets up the background for our crisis, this did not happen in real life. Instead, most PRK members rejected the request and criticized the USMG. 59 Hart-Landsberg, Martin. Korea: Division, Reunification, & U.S. Foreign Policy. Monthly Review Press, 1998. 60 Robinson, Michael E. K​ orea's Twentieth-Century Odyssey​, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2007. 61Armstrong, Charles K. T​ he North Korean Revolution, 1945–1950​. Cornell University Press, 2003. J​ STOR​. 62 ibid. 63 ibid.

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level were elected by the lower levels. Rural and urban systems were separated except at the highest Committee levels. The SCA planned to hold rural People’s Committee elections in November 1945, but they were postponed as of December.64

Initially, the SCA and the People’s Committees benefited from one another, but Koreans soon diverged from the SCA’s agenda. Shtykov exploited the bottom-up political structure to sway the whole system towards the Soviets, using small groups of loyal Korean communists to covertly install pro-Soviet leaders at the lowest levels of government. Although Shtykov effectively increased Communist representation in their occupation zone, he failed to fully centralize power and root out opposing nationalists.

Moscow Conference From December 16 to December 26, 1945, diplomats from the USSR, the United Kingdom, and the United States met in Moscow to discuss the issues of occupation, peace treaties, and problems arising in the Far East.65 It was agreed that peace treaties with Italy, Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary and Finland would be drawn up, ​a Far Eastern Commission would take the place of the former Far Eastern Advisory Commission with the concurrence of China, an allied council for Japan would be set up with the concurrence of China, a U.S. and Soviet Joint Commission would be established to aid a single free government in Korea, and a commission for the control of atomic energy would be 67 established.66 Varying views on China were also exchanged.

Most important was the issue of Korean governance. The Allies decided that Korea would not become fully independent until after a period of five years, during which the Governments of the United States, USSR, United Kingdom and China would work out an agreement concerning a four-power trusteeship.68 From its start, this commission was approached suspiciously by all parties involved.69

64 ibid. 65 ​“Interim Meeting of Foreign Ministers of the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Union of the Soivet Socialist Republics, Moscow, December 16-26, 1945.” A​ valon Project - A Decade of American Foreign Policy 1941-1949 - Interim Meeting of Foreign Ministers, Moscow,​ 1945. 66 ibid. 67 i​ bid. 68 i​ bid. 69 ​Leckie, Robert (1962). ​Conflict: The History of the Korean War 1950-1953.​ New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons.

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Your mission

It is January 1, 1946. After struggling for independence from the Japanese Empire for 35 years, the Korean people once again find their nation in the hands of foreign powers: the Soviet Union and the United States.

The Korean economy has been devastated by Japan’s wartime production. The sudden removal of the Japanese Government-General and subsequent Allied occupation has thrown Korea into political chaos. The provisional government barely holds any power, and the once-cooperating revolutionaries find themselves split into several different factions, guided by ideologies ranging from communism to ultra-conservatism. Each of these parties have a vision for the newly independent Korea, and the Korean public is split.

Behind these bickering factions stand the Soviet Union and the United States, who have temporarily split the peninsula into two spheres of influence. The Soviets have taken control north of the 38th parallel, while the Americans dominate the south. Both are concerned with extending their own ideologies to the new Korean government.

How will the new Korea look? Who will rule? Will Korea be permanently split? In the face of this turmoil, your job is to answer these questions by steering Korea into a stable and unified future.

Good luck, and have fun!

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