Introduction to the Committee

Home , International community, Lytton Report, March 1st Movement, Territorial integrity

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Table of Contents

Directors’ Welcome 3 Introduction to the Dais 4 President - Dan Mikhaylov 4 President - Annabelle Ghanem 4 Introduction to the Committee 5 History of the Committee 5 Structure and Functions of the Committee 6 Question of Colonial Possessions, Leased, and Occupied Territories in the Far East 7 Topic Background 7 Introduction 7 Timeline 8 Discussion 12 The Lytton Report 13 China’s Position in International Society 14 Self-Determination in Korea and Indochina 15 The Future of Class C Mandates 16 Bloc Positions 18 Japan 18 European Colonial Powers 18 Far Eastern States 20 Points a Resolution Should Address 21 Further Reading 22 Bibliography 23

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Directors’ Welcome Dear Delegates, It is our greatest pleasure to welcome you to the 2021 edition of the London International Model United Nations. We sincerely hope that this conference will remain an informative and rewarding experience for you despite not being in-person. More than two decades onwards and persevering in the face of the existing coronavirus pandemic adversity, LIMUN continues to attract students from different corners of the globe to debate and discuss the international issues that matter to all of mankind. LIMUN is unwavering in its commitment to providing a forum for constructive dialogue and instilling in its participants an understanding of the principles of collaboration and cooperation. We are honoured to present you the League of Nations committee precisely a century after the first recorded Model League of Nations simulation took place in London. In this committee, we will focus on the colonial possessions and occupied territories in the Far East and endeavour to reconcile the conflicting interests of the colonial powers with the notions of international security and self-determination for non-European powers. The topic is sufficiently broad and multidimensional to allow fruitful debate and a variety of solutions but requires that delegates compromise and negotiate. This study guide has been designed to offer a research framework suited to this task and highlight areas that should be discussed in the committee. We strongly encourage you to peruse it as you develop your solutions. To stand out and ensure the most productive committee session possible, we further recommend reading from various other sources and pondering on creative solutions that we might not have covered in this guide. If you have questions before or during the conference, whether concerning procedural matters or the content of our ensuing discussion, do not hesitate to contact us. Best of luck, Dan Mikhaylov and Annabelle Ghanem (LoN Directors) [email protected]

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Introduction to the Dais

President - Dan Mikhaylov I am an undergraduate student at the London School of Economics and Political Science, hoping to work in asset management or hedge funds upon graduation. I am active in the MUN circuit, whence you might find me chairing Security Council or NATO at another conference. Outside university, I am an amateur investor, whose small portfolio comprises stocks from four different continents, and a freelance political journalist. My greatest highlight was securing a research fellowship at the Pinsker Centre, a think tank specialising in Middle Eastern and Israeli affairs. I look forward to watching delegates experiment with this exciting new format and negotiate their way out of the stalemate, which the League of Nations failed to do. I hope that this simulation will provide a memorable learning experience and is enthused to meet all the delegates. President - Annabelle Ghanem I am an undergraduate student at the American University of Beirut double majoring in Political Science and Education, with a minor in International Law. I began my MUN journey in high school, having won multiple awards as both a Delegate and Chair in various international conferences, while serving in multiple leadership roles. In the year 2021, I am set to Chair in over five international conferences stretching from the borders of Pakistan, all the way to the borders of New York City. I also am the Secretary-General for Beirut International Model United Nations 2021. Beyond the academic and MUN realms, I also work as a writer and Chief of the Internship Program at The Phoenix Daily, an independent Lebanese newspaper in Beirut. I look forward to welcoming hardworking and spirited delegates to the League of Nations committee at LIMUN 2021, and am beyond excited to witness the intellectual contributions and solutions that shall be drafted and debated upon throughout the conference. I sincerely hope that this simulation will be an exceptionally unique and grand experience for all participating delegates.

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Introduction to the Committee After the devastating first World War finally ended in 19181, it became evident that the coexistence of states with no international mediation or regulation present was a farfetched idea. Thus in 1920, the League of Nations was formed, and headquartered in Geneva, Switzerland. The entity served as an international forum tasked with mediating, resolving, and settling international disputes that arise, particularly throughout the transition period post World War 1.2 History of the Committee One year after the First World War had officially come to an end, Central and Allied Powers made their way to France in order to sign the treaty of Versailles, a document that has been having an impact on the political spectrum of the world to this very day.3 The Paris Conference founded the stepping stones for the League of Nations, with former American President Woodrow Wilson strongly advocating for the establishment of an international body in his “Fourteen Points for Peace.”4 The Treaty of Versailles initiated the formation of the League in 1919, which soon had 44 member states from all corners of the globe participating. Shockingly enough, the United States of America was not one of them, due to prevailing isolationism in the American political thinking at the time. On the 10th of January 1920, the League of Nations ratified its first treaty, the Treaty of Versailles, officially ending the First World War. However, the work had just begun for the League beyond that point. Since then, the entity became responsible for resolving all political disputes around the world. The League's most notable achievements include, resolving the Swedish- Finnish clash over the Aaland islands, safeguarding Albania, lifting Austria out of financial distress, while continuously supporting refugees and people in need. The entity’s success managed to maintain peace for over a decade. States began turning to the League of Nations for support against invasions led by other states. However, quite often, the League’s jurisdiction did not cover particular nations who never signed on as member states. A primary example of the League’s weakness is when the entity rejected Persia’s plea

1 Lengel, “To Conquer Hell.” 2 Potter, “Origin of the System of Mandates under the League of Nations.” 3 Sharp, “The Enforcement of the Treaty of Versailles, 1919–1923.”. 4 LaSaine, “Wilson, Woodrow (1856–1924).”

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for help against Russia’s invasion. Russia was never invited to take part in the League of Nations due to its communist ideology. Thus the League’s jurisdiction did not extend onto the state, and no interference was able to have been made. Structure and Functions of the Committee The League of Nations began with 42 founding member states and consisted of three main organs.5 The first organ was the Secretariat, which consisted of a Secretary-General appointed by the council, with additional staff providing administrative support. This organ was tasked with preparing the agenda and publishing the treaties adopted by the League. In other words, the civil service of the League. The second organ was the Council, an authoritative sub-body tasked with safeguarding world peace. The council’s membership and structure was changed on multiple occasions, resulting with a total number of 5 permanent members, the United Kingdom, France, Italy, Japan, and later on, Germany, as well as 9 non-permanent members chosen and elected by the Assembly, the third organ. The Assembly was the largest organ of the League of Nations, where each and every member state was invited and equally represented by one vote. The Assembly sessions were held once every year. These three bodies were the foundation of the structure of the League of Nations.6 Several committees were created as the years went on, each tackling a particular sector such as health, labour laws, refugee rights, and more. Funding was one of the key aspects of the entity’s success, having helped multiple states out of economic despair, such as Austria. The funding was mainly generated by powerful member states who made generous contributions, particularly the permanent members of the council.7

5 “League of Nations.” SSRN, June 5, 2009.". 6 Ibid. 7 Singer, “The Finances of the League of Nations: International Organization.”

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Question of Colonial Possessions, Leased, and Occupied Territories in the Far East

Topic Background

Introduction This topic presents a challenging case for delegates to consider; we shall set our starting date in October 1932. The Far East, hereinafter taken to include East Asia, Indochina, and the Pacific islands adjacent to them, has been subjected to the establishment of foreign concessions by local polities to European colonial powers and Japan. Furthermore, the so-called “unequal treaties”, many of which came about in the aftermath of colonial conflicts, and the 1920 Paris Peace Conference created a series of leased and occupied territories in the Far East.8 Such splintering of the Far Eastern states’ sovereignty, most visible in China, and the concomitant subjugation of smaller Far Eastern states, such as Indochina (present-day Vietnam) and Korea, has contributed to the rise of regional nationalism. This, in turn, has resulted in protest movements and insurgencies against the colonial authorities. In addition, delegates should remember Japan’s aggressive expansionism in Manchuria and its confrontation with the Kuomintang nationalist government in China, which aimed to restore China’s international standing by reversing earlier concessions and centralising China around nationalism. It is in these circumstances that the Manchurian crisis had arisen in the early 1930s and the Lytton Commission of the League of Nations presented its findings on the origins of this crisis. This poses a further threat to the already fragile balance of power in the Far Eastern region and could prompt the international community to reconsider the question of colonial territories, occupied lands, and leased concessions in the Far East altogether. Delegates are advised to remain coherent with the set timeline, while conducting their research prior to, and during, the conference and representing their assigned country.

8 Sun, “China’s International Approach,” 45-9.

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Timeline August 29, 1842 - The Treaty of Nanjing was signed between Britain and the Qing Dynasty of China, officially ceding control over the occupied Hong Kong to Britain.9 April 6, 1849 - France received the French Concession in Shanghai from the Chinese imperial court.10 December 1, 1887 - The Sino-Portuguese Treaty of Beijing was signed, giving Portugal perpetual colonial rights to Macau.11 September 6, 1899 - The US Secretary of State, John Hay, circulated the Open Door Note to major European powers. It proposed to keep China open to trade with all countries on an equal basis and prevent any single colonial power from colonising China entirely by protecting China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity from partition.12 Furthermore, it asked that major powers refrained from intervening with other states’ treaty ports and permitted Chinese authorities to collect tariffs on the same basis. This policy became widely accepted by the international community as a means to limit the colonial powers’ individual expansionism in China.13 August 22, 1910 - Japan signed the annexation treaty with Korea, formally incorporating the latter into the former’s state.14 October 10, 1911 - February 12, 1912 - The Xinhai Revolution in China toppled the Qing Emperor and created a provisional government in Nanjing under the United League leader, Sun Yat-Sen, who later became the leader of the Nationalist Kuomintang movement.15 January 18, 1915 – Japan issued its Twenty-One Demands to China, which demanded a confirmation of Japanese authority over the Shandong province, barred China from conceding territory to foreign powers in the future, ceded central Chinese mines to Japan, and expanded Japanese sphere of influence in Manchuria and Inner Mongolia.16 In China, this later paved the path for the May Fourth Movement, an anti-imperialist political

9 Wood, “The Treaty of Nanking, ” 181. 10 Fraser, “International Settlement at Shanghai,” 40-2. 11 Mendes, Macau Negotiations, 11-2. 12 Lawrence, “Open Door Policy.” 13 Lawrence, “Open Door Policy.” 14 Iyenaga, “Japan’s Annexation,” 202-4. 15 Brophy, Garnaut, and Tighe, “The Xinhai Revolution,” 319-22. 16 Nish, Japanese Foreign Policy, 98-9.

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movement that grew out of student protests in 1919.17 Under economic pressure from Britain and the United States, Japan reached a compromise with China and dropped its most egregious demands. November 2, 1917 - Japan and the United States signed the Lansing-Ishii Agreement, in which they agreed to respect China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and ensure equal access to commerce and industry in the country as per the Open Door Policy.18 The US recognised that Japan had special interests in Manchuria.19 January 18, 1919 – The Paris Peace Conference commenced. The conference produced the Covenant of the League of Nations and enacted unilateral decisions, largely spearheaded by Britain, Italy, France, Japan, and the United States. The majority rejected Japan’s proposal to include a racial equality in the Covenant.20 Some scholars believe that this exacerbated the chasm between Western colonial powers and Japan and prevented compromise in the coming decades.21 In addition, the conference assigned different colonial powers control over Germany’s overseas colonies with the mandate to administer them until they were thought prepared for independence. Japan received mandates for most of Germany’s Pacific islands, while Australia occupied German New Guinea, New Zealand took Western Samoa, and Britain imposed its rule on Nauru. These were known as “Class C” mandates.22 Mandate holders were responsible for submitting annual reports to the League of Nations Permanent Mandates Commission (PMC) and publicise the progress made in preparing the mandate territories for independence.23 March 1, 1919 - The March 1st student demonstrations take place in more than 1,000 towns across the Japanese Korea. More than 7,500 students were killed, 16,000 were wounded, and 46,000 were arrested in this unsuccessful campaign for Korean independence from Japan.24 May 4, 1919 - The May Fourth movement in China arose from a series of nationwide student protests in response to the Chinese government’s

17 Chen, “The May Fourth Movement ” 63-7. 18 Vinson, “Lansing-Ishii Agreement,” 57-60. 19 Vinson, “Lansing-Ishii Agreement,” 65. 20 Burkman, “Japan and the League,” 45. 21 Burkman “Japan and the League,” 47-8. 22 Wright, Mandates Under The League, 593-5. 23 Burkman, “Japan and the League,” 50. 24 Corby, “March 1st Movement.”

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failure to prevent the Japanese annexation of the Shandong territories, which it had temporarily occupied during the First World War.25 This movement helped foment a Chinese nationalist public conscience that exerted political pressure on all subsequent Chinese leaders. February 1, 1922 - The Nine-Power Pact between the United States, Belgium, China, France, Great Britain, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, and Portugal affirmed China’s territorial integrity.26 This was arguably the result of European concerns about Japanese designs on China, which seemingly violated the Open Door Policy. December 29, 1928 – China’s nationalist government finished its successful campaign (known as the Northern Expedition) against the Beiyang government, heavily supported by Japan, and established nominal control over the Republic of China. This heralded the beginning of the so-called Nanjing Decade, during which China actively pursued industrialisation and militarisation and embraced a more hostile attitude towards Japan as well as a more assertive attitude towards other colonial powers to nullify the historical “unequal treaties” and improve its international standing.27 June 1929 – Japan recognised the Kuomintang government as the legitimate authority of China.28 Previously, Japan had been engaging the Kuomintang forces militarily in 1927 and 1928 in the Shandong province.29 February 10, 1930 – Yen Bai mutiny in French Indochina involved circa 100 Vietnamese troops in the French colonial army – supported by the Vietnamese Nationalist Party – rising up against France.30 The revolt aimed at establishing independence, but was brutally crushed.31 May 1931 – Kuomintang China issued a mandate, terminating negotiations with major powers and the United States and imposing strict rules on foreign nationals in China.32 September 18, 1931 – The Mukden Incident involved the Japanese Kwantung Army detonating a small quantity of dynamite near a railroad owned by

25 Chen, “May Fourth Movement,” 70. 26 The Nine-Power Treaty. 27 Eastman, “Nationalist China,”116-7. 28 Steiner, The Lights that Failed, 716. 29 Steiner, The Lights that Failed, 715. 30 Pelley, Postcolonial Vietnam, 199-200. 31 Duiker, The Rise of Nationalism in Vietnam, 161-65. 32 Sun, “China’s International Approach,” 46.

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Japan’s South Manchuria Railway. This was undertaken without authorisation from the central government in Tokyo, but was directly orchestrated by the Kwantung Army generals.33 Japan blamed Chinese dissidents for this and claimed they fired upon the local patrol forces, choosing to retaliate with an invasion of the Chinese-owned Manchuria.34 In the incident’s aftermath, the League of Nations launched the Lytton Commission to investigate the legality of Japan’s actions and advise on a pathway to disengagement.35 In the meantime, Japan had occupied Manchurian cities of Mukden, Changchun, Antung, and Yingkou.36 It rejected the League of Nations requests to withdraw troops from Mukden on accounts of self-defence against formidable anti-Japanese sentiments in China.37 December 1931 – The League of Nations dropped its demands for the Japanese military pullback from the occupied Manchuria, a move which was heavily criticised by small member-states. Japan proceeded to annex Manchuria entirely and place soldiers on the border with Chinese Inner Mongolia.38 The December 10 resolution appointed the Lytton Commission with purely advisory jurisdiction.39 January 28, 1932 – The Shanghai Incident saw a prolonged military standoff between Japan and the Kuomintang in Shanghai, which was divided into the Chinese quarter, the French quarter, and the International Settlement, which was further subdivided into Japanese, British, American, and Italian segments. 40 Some scholars believe that this stand-off was a product of the wider Japanese ambitions to increase its territorial presence in China and the burgeoning anti-Japanese sentiments in China.41 Likewise, this stemmed from an incident, where five Japanese Buddhist monks from an ardently nationalist sect were attacked by the public for shouting anti- Chinese slogans, and the Japanese nationalists retaliated by burning down the Sanyou Factory in Shanghai and killing two Chinese in the fire.42

33 Godart, “East Asia League Movement,” 240. 34 Steiner, The Lights that Failed, 708. 35 Kuhn, “The Lytton Report,” 96. 36 Chang, “Japan’s Aggression in China,” 47. 37 Chang, “Japan’s Aggression in China,” 48. 38 Chang “Japan’s Aggression in China,” 52. 39 Kuhn, “The Lytton Report,” 96. 40 Steiner, The Lights that Failed, 731. 41 Steiner, The Lights that Failed, 733. 42 Niderost, “The Fall of Shanghai.”

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May 5, 1932 – Bilateral negotiations between China and Japan ended the Shanghai Incident by prescribing that China withdrew its soldiers 20 kilometres away from Shanghai and that a select group of countries – including France and Britain – monitor the situation alongside Japan.43 In return, Japan agreed to withdraw troops to the Japanese settlement area, but with no timetable.44 August 25, 1932 – Japan recognised Manchukuo, a puppet Manchurian regime with the former Qing Emperor of China, Pu Yi, and controlled by the Japanese Kwantung Army on the ground, as a sovereign state.45 In this capacity, Manchukuo ceded control of its railway network and its major industries to Japan, thereby further legitimising Japanese presence and exploitation of the local natural resources.46 October, 1932 – The Lytton Commission presented its findings to the League of Nations Council and Assembly. It contested the Japanese narrative of the Mukden Incident and recognised that, in a region so ethnically divided as Manchuria, the Manchukuo government neither represented, nor was supported by, the local Chinese population.47 Moreover, it recommended not returning Manchuria to China, but providing it with autonomy within the Japanese realm, as Manchuria had a substantial Japanese minority, which in the commission’s view, could not have been accommodated into the Chinese society.48

Discussion The question of colonial possessions and leased/occupied territories in the Far East has several dimensions: ● The Lytton Commission findings and the status of Manchuria ● China’s position in the international society ● Self-determination movements in Korea and Indochina ● The future of the Class C mandate territories While the last question may not have direct links to the situation in the Far East, it should nonetheless be mentioned in conjunction with it for three

43 Ibid, 737. 44 Sun, “China’s International Approach,” 60. 45 Steiner, The Lights that Failed, 739. 46 Ibid, 739. 47 Ibid, 741. 48 Kuhn, “The Lytton Report,” 98.

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reasons. Firstly, those occupied territories were just as shut out from international trade as other colonial possessions, which was a point of contention between Japan and the European colonial powers.49 Secondly, Japanese aggression in Manchuria and Shanghai made Britain and its dominion consider Japan a potential threat to their mandate holdings.50 Thirdly, self-determination movements in those territories could become inspired by the successes of Chinese and Vietnamese nationalists, thereby causing political instability in those areas. The Lytton Report The Lytton Commission presented its findings to the League of Nations in October 1932, after Japan had the opportunity to prepare its counter- arguments in a rejoinder report.51 Research was compiled and written up by British, French, Italian, and German representatives, who had visited Tokyo, Shanghai, and Manchuria to observe the situation and conduct interviews with the local population.52 The commission encountered multiple challenges, including non-collaboration by the Japanese police and the interviewees’ fear of political reprisals against them.53 It proposed that multilateral diplomatic efforts would produce few results and fail to restore the status-quo-and conversely suggested that Japan and China should conduct bilateral negotiations to provide Manchuria with self- government.54 This ran counter to China’s insistence on territorial integrity and fuelled anti-imperialist sentiments in the region.55 Furthermore, the report recommended to the League to negotiate the Japanese military withdrawal from Manchuria, which it considered violating Articles 10 (respect members’ territorial integrity), Article 11 (safeguarding peace of nations), Article 15, Section 4 (settlement of disputes with League supervision), and Article 16, Section 2 (Council’s duty to recommend military contributions to protect the Covenant) of the League of Nations Covenant.56 The Lytton Commission also found that Japan violated the first article of the Nine-Power Pact, which stipulated that the contracting powers would

49 Burkman, “Japan and the League,” 56. 50 Steiner, The Lights that Failed, 755-6. 51 Steiner, The Lights that Failed, 741. 52 Chang, “Japan’s Aggression in China,” 53. 53 Chang, “Japan’s Aggression in China,” 53. 54 Chang, “Japan’s Aggression in China,” 55-6. 55 Burkman, “Japan and the League,” 53. 56 Chang, “Japan’s Aggression in China,” 56.

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respect the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of China; provide opportunities for China to develop and maintain an effective and stable government; establishing and maintaining equal opportunity for commerce throughout China; and to refrain from seeking special rights and privileges in China that would undermine the rights or security of other nations.57 China’s Position in International Society

Figure 1: Map of China and the Far East in February, 1932. Source: Omniatlas58

By 1932, there had been a gradual shift in Western thinking about the “unequal treaties” concluded between China and the European colonial nations in the nineteenth century and early twentieth century. Most Western powers have returned to China their reparation payments that China were to make under the treaties, particularly in the 1901 Boxer Protocol.59 The 1926 Beijing Conference committed foreign powers to return to the Chinese government control the right to levy custom duties over colonial possessions and reduce any outstanding extraterritoriality rights.60 The International Settlement in Shanghai, consisting of Italian, Japanese, British, and American sections, fell under Chinese sovereignty, and Chinese

57 Chang, “Japan’s Aggression in China,” 63. 58 Westera, Asia Pacific 1932. 59 Wang. "Tariff Autonomy," 268-69. 60 Foreign Policy Association, The Conflict of Policies in China, 7-12.

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officials were elected as representatives in its Municipal Court.61 Belgium, the first of major European colonial powers, renounced its rights to the Shanghai area in 1930, while Britain returned some of its concessions in Hankow, Chinkiang, and Kiukiang in 1927 as well as the Xiamen and Weihaiwei in 1930.62 The Kuomintang government had previously taken over the Russian concessions in 1920.63 At the same time, the Kuomintang government had been expanding its borders to incorporate Chinese territories that had previously been under the control of various local warlords and campaigned for a permanent seat for China on the League of Nations Council.64 This task has been complicated by the existence of multiple factions within China, ranging from Communists and the Shanghai Kuomintang to various warlords, who are only nominally united by Chinese nationalism and the aforementioned goal of striving towards the restoration of full Chinese sovereignty and territorial integrity. Therefore, China’s internal political stability and the security of international trade with China in many respects hinges on the Western powers’ acquiescence to restoration of Chinese sovereignty and their ability to strike a compromise with Japan. However, Japan’s aggression in Manchuria and the Sino-Japanese tensions in Shanghai demonstrate that this commitment to review China’s international standing is not universal. Although Western nations are starting to reconsider their attitudes towards China, following the backlash from the May Fourth Movement and China’s explicit rejection of the Treaty of Versailles, they must balance their priorities between maintaining a working relationship with Japan and improving relations with a centralising Chinese state. Self-Determination in Korea and Indochina Calls for self-determination at the Paris Peace Conference inspired local nationalists to contest colonial rule in the region. Notable examples of this included the Indochinese uprising in 1930 and the March 1st Movement in Korea, both of which endeavoured to secure independence.

61 Johnstone, "Foreign Concessions and Settlements,” 947. 62 Johnstone, "Foreign Concessions and Settlements,” 942-44. 63 Johnstone, "Foreign Concessions and Settlements,” 944. 64 Sun, “China’s International Approach,” 67-9; Chang, “Japan’s Aggression in China,” 57.

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The former was crushed by the French authorities, but resistance was reinforced by the Communist Nghe-Tinh Soviets and continued into 1931.65 Moreover, Siam considered the southwestern part of Indochina to belong to be historically Siamese and was pushing for their return to Siam.66 The latter was not supported by the Communists from the USSR, but reflected the Korean Provisional Government in Shanghai’s attempts to send a Korean delegation and demand for American and Chinese support for Korean independence.67 However, later protests, including the 1931 Wanpaoshan Incident, resulted in backlashes not only against the Japanese authorities, but also against the Chinese nationals living in Korea.68 As a result of these riots, Japanese officials who advocated peaceful co-existence with China lost their positions. Delegates should consider developing a blueprint to combat these sentiments comprehensively, while remaining true to self-determination and assisting the colonies’ preparation for sovereign rule. Likewise, delegates would need to consider the role played by the Soviet Union, which is yet to join the League of Nations, but which remains integral to regional security. Furthermore, both Japan and China investigated ways to incorporate the USSR into a non-aggression alliance to prevent conflict between them and dissuade local nationalists and socialists from challenging authority.69 The Future of Class C Mandates The Class C mandates were assigned during the Paris Peace Conference and required that Japan seized temporary control over Germany’s Pacific islands and the Shandong province, Australia took over German New Guinea, New Zealand occupied Western Samoa, and Britain oversaw Nauru.70

65 Duiker, Nationalism in Vietnam, 179. 66 Hell, Siam and the League,88-92. 67 Manela, The Wilsonian Moment, 119-35. 68 Em, Sovereignty and Historiography in Modern Korea, 125-29. 69 Sun, “China’s International Approach,” 63-4. 70 Wright, Mandates, 593-5.

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Figure 2: Class C Mandates in the Far East and the Pacific. Key: 1 = Japan, 2 = Australia, 3 = Britain, 4 = New Zealand. Source: Wikimedia Commons 71

Class C mandates were administered according to two fundamental principles: non-annexation and administration to develop the territory for the benefit of the native people. These mandates were supposed to prepare the local populations for independence, but the roadmap for this task might have to be reconsidered given the colonial powers’ reticence to surrender strategically valuable territories in the Pacific and in China as well as Japan’s recent expansionism. However, if colonial powers continue to ignore their commitment to helping these territories become independent, the latter risk giving birth to anti-imperialist movements that might inhibit commercial flows in the region and cause political instability. Their application to the self-determination movements is limited, but the status of Class C mandates should be considered in the wider picture as occupied territories that might encounter the same problems as Western and Japanese colonial possessions.

71 Oxhop, League of Nations mandate Pacific.

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Bloc Positions

Japan On this issue, Japan has three conflicting priorities. Firstly, it is interested in territorial expansion at the expense of China to prevent external threats, such as the Soviet Union and Chinese nationalism in the region, and gain access to vital natural resources.72 Japan is concerned by China’s rumoured role in the assassination of Captain Nakamura in Manchuria and the Korean peasant riots as well as by information that the boycott China imposed on Japanese goods extends to the refusal to render services to Japanese citizens, who account for 70% of all expatriates living in China.73 Secondly, Japan perceives the League of Nations as a Franco-British attempt to protect the international status-quo and preserve their geopolitical dominance.74 Following the Shidehara doctrine that prescribes developing industrial capabilities and ensuring economic security before projecting power on the international stage, Japan is interested in opening European colonies in the Far East to trade and creating a roadmap for their integration within the League in the form of a Far Eastern Locarno Pact.75 However, the Shidehara doctrine - and domestic nationalist sentiments - would likely force Japan to insist on remaining in Manchuria, which has considerable economic resources and serves as a hedge from potential Soviet aggression against Japan.76 Furthermore, Japan is opposed to any disarmament and regional demilitarisation, unless these would involve the US and the USSR and ensure an equal level of disarmament.77 Thirdly, Japan would not want to aggravate European colonial powers, which have overlooked its Manchurian enterprise and which constitute Japan’s major trading partners that could damage its economy in a potential military struggle.78 European Colonial Powers European colonial powers – Britain, France, and the Netherlands – view Far Eastern nationalism with askance and are interested in maintaining the

72 Chang, “Japan’s Aggression in China,” 59. 73 Kuhn, “The Lytton Report,” 98; Steiner, The Lights that Failed, 713. 74 Burkman, “Japan and the League,” 47. 75 Burkman, “Japan and the League,” 45; 55. 76 Hill, Japanese Foreign Policy, 287-92. 77 Hill, Japanese Foreign Policy, 53. 78 Chang, “Japan’s Aggression in China,” 49.

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favourable international power arrangement. Remembering the 1930 uprising in Indochina and concerned by the infiltration of revolutionary men and ideas from China, France approves of Japanese expansionism in Manchuria as long as it does not imperil French possessions in the Shanghai province.79 Although France considers Japan a potential threat in the region, it is in no economic and military position to actively oppose Japanese encroachments in Manchuria.80 The Netherlands, which control the Dutch East Indies, convinced Japan to renounce all present and future claims to the islands, and fear that China’s political consolidation under the Kuomintang nationalist government in Nanjing will embolden other movements for statehood in the Far East to pursue their aims more aggressively.81 Although Britain wants to preserve its geopolitical and economic predominance without directly confronting Japan and consequently mirrors its counterparts, its attitude towards Japan is comparatively more nuanced. Britain opposed Japanese occupation of Germany’s Shandong.82 The British state was likewise alarmed by Japan’s consolidation of power in Korea, since it nullified Britain’s privileged commercial agreements with the Korean governments.83 It is also alarmed by Japan’s recent provocations in Shanghai, concerned that such provocations reflected wider Japanese designs around the Yangtze river that would threaten British imperial assets in Shanghai and China as a whole.84 However, it is precisely this concern for its imperial holdings in China/Asia that Britain has to balance its relationships with Japan to avoid potentially exposing Hong Kong and Singapore to external attacks.85 However, France, Britain, and the Netherlands are willing to partner with Japan on the issue of leased and colonised territories in the Far East, if it minimises the risk of confrontation. These countries are among the largest donors to the League of Nations and have considerable political leverage in Europe.86

79 Steiner, The Lights that Failed, 723. 80 Steiner, The Lights that Failed, 723. 81 Steiner, The Lights that Failed, 723. 82 Burkman, “Japan and the League,” 45. 83Ji-Hyeng, “Japanese Annexation of Korea,” 92. 84 Ian H. Nish, Alliance in Decline: A Study in Anglo-Japanese Relations 1908-23 (London: Bloomsbury, 2012), 334) 85 Steiner, The Lights that Failed, 732; 738. 86 Burkman, “Japan and the League,” 51.

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Far Eastern States Siam and China are the organisation’s only Far Eastern members. Their priority is obtaining full legal equality with European nations and the concomitant international recognition. The former underwent a revolution in June 1932 that proclaimed the creation of a constitutional monarchy and marked a shift towards westernising Siamese political institutions.87 In 1931, it attempted to pressure France to return some of the territories of French Indochina, which it considered Siamese.88 Likewise, the latter has sought renegotiation of the unequal treaties, into which European colonists had forced China and which had ceded legal, financial, and military control over significant portions of its territory to foreign powers.89 Furthermore, China has previously campaigned for a permanent seat on the League Council, claiming that Japan cannot represent Asian interests as a colonial power.90 Both states have partially overlooked Japanese aggression. Siam maintains good relations with Japan to counterpoise potential French aggression from Indochina and British aggression from Malay or the British Raj.91 Similarly, the Nanjing government understands that overt confrontation between the Kwantung Army and its forces would prove its undoing and has even contemplated conceding Manchuria in return for guarantees of reconciliation and peaceful coexistence.92 However, such appeasement, known as the Policy of International Pacification, is internally divisive and heavily resisted by the public and the Canton Kuomintang officials as well as many warlords and other claimants to political power in China.93 A strong sense of Chinese nationalism and patriotism characterised the entire United Front movement, and is among the few stances, on which Chinese political groups are largely united.94 Domestic anti-Japanese sentiments, espoused by students and senior political figures alike, have compelled the authorities to boycott Japanese goods.95 This burgeoning nationalism in society may precipitate a

87 Hell, Siam and the League, 21-4. 88 Hell, Siam and the League, 188. 89 Kaufman, China’s Diplomacy and the League,” 608. 90 Kaufman, China’s Diplomacy and the League,” 621-4. 91 Hell, Siam and the League, 42. 92 Sun, “China’s International Approach,” 52. 93 Sun, “China’s International Approach,” 47-9. 94 Bickers, Out of China, 134. 95 Chang, “Japan’s Aggression in China,” 55.

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revanchist war against Japan and exacerbate relations between China and other colonial powers in the region, which have occupied Chinese land since the nineteenth century. Because of this, China must adopt a delicate and balanced approach to further its goals without allowing tensions to brew and escalate.

Points a Resolution Should Address ● What solutions can the League of Nations propose to remedy the Sino-Japanese brinkmanship? Concluding a Locarno Pact for the region? Brokering a tripartite demilitarisation agreement between Japan, China, and the Soviet Union? Creating a wider demilitarisation zone in the Far East? Enforcing previous agreements, such as the Nine Power Treaty, that stipulated the contracting powers’ responsibilities in ensuring Chinese sovereignty and territorial integrity? ● How should territorial disputes in the region be resolved? Can the Permanent International Court of Justice be used as an objective arbitrator in these disputes? ● How can the principle of self-determination be upheld in the Far Eastern colonised, occupied, and leased territories? Should the League sponsor and oversee referenda in those territories, and if so, what procedures should those willing to petition for a referendum follow and against which criteria should the League assess their claims? ● How should League of Nations members address the threat of national self-determination movements and socialist revolutionaries in the Far East? Can and should the League of Nations establish a peacekeeping force to assist states in reaffirming their sovereignty over areas that might come under the control of local rebel nationalist movements? ● How and within what timelines should the League of Nations prepare Class C mandate territories for self-determination and sovereignty? How can this transition be safeguarded against radical ideologies? ● Should preparations for mandate sovereignty take place or should mandate-holding powers be allowed to incorporate them officially? ● Can the League of Nations precipitate trade liberalisation in the Far East that would involve colonies and sovereign states alike?

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● Should the Lytton Commission serve as a precedent for resolving similar territorial disputes? What should the resolution timeline be regarding the future status of concessions and foreign-held territories in China?