DOCSLIB.ORG

Introduction to the Committee

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Introduction to the Committee 1 League of Nations LIMUN 2021 Table of Contents Directors’ Welcome 3 Introduction to the Dais 4 President - Dan Mikhaylov 4 President - Annabelle Ghanem 4 Introduction to the Committee 5 History of the Committee 5 Structure and Functions of the Committee 6 Question of Colonial Possessions, Leased, and Occupied Territories in the Far East 7 Topic Background 7 Introduction 7 Timeline 8 Discussion 12 The Lytton Report 13 China’s Position in International Society 14 Self-Determination in Korea and Indochina 15 The Future of Class C Mandates 16 Bloc Positions 18 Japan 18 European Colonial Powers 18 Far Eastern States 20 Points a Resolution Should Address 21 Further Reading 22 Bibliography 23 2 League of Nations LIMUN 2021 Directors’ Welcome Dear Delegates, It is our greatest pleasure to welcome you to the 2021 edition of the London International Model United Nations. We sincerely hope that this conference will remain an informative and rewarding experience for you despite not being in-person. More than two decades onwards and persevering in the face of the existing coronavirus pandemic adversity, LIMUN continues to attract students from different corners of the globe to debate and discuss the international issues that matter to all of mankind. LIMUN is unwavering in its commitment to providing a forum for constructive dialogue and instilling in its participants an understanding of the principles of collaboration and cooperation. We are honoured to present you the League of Nations committee precisely a century after the first recorded Model League of Nations simulation took place in London. In this committee, we will focus on the colonial possessions and occupied territories in the Far East and endeavour to reconcile the conflicting interests of the colonial powers with the notions of international security and self-determination for non-European powers. The topic is sufficiently broad and multidimensional to allow fruitful debate and a variety of solutions but requires that delegates compromise and negotiate. This study guide has been designed to offer a research framework suited to this task and highlight areas that should be discussed in the committee. We strongly encourage you to peruse it as you develop your solutions. To stand out and ensure the most productive committee session possible, we further recommend reading from various other sources and pondering on creative solutions that we might not have covered in this guide. If you have questions before or during the conference, whether concerning procedural matters or the content of our ensuing discussion, do not hesitate to contact us. Best of luck, Dan Mikhaylov and Annabelle Ghanem (LoN Directors) [email protected] 3 League of Nations LIMUN 2021 Introduction to the Dais President - Dan Mikhaylov I am an undergraduate student at the London School of Economics and Political Science, hoping to work in asset management or hedge funds upon graduation. I am active in the MUN circuit, whence you might find me chairing Security Council or NATO at another conference. Outside university, I am an amateur investor, whose small portfolio comprises stocks from four different continents, and a freelance political journalist. My greatest highlight was securing a research fellowship at the Pinsker Centre, a think tank specialising in Middle Eastern and Israeli affairs. I look forward to watching delegates experiment with this exciting new format and negotiate their way out of the stalemate, which the League of Nations failed to do. I hope that this simulation will provide a memorable learning experience and is enthused to meet all the delegates. President - Annabelle Ghanem I am an undergraduate student at the American University of Beirut double majoring in Political Science and Education, with a minor in International Law. I began my MUN journey in high school, having won multiple awards as both a Delegate and Chair in various international conferences, while serving in multiple leadership roles. In the year 2021, I am set to Chair in over five international conferences stretching from the borders of Pakistan, all the way to the borders of New York City. I also am the Secretary-General for Beirut International Model United Nations 2021. Beyond the academic and MUN realms, I also work as a writer and Chief of the Internship Program at The Phoenix Daily, an independent Lebanese newspaper in Beirut. I look forward to welcoming hardworking and spirited delegates to the League of Nations committee at LIMUN 2021, and am beyond excited to witness the intellectual contributions and solutions that shall be drafted and debated upon throughout the conference. I sincerely hope that this simulation will be an exceptionally unique and grand experience for all participating delegates. 4 League of Nations LIMUN 2021 Introduction to the Committee After the devastating first World War finally ended in 19181, it became evident that the coexistence of states with no international mediation or regulation present was a farfetched idea. Thus in 1920, the League of Nations was formed, and headquartered in Geneva, Switzerland. The entity served as an international forum tasked with mediating, resolving, and settling international disputes that arise, particularly throughout the transition period post World War 1.2 History of the Committee One year after the First World War had officially come to an end, Central and Allied Powers made their way to France in order to sign the treaty of Versailles, a document that has been having an impact on the political spectrum of the world to this very day.3 The Paris Conference founded the stepping stones for the League of Nations, with former American President Woodrow Wilson strongly advocating for the establishment of an international body in his “Fourteen Points for Peace.”4 The Treaty of Versailles initiated the formation of the League in 1919, which soon had 44 member states from all corners of the globe participating. Shockingly enough, the United States of America was not one of them, due to prevailing isolationism in the American political thinking at the time. On the 10th of January 1920, the League of Nations ratified its first treaty, the Treaty of Versailles, officially ending the First World War. However, the work had just begun for the League beyond that point. Since then, the entity became responsible for resolving all political disputes around the world. The League's most notable achievements include, resolving the Swedish- Finnish clash over the Aaland islands, safeguarding Albania, lifting Austria out of financial distress, while continuously supporting refugees and people in need. The entity’s success managed to maintain peace for over a decade. States began turning to the League of Nations for support against invasions led by other states. However, quite often, the League’s jurisdiction did not cover particular nations who never signed on as member states. A primary example of the League’s weakness is when the entity rejected Persia’s plea 1 Lengel, “To Conquer Hell.” 2 Potter, “Origin of the System of Mandates under the League of Nations.” 3 Sharp, “The Enforcement of the Treaty of Versailles, 1919–1923.”. 4 LaSaine, “Wilson, Woodrow (1856–1924).” 5 League of Nations LIMUN 2021 for help against Russia’s invasion. Russia was never invited to take part in the League of Nations due to its communist ideology. Thus the League’s jurisdiction did not extend onto the state, and no interference was able to have been made. Structure and Functions of the Committee The League of Nations began with 42 founding member states and consisted of three main organs.5 The first organ was the Secretariat, which consisted of a Secretary-General appointed by the council, with additional staff providing administrative support. This organ was tasked with preparing the agenda and publishing the treaties adopted by the League. In other words, the civil service of the League. The second organ was the Council, an authoritative sub-body tasked with safeguarding world peace. The council’s membership and structure was changed on multiple occasions, resulting with a total number of 5 permanent members, the United Kingdom, France, Italy, Japan, and later on, Germany, as well as 9 non-permanent members chosen and elected by the Assembly, the third organ. The Assembly was the largest organ of the League of Nations, where each and every member state was invited and equally represented by one vote. The Assembly sessions were held once every year. These three bodies were the foundation of the structure of the League of Nations.6 Several committees were created as the years went on, each tackling a particular sector such as health, labour laws, refugee rights, and more. Funding was one of the key aspects of the entity’s success, having helped multiple states out of economic despair, such as Austria. The funding was mainly generated by powerful member states who made generous contributions, particularly the permanent members of the council.7 5 “League of Nations.” SSRN, June 5, 2009.". 6 Ibid. 7 Singer, “The Finances of the League of Nations: International Organization.” 6 League of Nations LIMUN 2021 Question of Colonial Possessions, Leased, and Occupied Territories in the Far East Topic Background Introduction This topic presents a challenging case for delegates to consider; we shall set our starting date in October 1932. The Far East, hereinafter taken to include East Asia, Indochina, and the Pacific islands adjacent to them, has been subjected to the establishment of foreign concessions by local polities to European colonial powers and Japan. Furthermore, the so-called “unequal treaties”, many of which came about in the aftermath of colonial conflicts, and the 1920 Paris Peace Conference created a series of leased and occupied territories in the Far East.8 Such splintering of the Far Eastern states’ sovereignty, most visible in China, and the concomitant subjugation of smaller Far Eastern states, such as Indochina (present-day Vietnam) and Korea, has contributed to the rise of regional nationalism.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Reconsidering the Legality of Humanitarian Intervention: Lessons from Kosovo
    William & Mary Law Review Volume 41 (1999-2000) Issue 5 Article 7 May 2000 Reconsidering the Legality of Humanitarian Intervention: Lessons from Kosovo Julie Mertus Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr Part of the International Law Commons, and the Peace and Conflict Studies Commons Repository Citation Julie Mertus, Reconsidering the Legality of Humanitarian Intervention: Lessons from Kosovo, 41 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 1743 (2000), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr/vol41/iss5/7 Copyright c 2000 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr RECONSIDERING THE LEGALITY OF HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION: LESSONS FROM KOSOVO JULIE MERTUS* For nearly ten years, human rights advocates tried to focus public attention on Kosovo. They issued report after report of gross and systemic human rights abuses in the troubled region. Nearly all of the reports detailed crimes committed by Serb civilians and Serb police against Albanian civilians.' They warned of escalating violence and impending forced deporta- tions, and implored intergovernmental organizations and indi- vidual countries to take preventative action.2 International policymakers had overwhelming evidence that the pressure in Kosovo was mounting and that an even greater human rights disaster loomed near.' Yet they treated the warnings as those of the boy who cried "wolf." Without the "wolf" of all-out war, inter- * Assistant Professor of Law, Ohio Northern University, author of KOSOVO: HOW MYTHS AND TRUTHS STARTED A WAR (1999). As of 2000, the author will be on the faculty of American University's School of International Service and may be contacted at [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • Promoting International Security Through Cooperation – Nato’S Key to Success
    PROMOTING INTERNATIONAL SECURITY THROUGH COOPERATION – NATO’S KEY TO SUCCESS Daniel GHIBA Lieutenant-colonel, PhD, Associate professor, National Defense University “Carol I” Member in the National Committee for Food Security and Strategy of the Academy of Romanian Scientists. [email protected] Abstract: The center of gravity of NATO's success has always been provided by the ability to promote security and stability through cooperation, based on shared values and democratic characteristics of a system based more and more on the concept of increased justice. Keywords: NATO, international security, comprehensive approach, transformation, cooperation, cooperative security, globalization. Introduction The contemporary world is in constant change and transformation, subject to changes required by the evolutionary transformations, and innovations, having as catalyst the process of globalization, characterized by multiple resizing and resetting of traditional systems, of values, concepts, resources and actions as they were known before. We are seeing the reconfiguration of the "World" into a new version, based on multidimensionality, interdependence and increased inter-determination which are evolving rapidly and irreversibly at this stage, from a “Multipolar world” to an “Interpolar world”, with direct consequences, especially in the political, economic, military, social and environmental domain. Following the same trend, the threats and challenges of the beginning of this century and millennium have become regional and global, new risks being added to the classic ones and appearing new threats and challenges with a prominent transnational character such terrorism, cyber threats, corruption and transnational organized crime and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. The “frozen conflicts” experienced dangerous developments and created potentially violent ethnic and religious disagreements, involving new political and economic dimensions by the collapse of traditional structures.
    [Show full text]
  • Assessing International Democracy Assistance: Key Lessons and Challenges Lise Rakner, Alina Rocha Menocal and Verena Fritz
    Project Briefing No 14 • August 2008 Assessing international democracy assistance: Key lessons and challenges Lise Rakner, Alina Rocha Menocal and Verena Fritz n 2006-2007, the Overseas Development ratisation has been a prominent issue in inter- Institute (ODI) and the Chr. Michelsen national policy-making and many bilateral and Institute (CMI) carried out a study on multilateral organisations, as well as national international democracy assistance – or and international non-governmental organisa- Idonor efforts to help build and/or strengthen tions, have strived to support democracy. democratic governance in developing coun- Yet, in the new millennium, the ‘democratic tries undergoing democratic transitions – as optimism’ linked to the global triumph of part of a broader project on ‘Good Governance, democracy has given way to more sober apprais- Aid Modalities and Poverty Reduction’ com- als about the health of democratic systems in missioned by Irish Aid. This Project Briefing the developing world. Initial expectations that summarises the key findings of that study. It countries experiencing democratic transitions provides a broad overview of the democratisa- would move in a linear fashion towards consoli- Key points tion processes that have swept across Africa, dated, institutionalised democracies have not Asia, and Latin America since the 1980s, and been met. Instead, most of these countries now • The central challenge for highlights some of the main lessons and impli- occupy a precarious middle ground between international democracy cations for international democracy assistance outright authoritarianism and full-fledged assistance is how to to inform future donor practice. democracy, while a number of others has expe- support ‘hybrid’ regimes rienced (partial) reversals to authoritarianism (see Table 1).
    [Show full text]
  • The International Criminal Court
    2007–2008 FACT SHEET ONE “The establishment of the Court is still a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law.” – Kofi Annan, Former U.N. Secretary-General at the signing of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court The International Criminal Court The International Criminal Court is groundbreaking because: For more than half a century since the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials, states have largely failed to bring to justice those responsible for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. With the creation of the International Criminal Court (ICC), the world has begun to fulfill the post-World War II promise of “never again.” The ICC is the world’s first permanent, international judicial body capable of bringing perpetrators to justice and providing redress it will serve as a permanent deterrent to victims when states are unable or unwilling to do so. This represents a major stride for to people considering these crimes. international justice. In most cases in the last 50 years, international mechanisms to prosecute On July 17, 1998, at a diplomatic conference in Rome, the international community people accused of these crimes have adopted the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. The treaty has been hailed been set up only after the crimes were by governments, legal experts and civil society as the most significant development in committed; international law since the adoption of the United Nations Charter. The treaty entered into force on July 1, 2002. The Court made its first arrest in March 2006 and is scheduled to it will have a much wider jurisdiction begin its first trial in September 2007.
    [Show full text]
  • The International Community's Role in the Process of German Unification
    The International Community’s Role in the Process of German Unification 269 Chapter 10 The International Community’s Role in the Process of German Unification Horst Teltschik The first half of the 20th century was dominated by two world wars with more than 100 million deaths—soldiers and civilians. As a result, from 1945 on Europe was divided. Germany and its capital Berlin lost their sovereignty. Germany was run by the four victorious powers: the United States, France, Great Britain and the Soviet Union. The polit- ical and military dividing line between the three Western powers and the Soviet Union ran through the middle of Germany and Berlin. The world was divided into a bipolar order between the nuclear su- perpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, with their respec- tive alliance systems NATO and Warsaw Pact. The latter was ruled by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) with its ideological monopoly. In 1945, two militarily devastating world wars were followed by five decades of Cold War. The nuclear arsenals led to a military balance be- tween West and East. The policy of mutual nuclear deterrence did not prevent dangerous political crises—such as the Soviet Berlin Blockade from June 1948 until May 1949, Nikita Khrushchev’s 1958 Berlin Ul- timatum and the 1962 Cuba Crisis—which brought both sides to the brink of another world war. In Berlin, fully armed American and Soviet tanks directly faced each other at Checkpoint Charlie. In Cuba, Soviet missiles threatened to attack the United States. Cold War tensions were compounded by Moscow’s bloody military interventions to crush uprisings against its rule in 1953 in the German Democratic Republic (GDR), in 1956 in Hungary, and 1968 in Prague.
    [Show full text]
  • Observations of the Japanese Government
    [Communicated to the Council Officiai No. : C. 775. M. 366. 1932. VII. and the Members of the League.] Geneva, November 19th, 1932. LEAGUE OF NATIONS APPEAL BY THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT OBSERVATIONS OF THE JAPANESE GOVERNMENT ON TH E REPORT OF THE COMMISSION OF ENQUIRY Note by the Secretary-General : The Secretary-General has the honour to circulate to the Council and Members of the League the observations of the Japanese Govern­ ment on the Report of the Commission of Enquiry, which was distri­ buted on October 1st as document C.663.M.320.1932.VII. Series of League of Nations Publications .VII. POLITICAL 1932. VII. ne* 15 CONTENTS Page Le t t e r from t h e R epresentative of J a pan to t h e P r e s id e n t of t h e Co u n c i l ........................................................................................................ 5 Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 7 Chapter I. — Ch i n a .................................................................................................. 9 Chapter II. — M a n c h u r i a ....................................................................................... 14 Chapter III. — T h e I n c id e n t ofS e p t e m b e r i 8t h , a n d Su b s e q u e n t O p e r a t i o n s ........................................... 19 Chapter IV. — T h e N e w St a t e ...................................................................... 25 Chapter V. — Co n c l u s i o n s ..................................................................... 35 S- d- N. 2.880 (F.) 2.475 (A.) 11/32. Imp. da J. deG. LETTER FROM THE REPRESENTATIVE OF JAPAN TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL Geneva, November 18th, 1932.
    [Show full text]
  • Internationalism As a Current in the Peace Movement
    internationalism as a current in the peace movement: a symposium It is apparent from the literature on the peace movement and diplo­ matic thought throughout this century that an exploration of the some­ times contradictory use of the word internationalism is in order. Not only has it been used for different purposes by competing factions of the anti­ war movement and political leaders, but it has differing connotations for historians. This symposium is a contribution to a discussion of the term. Instead of asking for an abstract formulation, the editors invited several scholars to consider the roles of internationalist ideas in the peace move­ ment in the hope that a functional definition might emerge, one which might stimulate formal analyses and eventuate in a working understand­ ing. By way of opening the discussion, the editors asked Sondra Herman, the author of Eleven Against War: Studies in American Internationalist Thought, 1898-1921 (Stanford: Hoover Institution, 1969) to identify some conceptual problems that arise from her analysis. From the last decade of the nineteenth Sondra Herman century through the first world war of the University of California, twentieth, a small but prominent group of Santa Cruz American intellectuals and peace advocates argued for a distinctive approach to foreign relations which they called international­ ism. They represented a minority of the articulate public, probably a minority of the peace societies. They advanced ideas that were being heard also in Europe, and they debated the forms of international organi­ zation for years before President Woodrow Wilson took up their cause. When Wilson did use international ideals in his explanation of American mediation policy, and later of American war aims, he adjusted them considerably to the national interest.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Biblical Narratives in the Anti-Japanese Movement of the Korean Church: Focused on the March 1St Independence Movement of 1919
    KOREA PRESBYTERIAN JOURNAL OF THEOLOGY Vol. 51 No. 4 The Role of Biblical Narratives in the Anti-Japanese Movement of the Korean Church: Focused on the March 1st Independence Movement of 1919 BYUN Chang Uk, Ph.D. Professor, Missiology Presbyterian University and Theological Seminary, South Korea I. Introduction II. The Socio-Political Milieu of the Anti-Japanese Movement III. The Mission Policy of Neutrality IV. Role of Biblical Narratives in the Anti-Japanese Movement V. Concluding Remarks Korea Presbyterian Journal of Theology Vol. 51 No. 4 (2019. 11), 117-135 DOI: 10.15757/kpjt.2019.51.4.006 118 KOREA PRESBYTERIAN JOURNAL OF THEOLOGY Vol. 51 No. 4 Abstract This study provides a way to examine the role of biblical narratives in the independence movement of the Korean church during the Japanese occupation. From the outset, the Korean Christians under the leadership of western (mostly American) missionaries were educated not to participate in the socio-political situation. Despite the missionaries’ urges, these Christians staged the anti-Japanese movement for the sake of national independence. The Koreans applied the Bible stories directly to their context. For example, Korean Christians regarded Exodus as a powerful biblical account and equated Moses’ struggle against Pharaoh with that of their own against the Japanese. The Old Testament stories describing the deliverance of Israel engendered national consciousness and were taken to heart as promising the deliverance of Korea. This kind of liberating ethos is well expressed in the Tokripdan Tonggomun (Notification Statement of the Korean Independent League) of 1919. Christianity was the hope that gave the Koreans the strength to with- stand Japanese hegemony.
    [Show full text]
  • Moral Development and the March First Movement
    S/N Korean Humanities, Volume 5 Issue 1 (March 2019) https://doi.org/10.17783/IHU.2019.5.1.15 pp.15~46∣ISSN 2384-0668 / E-ISSN 2384-0692 ⓒ 2019 IHU S/N Korean Humanities Volume5 Issue1 Moral Development and the March First Movement Hope Elizabeth May1) Central Michigan University/Kyung Hee University Abstract This paper offers a discussion of the March First Movement of 1919 (MFM) through the lens of moral development. Central to the discussion is the moral development of the most well-known personality associated with the MFM, Yu Kwan-sun (1902-1920). After discussing Yu’s own moral development, I connect this discussion to another important but less well-known figure associated with the MFM, Lee Sŭnghun (1864-1930). As a chief organizer of the MFM, Lee Sŭnghun made it possible for Yu Kwan-sun to both display and further develop her virtues and moral energies during the MFM. A discussion of Lee Sŭnghun also enables us to appreciate the thread of moral energy that was spinning prior the MFM, and which blossomed into the MFM in large part due to his efforts. I close by briefly discussing another participant in the MFM, Louise Yim (Im Yŏngsin) (1899-1977). Like Yu Kwan-sun, Yim was imprisoned and tortured for her participation in the MFM. Unlike Yu, however, Yim survived and dedicated her adult life to the independence of her country and the education of its citizens. A deeper consideration of the individuals involved in the MFM can connect us in the present to their virtues and moral energies.
    [Show full text]
  • A Comparison of Student Activists
    A COMPARISON OF STUDENT ACTIVISTS GRADE: Middle and High School AUTHOR: John Ciferni SUBJECT: World History TIME REQUIRED: Three class periods (50 minutes) OBJECTIVES: 1. To understand the role economic, political, social and cultural changes Korea experienced under Japanese occupation between 1910-1945. 2. Students will be able to explore the themes of nationalism and activism and understand how these two concepts can lead to freedom and oppression. 3. Compare and contrast the role of female activist Yu Gwan Sun of the March 1st, 1919 movement to that of Chai Ling, a student leader during the Tiananmen Square protests. 4. Apply knowledge of student activism in Korea to other areas in the world in determining where activism can both combat and cause oppression. MATERIAL REQUIRED: Handout 1: Korea under Japanese Rule Four different colored highlighters Handout 2: March First Movement Venn diagram to compare Yu Gwan Sun to Chai Ling Handout 3: Yu Gwan-Sun Article Handout 4: Interview with Chai Ling at Tiananmen Square Handout 5: Chai Ling, former Tiananmen leader, has become a Christian. BACKGROUND or INTRODUCTION: A major focal point of many global history courses is the recurring theme of liberty vs. authority. One of the major components of this theme is the concept of activism. How often do your students ask you “Why do we need to know history?” My guess is that this happens all too often. When students learn the relevance of activism and what students have accomplished in order evoke political and social change, many may become empowered to inspire change in their local communities.
    [Show full text]
  • Implications of Kosovo, Abkhazia and South Ossetia for International
    IMPLICATIONS OF KOSOVO , ABKHAZIA AND SOUTH OSSETIA FOR INTERNATIONAL LAW The Conduct of the Community of States in Current Secession Conflicts ∗∗∗ Heiko Krueger Abstract The objective of this article is to examine whether the current conduct of the community of states in the cases of Kosovo, Abkhazia and South Ossetia has any implications on international law. This question arises particularly in the case of Kosovo, since many states have recognised its separation from Serbia. Can the conduct of the community of states be used as a legal precedent by other groups seeking separation, e.g. in Azerbaijan, China, Georgia, Moldova, Spain or Ukraine? What if more states were to recognise Kosovo in the future? The focus of this paper will be to consider the implications of the conduct of the community of states on the interpretation of international treaties and customary international law. In this respect, the conduct of states in the cases of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in August 2008 will also be taken into account. Keywords: territorial integrity, self-determination, secession, Kosovo, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, international law Introduction In many states, ethnic groups are demanding separation from their “mother state” by invoking the right to self-determination of peoples, which was originally developed within the context of decolonisation. This has led to a general discussion concerning the extent to which ethnic peoples, groups and minorities are entitled to rights to self-determination and, in particular, rights to secession. To date, the community of states has rejected rights to secession for these groups and supported the mother states concerned by upholding the principle of territorial integrity.
    [Show full text]
  • Historic Factors Influencing Korean Higher Education. Korean Studies Series, No
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 446 656 HE 033 508 AUTHOR Jeong-kyu, Lee TITLE Historic Factors Influencing Korean Higher Education. Korean Studies Series, No. 17. ISBN ISBN-0-9705481-1-7 PUB DATE 2000-00-00 NOTE 232p. AVAILABLE FROM Jimoondang International, 575 Easton Ave., 10G Somerset, NJ 08873. PUB TYPE Books (010) Historical Materials (060) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC10 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Asian History; Buddhism; Christianity; Confucianism; Educational Administration; Foreign Countries; *Higher Education; Instructional Leadership; Korean Culture; *Modernism; *School Culture; *Traditionalism IDENTIFIERS *Korea; *Organizational Structure ABSTRACT This book examines the religious and philosophical factors historically affecting Korean higher education, and the characteristics of contemporary Korean higher education in relation to organizational structure, leadership, and organizational cultUre-. The book-is organized into 4 parts,- with 11 chapters. Part One focuses on identifying the problem with Chapter 1 describing the problem, research questions, significance and limitations of the study, definitions of terms, and research methods and procedures. Part Two illustrates the historical background of the study: the traditional period (57 BC-1910 AD) and the modern era (1910-1990s). Chapter 2 introduces the context of Korean higher education in the traditional era, and Chapter 3 illustrates the background of Korean higher education in the modern period. Part Three explores the religious and philosophical factors historically influencing Korean higher education from the perspectives of organizational structure, leadership, and organizational culture. Chapter 4 examines Buddhism in the traditional period, Chapter 5 focuses on Confucianism, and Chapter 6 illustrates Christianity and Western thoughts. Chapter 7 discusses Japanese imperialism under Japanese colonial rule, Chapter 8 shifts thefocus to Americanism under the U.S.
    [Show full text]