Dispelling the Meritocracy Myth: Lessons for Higher Education and Student Affairs Educators
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Managing Meritocracy in Clientelistic Democracies∗
Managing Meritocracy in Clientelistic Democracies∗ Sarah Brierleyy Washington University in St Louis May 8, 2018 Abstract Competitive recruitment for certain public-sector positions can co-exist with partisan hiring for others. Menial positions are valuable for sustaining party machines. Manipulating profes- sional positions, on the other hand, can undermine the functioning of the state. Accordingly, politicians will interfere in hiring partisans to menial position but select professional bureau- crats on meritocratic criteria. I test my argument using novel bureaucrat-level data from Ghana (N=18,778) and leverage an exogenous change in the governing party to investigate hiring pat- terns. The results suggest that partisan bias is confined to menial jobs. The findings shed light on the mixed findings regarding the effect of electoral competition on patronage; competition may dissuade politicians from interfering in hiring to top-rank positions while encouraging them to recruit partisans to lower-ranked positions [123 words]. ∗I thank Brian Crisp, Stefano Fiorin, Barbara Geddes, Mai Hassan, George Ofosu, Dan Posner, Margit Tavits, Mike Thies and Daniel Triesman, as well as participants at the African Studies Association Annual Conference (2017) for their comments. I also thank Gangyi Sun for excellent research assistance. yAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Washington University in St. Louis. Email: [email protected]. 1 Whether civil servants are hired by merit or on partisan criteria has broad implications for state capacity and the overall health of democracy (O’Dwyer, 2006; Grzymala-Busse, 2007; Geddes, 1994). When politicians exchange jobs with partisans, then these jobs may not be essential to the running of the state. -
Meritocracy in Autocracies: Origins and Consequences by Weijia Li a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Satisfaction of the Requir
Meritocracy in Autocracies: Origins and Consequences by Weijia Li A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Economics in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Gérard Roland, Chair Professor Ernesto Dal Bó Associate Professor Fred Finan Associate Professor Yuriy Gorodnichenko Spring 2018 Meritocracy in Autocracies: Origins and Consequences Copyright 2018 by Weijia Li 1 Abstract Meritocracy in Autocracies: Origins and Consequences by Weijia Li Doctor of Philosophy in Economics University of California, Berkeley Professor Gérard Roland, Chair This dissertation explores how to solve incentive problems in autocracies through institu- tional arrangements centered around political meritocracy. The question is fundamental, as merit-based rewards and promotion of politicians are the cornerstones of key authoritarian regimes such as China. Yet the grave dilemmas in bureaucratic governance are also well recognized. The three essays of the dissertation elaborate on the various solutions to these dilemmas, as well as problems associated with these solutions. Methodologically, the disser- tation utilizes a combination of economic modeling, original data collection, and empirical analysis. The first chapter investigates the puzzle why entrepreneurs invest actively in many autoc- racies where unconstrained politicians may heavily expropriate the entrepreneurs. With a game-theoretical model, I investigate how to constrain politicians through rotation of local politicians and meritocratic evaluation of politicians based on economic growth. The key finding is that, although rotation or merit-based evaluation alone actually makes the holdup problem even worse, it is exactly their combination that can form a credible constraint on politicians to solve the hold-up problem and thus encourages private investment. -
Public School Admissions and the Myth of Meritocracy: How and Why Screened Public School Admissions Promote Segregation
BUERY_FIN.DOCX(DO NOT DELETE) 4/14/20 8:46 PM PUBLIC SCHOOL ADMISSIONS AND THE MYTH OF MERITOCRACY: HOW AND WHY SCREENED PUBLIC SCHOOL ADMISSIONS PROMOTE SEGREGATION RICHARD R. BUERY, JR.* Public schools in America remain deeply segregated by race, with devastating effects for Black and Latinx students. While residential segregation is a critical driver of school segregation, the prevalence of screened admissions practices can also play a devastating role in driving racial segregation in public schools. New York City, one of the most segregated school systems in America, is unique in its extensive reliance on screened admissions practices, including the use of standardized tests, to assign students to sought-after public schools. These screens persist despite their segregative impact in part because they appeal to America’s embrace of the idea of meritocracy. This Article argues that Americans embrace three conceptions of merit which shield these screens from proper scrutiny. The first is individual merit—the idea that students with greater ability or achievement deserve access to better schools. The second is systems merit—the idea that poor student performance on an assessment is a failure of the system that prepared the student for the assessment. The third is group merit—the idea that members of some groups simply possess less ability. Each of these ideas has a pernicious impact on perpetuating racial inequality in public education. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................. 102 I. THE APPEAL OF THREE DIMENSIONS OF MERIT .................... 104 A. Merit of the Individual .................................................... 104 B. Merit of the System ......................................................... 107 C. Merit of the Group .......................................................... 109 II. THE MYTH OF MERITOCRACY IN K12 ADMISSIONS ............. -
Plutocracy: the Marketising of ‘Equality’ Within Neoliberalism
City Research Online City, University of London Institutional Repository Citation: Littler, J. (2013). Meritocracy as plutocracy: the marketising of ‘equality’ within neoliberalism. New Formations: a journal of culture/theory/politics, 80-81, pp. 52-72. doi: 10.3898/NewF.80/81.03.2013 This is the published version of the paper. This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. Permanent repository link: https://openaccess.city.ac.uk/id/eprint/4167/ Link to published version: http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/NewF.80/81.03.2013 Copyright: City Research Online aims to make research outputs of City, University of London available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the author(s) and/or copyright holders. URLs from City Research Online may be freely distributed and linked to. Reuse: Copies of full items can be used for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge. Provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. City Research Online: http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/ [email protected] MERITOCRACY AS PLUTOCRACY: THE MARKETISING OF ‘EQUALITY’ UNDER NEOLIBERALISM Jo Littler Abstract Meritocracy, in contemporary parlance, refers to the idea that whatever our social position at birth, society ought to facilitate the means for ‘talent’ to ‘rise to the top’. This article argues that the ideology of ‘meritocracy’ has become a key means through which plutocracy is endorsed by stealth within contemporary neoliberal culture. -
Examples of Racial Microaggressions
Examples of Racial Microaggressions Theme Microaggression Message Alien in own land “Where are you from?” You are not American When Asian Americans and Latino “Where were you born?” You are a foreigner Americans are assumed to be “You speak good English.” foreign-born A person asking an Asian American to teach them words in their native language. Ascription of Intelligence “You are a credit to your race.” People of color are generally not as Assigning intelligence to a person of “You are so articulate.” intelligent as Whites. color on the basis of their race. Asking an Asian person to help with a It is unusual for someone of your Math or Science problem. race to be intelligent. All Asians are intelligent and good in Math / Sciences. Color Blindness “When I look at you, I don’t see Denying a person of color’s racial / Statements that indicate that a White color.” ethnic experiences. person does not want to “America is a melting pot.” Assimilate / acculturate to the acknowledge race “There is only one race, the human dominant culture. race.” Denying the individual as a racial / cultural being. Criminality – assumption of criminal A White man or woman clutching You are a criminal. status their purse or checking their wallet as You are going to steal / You are poor A person of color is presumed to be a Black or Latino approaches or / You do not belong / You are dangerous, criminal, or deviant on passes. dangerous. the basis of their race. A store owner following a customer of color around the store. -
TESTING the SCHOLARS How Do You Choose Who Runs a Dynasty? Why Do People Seek Power?
TESTING THE SCHOLARS How do you choose who runs a dynasty? Why do people seek power? ACTIVITY DESCRIPTION Students will explore the classical Chinese civil servants exam system, compare it to / EDUCATOR their current exam systems, and construct their own ideas of what it means to be qualified for a role and how to prove qualification. If you are planning to use this as part of a visit to The Field Museum, see the Page field trip guide on page 7. 1 of BACKGROUND 7 INFORMATION Image: During the Qing Dynasty, students took the civil service examination in door-less cells. Running an empire required a network of The only furniture was a set of boards that could be arranged as a desk and bench or a bed. dedicated and well-educated officials. The men Illustration by Sayaka Isowa for The Field Museum. who governed the empire had to pass a grueling exam. For roughly 1,300 years, China’s emperors used the civil toe, twice. Their supplies, carried in baskets like service examination system to identify talented men for the ones in the drawing above, were searched. It’s government service. Stationed throughout the empire, said that guards even checked inside dumplings. scholar-officials maintained order and reported back to Yet some test-takers found ways to smuggle in help. the emperor on local events. This system was so effective, The museum holds examples of silk cloth covered in even foreign dynasties like the Manchus embraced it writing, cheat sheets that could have been sewn into during the Qing Dynasty (AD 1644-1911). -
Meritocracy: a Widespread Ideology Due to School Socialization? Marie Duru-Bellat, Elise Tenret
Meritocracy: A widespread ideology due to school socialization? Marie Duru-Bellat, Elise Tenret To cite this version: Marie Duru-Bellat, Elise Tenret. Meritocracy: A widespread ideology due to school socialization?. 2010. hal-00972712 HAL Id: hal-00972712 https://hal-sciencespo.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00972712 Preprint submitted on 3 Apr 2014 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Meritocracy: A Widespread Ideology Due to School Socialization? Marie Duru-Bellat et Elise Tenret Notes & Documents n° 2010-02 Juillet 2010 Résumé : La recherche présentée dans ce papier se centre sur la perception de la méritocratie et sur l’adhésion à la méritocratie scolaire. En la matière, on explore précisément l’influence de l’éducation à la fois au niveau micro (individuel) et au niveau macro (pays), dans la mesure où l’éducation, selon Bourdieu et Passeron (1970) est censée affecter l’adhésion aux idéologies dominantes. Cependant, ces chercheurs n’en apportent pas de preuve empirique. De plus, l’influence de l’éducation n’est pas univoque, car elle peut avoir des effets contradictoires sur la justification des inégalités sociales (Baer et Lambert 1982), et aussi parce que ces effets peuvent être différents selon le niveau d’analyse (individus ou pays). -
Dispelling the Meritocracy Myth: Lessons for Higher Education and Student Affairs Educators Lorriz Anne Alvarado
The Vermont Connection Volume 31 Think Globally, Act Locally, Care Personally: Connecting Personal and Professional Article 2 Discoveries in Student Affairs January 2010 Dispelling the Meritocracy Myth: Lessons for Higher Education and Student Affairs Educators Lorriz Anne Alvarado Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/tvc Part of the Higher Education Administration Commons Recommended Citation Alvarado, Lorriz Anne (2010) "Dispelling the Meritocracy Myth: Lessons for Higher Education and Student Affairs Educators," The Vermont Connection: Vol. 31 , Article 2. Available at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/tvc/vol31/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Education and Social Services at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in The eV rmont Connection by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 10 • The Vermont Connection • 2010 • Volume 31 Dispelling the Meritocracy Myth: Lessons for Higher Education and Student Affairs Educators Lorriz Anne Alvarado “Just work hard and you will succeed.” This phrase and others like it represent the belief in meritocracy, which is repeated and perpetuated in our society by role models, friends, government, media, and ourselves. The myth of meritocracy is a part of the utopian belief in the Ameri- can Dream, which continues to be an active narrative in Americans’ lives that many do not realize is simply a dream and not based on reality. As educators, how do we confront the meritocracy narrative and better understand how it affects our work and our impact on students? This article updates professionals on current literature and the myth’s effect on higher education. -
The Man Behind the Cloud an Interview with Vmware’S Paul Maritz
fear, greed and fairy tales • p.j. o’rourke is out off wworkrk It Pays to Be Lucky Where Have the Leaders Gone? Formula One’s Benign Despot The Buck Starts Here The Man Behind the Cloud An Interview with VMware’s Paul Maritz Q1.2012.2012 chief executive officer Gary Burnison chief marketing officer Michael Distefano editor-in-chief Joel Kurtzman creative director Joannah Ralston circulation director Peter Pearsall marketing operations manager Reonna Johnson board of advisors Sergio Averbach Cheryl Buxton Joe Griesedieck Byrne Mulrooney Kristen Badgley Dennis Carey Robert Hallagan Indranil Roy Michael Bekins Bob Damon Katie Lahey Jane Stevenson Stephen Bruyant-Langer Ana Dutra Robert McNabb Anthony Vardy contributing editors Chris Bergonzi Stephanie Mitchell David Berreby P.J. O’Rourke Lawrence M. Fisher Glenn Rifkin Victoria Griffi th Adrian Wooldridge Cover photo of Paul Maritz: The Korn/Ferry International Briefi ngs on Talent and Leadership is published Jeff Singer quarterly by the Korn/Ferry Institute. The Korn/Ferry Institute was founded to serve Cover illustration: as a premier global voice on a range of talent management and leadership issues. The Zé Otavio Institute commissions, originates and publishes groundbreaking research utilizing Korn/ Ferry’s unparalleled expertise in executive recruitment and talent development combined with its preeminent behavioral research library. The Institute is dedicated to improving the state of global human capital for businesses of all sizes around the world. ISSN 1949-8365 Copyright 2012, Korn/Ferry International Requests for additional copies should be sent directly to: Briefi ngs Magazine 1900 Avenue of the Stars, Suite 2600, Los Angeles, CA 90067 briefi [email protected] Briefi ngs is produced with solar power, FSC-certifi ed Advertising Sales Representative: paper, and soy-based inks, Erica Springer + Associates, LLC in a fully sustainable and 1355 S. -
Between Political Meritocracy and Participatory Democracy: Toward Realist Confucian Democracy
Culture and Dialogue 8 (2020) 251-279 brill.com/cad Between Political Meritocracy and Participatory Democracy: Toward Realist Confucian Democracy Darren Yutang Jin Hertford College, Department of Politics and International Relations, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK [email protected] Abstract In this article, I examine the textual underpinnings of participatory Confucian democ- racy and Confucian meritocracy and propose realist Confucian democracy as an alter- native following a balanced reading of classic Confucianism. I argue that Confucian plebeian values do not square with the political meritocrats’ (Daniel A. Bell and Tongdong Bai) advocacy for meritocratic rule while Confucian elitist values undermine participatory democrats’ (Sor-hoon Tan and Stephen Angle) ardor for justifications of active democratic participation. A shared difficulty with both groups is that they tend to overuse one aspect of Confucianism while leaving the status of other elements in limbo. The discussion of participatory democracy and meritocracy is followed by the introduction of an eclectic reading that strikes a dynamic balance between elitist and plebeian values in Confucianism, and which points to the wide gamut of realist de- mocracy that combines democratic election with strong leadership. Keywords participatory Confucian democracy – Confucian meritocracy – realist Confucian democracy – classic Confucianism – Confucian political theory – political realism 1 Introduction Recent focus on the relationship between Confucianism and democracy has shifted away from examining their mere compatibility to discussing possibilities © Darren Yutang Jin, 2020 | doi:10.1163/24683949-12340086 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the CC BY 4.0Downloaded license. from Brill.com09/27/2021 01:35:19AM via free access 252 Jin of “Confucian democracy” and “Confucian meritocracy” that build on the intellectual strength of both traditions. -
Meritocratic Elitism, Authoritarian Libertarianism, and the Limits of the China Model Or: What Are We Talking About When We Talk About Alternatives?
SYMPOSIUM THE CHINA MODEL MERITOCRATIC ELITISM, AUTHORITARIAN LIBERTARIANISM, AND THE LIMITS OF THE CHINA MODEL OR: WHAT ARE WE TALKING ABOUT WHEN WE TALK ABOUT ALTERNATIVES? BY PEITAO JIA © 2017 ² Philosophy and Public Issues (New Series), Vol. 7, No. 1 (2017): 105-126 Luiss University Press E-ISSN 2240-7987 | P-ISSN 1591-0660 [THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK] THE CHINA MODEL Meritocratic Elitism, Authoritarian Libertarianism, and the Limits of The China Model Or: What are We Talking about When We Talk about Alternatives? Peitao Jia n this article, as a review and critique of the current theorization and defense of political meritocracy (PM), I I examine what the factual political issues demand and what the theory of PM has promised and provided. By arguing that PM leads to meritocratic elitism that neglects individual citizens· civil and political rights as well as authoritarian libertarianism that undermines the people·s economic, social, and cultural welfare, I shall conclude this discussion with remarks that political meritocracy cannot be a desirable alternative to liberal democracy and on the contrary it requires its own alternatives based on liberal and egalitarian values. As one of the most important contemporary theorists of political meritocracy, Daniel A. Bell defends this selection-and- promotion system as an ´alternative modelµ to liberal democracy (LD) in his well-argued book The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy.1 1 Daniel A. Bell, The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy (Princeton: Princeton University Press 2015), p. 4. © 2017 ² Philosophy and Public Issues (New Series), Vol. -
The 03Rd Century This Is the Century of the Military Showdown
86 3. The State The 03rd Century This is the century of the military showdown. In the east, Ch! M"!n-wa!ng, who ruled from 0300, was eager for conquest. After long delay for preparation, a delay which the Gwa"ndz" theorists urgently advised, he attacked Su# ng in 0285. And conquered it, but allied states drove him from Su# ng and from Ch! itself. He died far from his capital in 0284, and Ch! never again ranked as a major power. Its eclipse favored its western rival: Ch!n. Lord Sha$ng or We#! Ya$ng, a general of Ch!n, had defeated Ngwe#! in 0342; he was given the fief of Sha$ng and a ministership in 0341. His reputation in other states was military, but Ch!n tradition (found in the Sha$ng-jyw$nShu$) claimed him as a statesman, and it is possible that he applied military discipline (harsh punishments, no exemptions for nobles) to the civilian population also. As in Ch!, reward and punishment are the root axioms of 03c Ch!n legal theory: 3:72 (SJS 9:2a, excerpt, c0295). Now, the nature of men is to like titles and salaries and to hate punishments and penalties. A ruler institutes these two things to control men’s wills . But in contrast to eastern thought, the SJS firmly rejects antiquity arguments: 3:73 (SJS 7:2c, excerpt, c0288). The Sage neither imitates the ancient nor cultivatesthemodern...theThreeDynastieshaddifferentsituations,but they all managed to rule. Thus, to rise to the Kingship, there is one way, but to hold it, there are different principles.