Aspects of Peace-Making

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Aspects of Peace-Making VOLUME XVI, NO. 24 JUNE 12, 1963 ASPECTS OF PEACE-MAKING THE question of whether the forms of "action" The leading editorial in the April 13 Freedom, developed by the peace movement are "effective" an anarchist weekly published in London, begins: is endlessly argued and no doubt should be. What What can be hoped for as a result of a is not always recognized is that this argument successful—as we assume it will be—sixth annual actually takes place against a background of "Aldermaston" march this Easter, can perhaps be considerable uncertainty concerning what assessed by drawing up a balance sheet of what has "effective" means, or ought to mean. In the terms been achieved by the previous five. of the politics of the past, an effective program is The Freedom writer, his eye fixed upon the one that leads to power. Today, however, it is by anarchist ideal of a free, voluntaristic human no means clear what pacifists would do with community, heads his article: "Aldermaston—a power, supposing they could obtain it. Pacifists Human Success Story but a Political Failure." He "in power" seems very much a contradiction in explains this judgment: terms, yet any action which is a protest against the It seems clear that the ruling classes of the world exercise of power by governmental authority may are not deterred (or disarmed) by good people be taken to imply that the protesters have in mind trampling 53 miles in their thousands, supported by a better way for that power to be used. possibly millions more who will be with them in spirit, even if the few days respite from life's routine The problem is so broad that a specific issue will be spent in other ways. is needed to focus it for examination. For this purpose we borrow from an analysis of the Easter The Freedom writer develops at some length Aldermaston Marches which have taken place in his reasons for calling the march "a human success England every year since 1958. These marches, story," but at the moment we are more concerned which start at Aldermaston, the location of the with his criticisms. Toward the end of the British Atomic Weapons center, and go to discussion, he says: Trafalgar Square in London—a distance of fifty- If CND is to become effective as well as being three miles—are an action project of the British impressive it must either transform itself into a peace group, Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament revolutionary movement or enter the political arena as an organized party. Naturally, we anarchists (CND). CND represents two general would prefer to see the former happen. backgrounds of conviction: one, a basic pacifist rejection of military means to settle international Way back, at the first March in 1958, we quoted from the Manchester Guardian the following conflicts, the other, a strong feeling that it is folly comment: for Britain to attempt to be a nuclear power. The "Sprinkled more thickly than report has given second Aldermaston March (of 1959) generated out are the obstinate ones who insist on thinking. An worldwide attention, demonstrating the existence Oxford undergraduate complained of 'All this guff of of a great groundswell of anti-war feeling in Britain giving a moral lead'. He admits the truth of England. It ended with a mass meeting of some the 'moral stuff,' adding, 'but what we want to know is fifteen thousand people in London. This dramatic what political action we can take to change the protest made it plain that governments can no Government's policy even by a very little—and nobody here has said a thing about that'." longer wholly ignore the tide of public opinion in opposition to war. CND is no nearer to being able to give an answer in 1963 than it was in 1958. It would be churlish to deny that CND has done valuable MANAS Reprint - - LEAD ARTICLE 2 educational work in making a large number of people In a "normal" society, provision is made for aware of the consequences of nuclear war, and the planning of constructive change. Business persuading them to support any constitutional steps to organizations, for example, establish "research and abolish these weapons. Its failure is that after six years it still talks in these terms.... Governments are development" agencies to anticipate future needs not influenced by orderly protests, and disciplined and to plan adaptation to them. For society at marches. The only language they understand and large, we may think of the great universities as take into account is that of revolution, of direct action performing this function. Professors and workers which disrupts the status quo. in research project the future development of the The militant vocabulary of this anarchist country and make recommendations to writer ought not to distract the reader from government, either directly or by generating public considering the problem he sets. For if, indeed, opinion in support of their findings and proposals. the objective of the peace movement—which is In a "normal" society, we find this procedure quite genuine world peace—should be realized, the natural. changes that will in consequence have taken place But we do not have a "normal" society, will be nothing if not revolutionary, regardless of today. We have a society gripped by extreme the words used to describe them. What is at issue, crisis, and there is no scholarly consensus as to here, is whether or not the Aldermaston marches what ought to be done. Those who, in ordinary ought to be spoken of as in any sense a "failure," times, perform the work of research and despite the fact that this movement has not yet development, are today either silenced for their succeeded in altering the defense policy of Great radical opinions, or they have been given Britain. extremely limited tasks to perform—tasks which It must be noted, however, that the CND have little to do with meeting the larger demands leaders discuss their objective in the following of this moment of history. The anxieties stirred by terms: national and world emergency have transformed The renunciation of an independent deterrent, the forum of debate about change and progress and of Britain's part in a NATO deterrent, is into an arena of partisan emotions. To borrow something Britain can do. It is something which a from popular imagery, the Ship of State has rapidly growing proportion of the British people—far, turned into the Car of Juggernaut. far greater than it was when we first marched—think we should do. It is something we, collectively, can This does not mean that "progress" can no will to happen this year. longer take place. It does mean that the progress, This, you might say, is a brave declaration, if we are able to achieve it, will come in but its publication causes critics to speak of the unconventional ways. "failure" of the marches. As the Freedom writer Take the struggle to prevent war. The puts it: conventional institutions of our society have The Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament has shown themselves to be incompetent—even succeeded in expanding in spite of dismal failure so uninterested—in working realistically for peace. far as its objectives are concerned simply because it There are hardly any serious theoretical studies advocates the most popular and uncontroversial of all concerning the possible make-up or requirements causes and because it seeks to achieve its aims by of a peaceful society. In a presumably democratic "respectable" means. society, this can have only one practical result: the It is at this point that we wish to introduce people, who delegated this sort of planning to other considerations, amounting to an expansion their representatives, will have to call back to of what in the Freedom article is called "valuable themselves the power and the responsibility they educational work." delegated, and attempt to perform the functions of Volume XVI, No. 24 MANAS Reprint June 12 1963 3 peace-planning and peace-making themselves—on revolution in basic attitudes about desirable good the theory that if they don't, no one else will, and and tolerable evil. These changes in attitude are the world will be engulfed in an all-destroying being woven into the fabric of daily life and daily war. thinking. They accompany events that shake human beings out of accustomed attitudes and You could argue that, in psychological terms, complacencies. And such changes take place also something like the following is taking place: The when there are new principles of life and human experts, the authorities, the technicians of every relationships for people to attempt to put into sort, have become so deeply involved in the action. Politics may confirm such changes, but traditions of their specialties and the complexities politics cannot bring them about. Politics is too of their techniques, that they are unable to react to theoretical, too "mechanical," too "contractual" to the simple moral compulsions which affect the accomplish this alchemy of the human spirit. common people. They have become subject to a Politics is the rationalization which takes place particular form of cultural lag as well as victims of after the fact. institutional egotism. They cannot relate their professional skills to the popular morality of There will be those, no doubt, who say that rejection of war. Accordingly, the professionals such reflective analysis may be all very well, and keep on insisting that the war-peace equation be even accurate in spots, but the modern world has formulated in terms which they are familiar with. no time for the slow processes of evolving a new And the ordinary people, who are now becoming stance in socio-political relations.
Recommended publications
  • Close to Midnight CND General Secretary Kate Hudson Writes on How the US’ Nuclear Policy Is Taking Us Closer to War
    caTHE MAGAZINmE OF THE CAMPAIGN pFOR NUCLEAR DaISARMAMENT igFEBRUARY 2018 n Close to midnight CND General Secretary Kate Hudson writes on how the US’ nuclear policy is taking us closer to war. AST MONTH the Bulletin of Atomic of Evil. It also revisited some of the ideas Scientists moved us half a minute closer of the early 1990s, calling for the Lto Midnight. At two minutes to, it’s development of bunker-busters and mini- the closest since the height of the Cold War. nukes for use in ‘regional conflicts’, The reasons cited are increasing nuclear understood at that time – in the aftermath risk, climate change and potentially harmful of the first Gulf War and the developing emerging technologies. But nuclear takes narrative around oil and resources – to centre stage: reckless language and provoca - mean the Middle East. tive action by both US and North Korea. The advent of President Obama To make matters worse, the latest US temporarily knocked the project on the nuclear posture review has just been head. His 2010 review ruled out the released. These reviews can be a powerful development of new nuclear weapons, indicator of a president’s intentions and this including bunker-busters. It also renounced one will, no doubt, be a taste of things to nuclear weapons use against non-nuclear come. The 2002 version included President states that the US considered compliant Bush’s demand for contingency plans for with the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. the use of nuclear weapons against at least At the time we hoped for more, after seven countries, including the so-called Axis Obama’s passionate Prague speech in 2009, Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, CND 60th celebration at Aldermaston 162 Holloway Rd, London N7 8DQ 1st April, assemble at 12 020 7700 2393 noon.
    [Show full text]
  • Unit V 1. India As a Champion of World Peace and Justice A
    UNIT V 1. INDIA AS A CHAMPION OF WORLD PEACE AND JUSTICE A peace movement is a social movement that seeks to achieve ideals such as the ending of a particular war (or all wars), minimize inter-human violence in a particular place or type of situation, and is often linked to the goal of achieving world peace. Means to achieve these ends include advocacy of pacifism, non-violent resistance, diplomacy, boycotts, peace camps, moral purchasing, supporting anti-war political candidates, legislation to remove the profit from government contracts to the Military–industrial complex, banning guns, creating open government and transparency tools, direct democracy, supporting Whistleblowers who expose War-Crimes or conspiracies to create wars, demonstrations, and national political lobbying groups to create legislation. The political cooperative is an example of an organization that seeks to merge all peace movement organizations and green organizations, which may have some diverse goals, but all of whom have the common goal of peace and humane sustainability. A concern of some peace activists is the challenge of attaining peace when those that oppose it often use violence as their means of communication and empowerment. Some people refer to the global loose affiliation of activists and political interests as having a shared purpose and this constituting a single movement, "the peace movement", an all encompassing "anti-war movement". Seen this way, the two are often indistinguishable and constitute a loose, responsive, event-driven collaboration between groups with motivations as diverse as humanism, environmentalism, veganism, anti- racism, feminism, decentralization, hospitality, ideology, theology, and faith. There are different ideas over what "peace" is (or should be), which results in a plurality of movements seeking diverse ideals of peace.
    [Show full text]
  • Ernest Rodker (ER) Born May 1937 Interviewer: Felicity Winkley (FW) and Ruth Dewa (RD) Date: July 10Th 2015
    After Hiroshima Interview transcript Interviewee: Ernest Rodker (ER) born May 1937 Interviewer: Felicity Winkley (FW) and Ruth Dewa (RD) Date: July 10th 2015 (0:00) ER: Uhh… I suppose compared to… I come from a family of of people who’d been involved in objection to, uh, particularly, war and… and battle. I mean, my father was German and not that I knew that much about him when I, when I was getting into the age when this was important to me but my, but I subsequently found that if these things had come through DNA then, then I’ve got a lot of it in my body ‘cause my, my dad is German and he was very involved in the anti-fascist movement in Germany. And um, although he didn’t talk much about it, I did get some stories from him but he was arrested and tortured and, and uh, uh, the person he was arrested with was beaten to death so he had a, a real experience of what being a protestor and being sort of against, um, the dominating force at the time in his country meant to him. He eventually got to this country and um, um, um, settled here. Uh, and my mother was very involved in the Communist Party and the Peace Movement, umm, in, in the years before I was born in, in the 40s. Oh sorry, um oh yes, yes after I was born but mostly in the 30s and 40s. My grandfather was a conscientious objector, um, into being called up in the First World War, which I knew nothing about really, so, um, I… was in the household d… didn’t really impress upon me the whole question of demonstrating, it was possibly a good move on my mother’s not to do that.
    [Show full text]
  • 'After Hiroshima' Project Notes
    After Hiroshima Background Research by Gemma Organ Daily Express (August 6, 1945): “The bomb that has changed the world” headline. Described as “the most fearful device of war yet produced” and how the bomb was used as “a last warning” against the Imperial Japanese Army in their continued involvement in war against the Allies. The bomb proved efficient as a weapon as conventional invasion of Japan was believed to have caused huge casualties of the Allies. Statistics: 60-80,000 killed instantly; total death toll around 135,000. Between 1955 and 1962, between 19%-33% of Britons expressed disapproval of the manufacture of nuclear weapons (W.P. Snyder, The Politics of British Defence Policy, 1945-1962 [1964]) Background: In August 1945, the Soviet Union exploded its first atomic bomb, years ahead of Western intelligence predictions. This led to a superpower race between the Soviet Union, the US and, eventually, Britain and France to develop thermonuclear weapons, with the US testing the H-bomb for the first time in 1952. There was a persistent fear in Europe over the US being a deterrent to Soviet attack; whereby Britain tested the bomb in 1952 (which was seen as a symbol of the loss of a Great Power status) and in 1960 in France (which became a symbol of revitalised French independence). Despite talks in 1960 of a ‘missile gap’ in US presidential election campaigns, the US still had a lead of 4:1 in intercontinental ballistic missiles and a 3:1 in long-range bombers. [Tom Buchanan, Europe’s Troubled Peace 1945- 2000] Women: Feminists formed the backbone of the Peace Movement in Britain from the 1950s and involved in the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, the Women’s League for Peace and Freedom and anti-Vietnam War protests.
    [Show full text]
  • Jim Radford (JR) Born 1/10/1928 Interviewer: Emily Spary (ES) Ruth Dewa (RD)
    Interview no. 21 After Hiroshima interview transcript Interviewee: Jim Radford (JR) born 1/10/1928 Interviewer: Emily Spary (ES) Ruth Dewa (RD) ES: Ok, um so, I’m Emily Spary doing the interview on the 29th May 2015. Would you like to tell me your name and date of birth please? JR: Jim Radford, 1/10/28 ES: Ok thank you. So if we just start off, would you like to tell me what you were doing at the end of the war, the Second World War? (J) At the end of the war, um, at the end of the war I was ashore, um, but I’d been a merchant seaman until from leaving school until that year, um, but um. I can’t remember what I was doing exactly at the end of the war apart from celebrating. But I was a merchant seaman and I, I, for the first year, first year of my working life and then I went to Liverpool (1.00) to try and get a ship in Liverpool, couldn’t get a ship in Liverpool so I, and I knew I was coming up for, you get called up, got called up at 18 even when the war was over, so I didn’t want to go in the army, so I volunteered for the Royal Navy and while I was waiting to go in the Royal Navy I shovelled coal on a steam train as a fireman on a steam train for a while and I went the Royal Navy for the next seven years.
    [Show full text]
  • Nonviolent Methods and Effects of the World Nuclear Disarmament Movement - Lawrence S
    NONVIOLENT ALTERNATIVES FOR SOCIAL CHANGE – Nonviolent Methods and Effects of the World Nuclear Disarmament Movement - Lawrence S. Wittner NONVIOLENT METHODS AND EFFECTS OF THE WORLD NUCLEAR DISARMAMENT MOVEMENT Lawrence S. Wittner Department of History, State University of New York/Albany, USA Keywords: Albert Einstein, antinuclear, Bertrand Russell, Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, Dwight Eisenhower, E.P. Thompson, Euromissile, European Nuclear Disarmament, INF Treaty, International Peace Bureau, Leo Szilard, Mikhail Gorbachev, neutron bomb, Norman Cousins, nuclear disarmament movement, peace activism, Ronald Reagan, SANE, test ban treaty, unilateral. Contents 1. The Movement and Its Impact, 1913-1945 2. The Rise and Fall of a Mass Movement, 1945-1953 3. The Movement’s Impact, 1945-1953 4. The Movement Resurrected, 1954-1970 5. Impact of the Movement, 1954-1970 6. The Movement Begins to Revive Again, 1971-1980 7. Impact of the Movement, 1971-1980 8. The Movement at Flood Tide, 1981-1989 9. Retreat from Armageddon, 1981-1996 10. Declining Movement, Reviving Arms Race, 1993-Present 11. Conclusion Glossary Bibliography Biographical Sketch Summary Opposition to nuclear weapons began with efforts by scientists to prevent their use in World War II. After the atomic bombing of Hiroshima revealed the existence of nuclear weapons to the general public, a broad nonviolent citizens’ campaign developed to foster nuclear disarmament. Although this movement faded by 1950, it had some impact on governments, particularly the American, which accepted civilian control of atomic energyUNESCO and made the first serious official – nuclear EOLSS disarmament proposals. In response to the development of hydrogen bombs, another surge of nuclear disarmament activism began in the mid-1950s and crested in the late 1950s and early 1960s.
    [Show full text]
  • What Follows Asks Questions About the Place of Culture in Protest, With
    Subcultural and social innovations in the campaign for nuclear disarmament McKay, GA Title Subcultural and social innovations in the campaign for nuclear disarmament Authors McKay, GA Type Article URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/2287/ Published Date 2004 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Subcultural and Social Innovations in the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament George McKay While we rebel with marches and music and words they’ll fight us back through the propaganda of ‘popular’ media. — Crass, Nagasaki Nightmare (sleeve liner notes, 1980) In times of war and rumours of peace, when ‘terrorism’ and ‘torture’ are being revisited and redefined, one of the things some of us should be doing is talking and writing about cultures of peace. In what follows, I ask questions about the place of culture in protest by considering the cluster of issues around the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) from its founding in London in 1958. I look at instances of (sub)cultural innovation within the social and political spaces CND helped make available during its two high periods of activity and membership: the 1950s (campaigning against the hydrogen bomb) and the 1980s (campaigning against U.S.-controlled cruise missiles).
    [Show full text]
  • Fill the Jails': Identity, Structure and Method in the Committee of 100, 1960 – 1968
    A University of Sussex DPhil thesis Available online via Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/ This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Please visit Sussex Research Online for more information and further details 'Fill the Jails': Identity, Structure and Method in the Committee of 100, 1960 – 1968. Thesis submitted by Samantha Jane Carroll D. Phil. in Life History Research University of Sussex September 2010 I hereby declare that this thesis has not been and will not be, submitted in whole or in part to another University for the award of any other degree. Signature:........................................... Contents. Summary. Acknowledgements. Introduction. 1 Chapter One: Methodology. 29 Chapter Two: Middle-Class Radicals? Make-up and Motivations. 67 Chapter Three: Non-Violent Direct Action. A Contentious Issue. 98 Chapter Four: 'Fill the Jails'. Committee of 100 in Action. 122 Chapter Five: Imprisonment. Gender, Class and Entitlement. 158 Chapter Six: A Libertarian Spirit? Organisation and Values. 182 Conclusion. 213 Bibliography. 222 Appendices. 232 UNIVERSITY OF SUSSEX D.PHIL. IN LIFE HISTORY RESEARCH 'FILL THE JAILS': IDENTITY, STRUCTURE AND METHOD IN THE COMMITTEE OF 100, 1960 – 1968. SUMMARY The Committee of 100 (C100) (1960 – 68) were a British anti-nuclear protest group who campaigned for mass non-violent direct action (NVDA) in an effort to force the government to revise its defence policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Women and Life on Earth: Peace, Ecology and a Transnational Women’S Movement, 1975-2006
    Women and Life on Earth: Peace, Ecology and a Transnational Women’s Movement, 1975-2006 A dissertation submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History of the College of Arts and Sciences By Alyssa S. McClanahan March 2016 M.A., University of Cincinnati, 2012 B.A., University of Cincinnati, 2010 Committee Chair: David Stradling, Ph.D. Abstract “Women and Life on Earth” traces a powerful yet ultimately unsustainable women’s movement born in the late 1970s and early 1980s out of feminist, ecological and disarmament concerns. Focused primarily on American and British women, this dissertation begins with an influential conference in March of 1980 in Northampton, Massachusetts. There, hundreds of women gathered to claim "that ecological right"—the idea that their movement could unite all women behind values of feminism, nonviolence and ecology. In exploring women’s organizations and direct actions, especially transnational ones, this dissertation tracks how this women's movement weathered the 1980s, and interrogates the states of feminism, environmentalism, protest strategy and politics in America and Britain in the late 20th century. It broadly argues that by appropriating ecology as a way to link a litany of women and numerous injustices rooted in violence, participants began to consolidate a movement that was uniquely for and by women. Yet, as genuinely inclusive as these women crafted their philosophy to be, their ideas did not map evenly onto the political movement itself, and in many ways prescribed their own stymied future.
    [Show full text]
  • The Challenges of Maintaining Nuclear Cultures US and UK Perspectives ______
    PPrroolliiffeerraattiioonn PPaappeerrss 5555 ______________________________________________________________________ The Challenges of Maintaining Nuclear Cultures US and UK Perspectives ______________________________________________________________________ Linton Brooks Tom McKane January 2016 Security Studies Center The Institut Français des Relations Internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. In collaboration with the Alternative Energies and Atomic Energy Commission ISBN : 978-2-36567-518-5 © Ifri – 2016 – All rights reserved Ifri Ifri-Bruxelles 27 rue de la Procession Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE 1000 – Brussels – BELGIUM Tel : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tel : 32 (0)2 238 51 10 Fax : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Fax : 32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email : [email protected] Email : [email protected] Website : http://www.ifri.org/ Proliferation Papers Though it has long been a concern for security experts, proliferation has truly become an important political issue with the last decade, marked simultaneously by the nuclearization of South Asia, the weakening of international regimes and the discovery of frauds and traffics, the number and gravity of which have surprised observers and analysts alike (Iraq in 1991, Libya until 2004, North Korean and Iranian programs or the A.
    [Show full text]
  • Roles of Music in the Making of Social Movements: the Case of the British Nuclear Disarmament Movement, 1958–1963
    UNIVERSITY OF TAMPERE Minna Vähäsalo ”THEY’VE GOT THE BOMB, WE’VE GOT THE RECORDS!” Roles of Music in the Making of Social Movements: The Case of the British Nuclear Disarmament Movement, 1958–1963 _______________________________ Master’s thesis in History / MDP in Peace, Mediation and Conflict Research Tampere 2016 ABSTRACT University of Tampere School of Social Sciences and Humanities VÄHÄSALO MINNA: ”They’ve Got the Bomb, We’ve Got the Records!” Roles of Music in the Making of Social Movements: The Case of the British Nuclear Disarmament Movement, 1958–1963 Master’s thesis, 88 p., 3 appendix p. History October 2016 ________________________________________________________________________________ This thesis explores the roles music can play in the making of social movements. The theme is studied through the case of the British nuclear disarmament movement, 1958–1963. The focus is mainly on London and the national level, but the discussion is contrasted with examples from protests in the Glasgow region. By analysing participant perceptions on music, the study answers two main research questions. Firstly, how was music seen to influence the movement, and why? Secondly, how did contemporary musical and political phenomena shape the uses and perceptions of music in protest. The topic is discussed in the context of Cold War cultures in Britain in the late 1950s and early 1960s. This thesis provides an example of how local actors interpreted the Cold War, and responded to it using the cultural and social resources available for them. It also demonstrates how the Cold War influenced the political opportunities and internal dynamics of the movement. The British nuclear disarmament movement was a mostly non-aligned collection of groups, campaigns, individuals and protests which aimed at unilateral nuclear disarmament by the United Kingdom.
    [Show full text]
  • Global Thought, Local Action Australian Activism During the Vietnam War 1961-1972
    Global Thought, Local Action Australian Activism during the Vietnam War 1961-1972 Nick Irving Faculty of Arts and Sciences The University of Sydney, 2017 A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Abstract This thesis is a history of protest practice in Australia during the ‘long 1960s’. It begins with the coordinated protests against nuclear proliferation in the eastern states in 1961 and 1962, and ends with the Vietnam Moratorium Campaigns. It examines the intersections between anti-war and anti-conscription protest, the anti-nuclear campaigns of the early 1960s, and the anti-Apartheid protests that emerged during the 1971 South African rugby team tour of Australia. Rather than offering a history of Australian activism as an organisational network or monolithic, homogenous ‘movement,’ it treats protest as an exercise in political meaning- making, and traces the development of protest practice over time. This focus contests the characterisation of the arrival of the New Left in Australia after 1966 as a watershed or moment of rupture, and draws out long-term continuities in Australian activism. It also provides for an analysis of the transnational influences on Australian protesters without falling into the contemporary trap of labelling protest derivative. This methodological approach reveals that Australian protesters in the Vietnam epoch shifted between two major ideological explanations for their protest. One framed protest as a representative activity on behalf of an imagined Australian public, on behalf of whom protesters critiqued government policy and held the government to account. Protest organisations attempted to position themselves as representatives of the public, and used public opinion to legitimate their ideas.
    [Show full text]