1 Introduction: Plato's Challenge

Notes

1 Introduction: Plato’s Challenge

1. A key difference being that Steiner does not consider this move to be a cause for pessimism, but of hope and modern progress. 2. Halliwell is referring here to Aristotle’s displacement of the religious with the secular and to those disposed toward a secular reading of the fifth-century Attic playwright, Euripides. 3. Steiner is not suggesting that suffering is absent from modernity. His point rather is that as a form of drama, tragedy is particular to the classical Western tradition. He argues, for example, that the death of a Christian hero can be an occasion of sorrow, but not of tragedy because it leads the soul toward justice and resurrection (1961: 332). This move from fatalism toward hope is exemplified by the treatment of tragedy in Dante’s Divine Comedy where all ends well. Steiner’s assertion has been the cause of much debate, as dem- onstrated by Raymond Williams’s provocative text entitled, Modern Tragedy (1966). 4. This is not to suggest that the hero’s decline is simply the result of exter- nal forces. The notion of hamartia—used here to denote a missing of the mark—is suggestive of the fact that the hero is responsible for their suffering, even if their downfall occurs through ignorance, human blindness, or an error of judgment (see Williams on Shame and Necessity (1993)). 5. From this perspective, to benefit from the security and perceived advantages of the “social contract,” “enlightened” rational individuals were required to submit to a common sovereign power and, in so doing, bridle their passions and renounce the “brutish” appetites that comprised their biological psychic condition—the “State of nature.” 6. The standard cultural motif of the forbidden fruit—the one forbidden thing—also informs the Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam), as exemplified by their universal concern with the “fall of man” and “Original Sin.” Despite their universal reference to a transcendent being, the mythologies that inform these religions are distinct from the idea of the universal in Eastern traditions, such as, Hinduism, Buddhism, Confucianism, Zen, and Shinto, revealing that cultural differences persist in the religious dimensions of experience. What you get instead is a mythology based on 186 Notes

duality that tends to structure societies around ethics as exemplified by the dualistic relationship between sin and atonement, good and evil, right and wrong (Campbell, 1996), dichotomies that persist even in secular political landscapes (Durkheim, [1912] 2001). 7. Precipitated by the News International phone-hacking scandal, the Inquiry aimed to ensure the highest ethical standards: Lord Justice Leveson opened the hearings on November 14, 2011, declaring: “The press provides an essential check on all aspects of public life. That is why any failure within the media affects all of us. At the heart of this Inquiry, therefore, may be one simple question: who guards the guardians?” (The Leveson Inquiry, 2012). 8. “If there is meaning in life at all,” wrote Frankl ([1942] 1962), “then there must be meaning in suffering.” 9. My reason for referring to the original Greek spelling of the term is a delib- erate attempt to endorse Aristotle’s ethical paradigm. This is in contrast to contemporary lexicons, which tend to conflate “catharsis” with Freud’s psychoanalytic theory of emotional repression. 10. Eudaimonia is interpreted as well-being or human flourishing. The Greek terms eu and daimon translate into the words “good” and “spirit,” respec- tively. This has lead to common equations of the concept with happiness, although modern notions of happiness as subjective pleasure neglect the ethical foundation of the term. 11. The Republic is not to be read literally as a manifesto, but rather as a treatise probing into the nature of Justice as a conduit for the “Good life.” 12. In Book X of the Republic, Plato elucidates his ambivalence toward mimetic poetry: “But if not, my friend, even as men who have fallen in love, if they think that the love is not good for them, hard though it be, nevertheless refrain, so we, owing to the love of this kind of poetry inbred in us by our education in these fine polities of ours, will gladly have the best possible case made out for her goodness and truth, but so long as she is unable to make good her defence we shall chant over to ourselves as we listen the reasons that we have given as a counter-charm to her spell, to preserve us from slip- ping back into the childish loves of the multitude” ([1935] 2006: 467–49). 13. The chorus were fundamental to the way in which Greek tragedy was con- ceptualized in the ancient world, which is to do with individuality versus collectivity, democracy as a shared project and individuals as a threat to that project. The chorus dramatize the formation and the collapse of the social collective. To remove the collective is to lose that dynamic of the individual versus society.

2 What Is a Social Tragedy?

1. “Friend Homer, if you are not at the third removed from truth and reality in human excellence, being merely that creator of phantoms whom we defined as the representor . . . what city credits you with having been a good legislator and having benefited them” (Plato, [1935] 2006: 437). Notes 187

2. Plato contends: “The imitator knows nothing worth mentioning of the thing he imitates” ([1935] 2006: 447). 3. For over two and a half thousand years, the controversy confounding katharsis has been perpetuated by various interdisciplinary interpretations, cultural changes and the fact that modern audiences receive the Poetics as a fragmentary text with many of Aristotle’s additional writings lost or damaged. As a result, katharsis is commonly overlooked in contemporary literature or confined to Freudian vocabularies within the domain of psychology. The problem is that psychological paradigms tend to conflate katharsis with Freud’s hydraulic theory of emotional repression (i.e., the concept “catharsis”), neglecting the pedagogical origins of the term and the extent to which it was “accomplished” through performance as a civic mode of moral instruction. The contemporary state of academic scholarship on katharsis not only reflects specific disciplinary interests but may also be contextualized in relation to a series of broader historical developments that have had an enduring impact on modern social life. Foremost are evolving conceptions of eudaimonia (well-being or human flourishing) from the Greek’s moral concern with “being good” to modern therapeutic endeavors to “feel good.” Whereas pleasurable feelings were considered important for the Greeks in so far as they disposed one toward virtuous activity, they have become the primary object of most psychological analysis. In addition to abstracting the pedagogical role of katharsis to a mode of subjective well-being, the term’s moral foundation has been challenged by post-Enlightenment values of rationality, democratic sensibilities, and technological innovations that problematize the dissemination and reception of tragedy amid relative systems of virtue ethics in an increasingly global world. While the cur- rent climate of cultural pluralism encumbers Aristotle’s ethical paradigm, this chapter resituates katharsis in its traditional, instructional context as a mechanism of civic eudaimonia by analyzing the term from a sociological, rather than purely introspective standpoint of repressed emotional energy. 4. “Those who use spectacle to create an effect not of the fearful but only of the sensational have nothing in common with tragedy, as it is not every pleasure one should seek from tragedy, but the appropriate kind” (Aristotle, 2005: 75); the emphasis on “appropriate” pleasure a direct reference to Aristotle’s ethics. 5. The term refers to a device conventionally employed in Greek tragedy to alter the plot suddenly by lowering an actor (resembling a god) onto the stage. 6. Unless reserved for events outside the play. 7. Aristotle (2005: 49) defines ethos as “that in virtue of which we ascribe certain qualities to the agents, and “thought” to cover the parts in which, through speech, they demonstrate something or declare their views.” 8. Although Aristotle was Macedonian, he resided, studied, and taught in Greece for a significant period of his life. 188 Notes

9. Aristotle’s reference to the universal points to a profound disconnect between modern and classical approaches to tragedy. It was premised on a conception of the cosmos as a general unity, which informed the Greeks’ conception of truth and reality. The Greeks approached the pursuit of truth as an adequate response to the Real, to be in communion with what most truly is (Milne, 2013). This is why Aristotle associates the quest for knowledge with the intel- lect and the virtues. Knowledge, in his view, is an active exercise. Without virtue—the appropriate qualities of being that one brings to their actions— real knowledge is not possible. Tragedy must be experienced (albeit vicariously through coming into communion with reality), to be known and understood. What Aristotle is pointing to here is a correlation between the quality of being in the knower (moral virtue) and what can be known; echoing Plato’s claim that only like can know like. Only those who exercise the virtues—the ability to act according to the truth of things—will have the capacity to contemplate the truth. This is why prudence—the capacity to rightly discern things—is extolled in Greek ethics (Milne, 2013: 18). It is misperception and acting out of accord with nature that leads to tragedy. In this regard, the Poetics aligns with Aristotle’s conception of human nature as an ordered whole. Tragedy subscribes to a framework of causal intelligibility, facilitating an aesthetic experience in which judgment and emotion are in harmony. 10. One must avoid excessive literalism here. A close reading of the Poetics indi- cates that Aristotle did not simply neglect the fact that the meaning of tragedy is open to variation with one passage alluding to the different meanings spectators will derive from the same text according to their “class.” What Aristotle is pointing to here is a correlation between the qualities of being in the knower—the virtues—and that which can be known; echoing Plato’s claim that only like can know like. Only a person able to act according to the truth of things will have the capacity to perceive and contemplate truth (see Milne, 2013). In contrast to Aristotle, modern theories of knowledge gener- ally avoid discussions of moral virtue. This is why approaching Aristotle’s Poetics as part of his broader ethical writings and underlying objective to respond to Plato’s challenge provides a richer analysis of his treatment of tragedy. The primary limitation of Aristotle’s theory of tragedy appears to be the fact that any variance concerning the reception of the plot threat- ened to undermine his defence of the genre. The point remains, however, that from a contemporary standpoint Aristotle’s metaphysical stance fails to account for the fact that the meaning of tragedy is culturally coded, enacted, and semantically ambiguous. 11. The treatment of women in tragedy, a case in point. 12. The notion that tragedy deals with the solitary suffering of the Promethean hero has been dismissed as a historically specific reading of tragedy (Felski, 2008), criticized for projecting the individualist and existentialist philoso- phies of the time onto the entire canon of tragedy. 13. The term “moral” here refers not to the physical or metaphysical realm but to the common cultural, economic, and psychological principles connecting the emotional foundation of social life (Barbalet, 2007: 85). Notes 189

3 Performing Social Tragedy: Exploring the “New British Spirit” a Decade beyond the Death of Princess Diana

1. An “emotional climate,” according to de Rivera (1992: 2), is constituted by “more pervasive emotional relationships between members of society that are related to underlying social structures and political programs.” 2. The Prince caused controversy in 1994 within the Church of England when he suggested changing his coronation oath to become “Defender of the Faiths” rather than “Defender of the Faith” in an attempt to embrace religions other than Christianity in Britain. 3. Although Diana denied responsibility for the leaks, she would later be pho- tographed with key figures interviewed in the book, which was viewed as evidence that she endorsed these “inside sources.” 4. The following excerpt from the tape was alleged to reveal Diana’s infidelity: Diana: I don’t want to get pregnant. Gilbey: Darling, that won’t happen, OK? Diana: Yes. Gilbey: You can’t think like that. Nothing will happen, darling. You won’t get pregnant. Diana: I watched East Enders today. One of the actresses had had a baby. She thought it was her husband’s. It was another man’s. Gilbey: My octopus, kiss me. O God. Is this feeling not wonderful? Do you like it too? Diana: Yes, a lot. 5. These claims were supported by Charles’s friend, Lord Wakeham, Chairman of the Press Complaints Commission, who chastised the media for invading the Prince’s privacy and accused Diana of contriving the intrusions herself. With the early 1990s marked by political debate about press self-regulation versus privacy legislation in Britain, Lord Wakeman ominously warned that those who voluntarily seek publicity “must bear the consequences of their action.” 6. In the 1980s, for example, there was a common misconception that AIDS could be contracted through casual contact. 7. Diana was represented as the victim of social epidemics, such as, eating and mood disorders, paparazzi and celebrity culture; Earl Spencer referring to Diana as “the most hunted person of the modern age.” 8. Support for the Monarchy has steadily increased since the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge were married in 2011. Opinion polls conducted on May 12–14, 2012, prior to the Queen’s Diamond Jubilee, indicate that public support for the Monarchy in Britain is at a record high level with 80 percent of British adults favoring the country remaining a monarchy compared to 13 percent in favor of becoming a Republic. 9. Lord Smith, former Secretary of State for Culture, Media, and Sport, said he received 1,200 letters from members of the public in the fortnight following 190 Notes

Diana’s death deploring the actions of the paparazzi; Earl Spencer more than eighty thousand letters of support backing his calls for press regulation and privacy law.

4 Recalling Social Tragedy: Staging Zinédine Zidane’s Transgression on France’s Postcolonial Arena

1. The sculpture by Algerian artist, Adel Abdessemed, was subject of a retro- spective exhibition in the Pompidou from October 3 2012 until January 2013. 2. De Rivera suggests that emotional climates are more dependent on political, religious, economic, and educational factors and may change within the course of a single generation. 3. Algerian historians have estimated the death toll to be 1.5 million Algerian victims while French historians say around 400,000 people from both sides were killed (Gastel, 2012). 4. In the early 1960s, for example, around 40 civilian French Algerians were murdered by the state, their bodies thrown into the river in Paris. 5. It is estimated that up to 250,000 Harkis were killed by republican sup- porters with others imprisoned and tortured for their perceived betrayal (Jeffries, 2001). 6. The Harkis also face discrimination from Algerians living in France with some renouncing their Algerian heritage. Banners held at the 1991 protests read: “We’re French, not French-Algerians” (Stone, 1999: 226). 7. During the 2007 presidential campaign, former French President, Nicolas Sarkozy, promised that, once in power, he would officially recognize France’s “responsibility in the abandonment and killing of Harkis and thousands of others French Muslims who trusted France, so that the forgotten will not be killed again.” In the lead up to the 2012 French presidential election, the Harkis resurfaced as a topic of political debate. Sarkozy, declared that the French, “should have protected the Harkis from history,” recognizing their “historical responsibility” in abandoning “those who chose the side of France.” This sentiment was echoed by Sarkozy’s political opponent, Francois Hollande, who announced his intention to apologize to the Harkis, if elected. The Harkis are still waiting for a formal apology. While some considered these campaign promises political tactics to attain votes from the Harkis, who currently represent around 500,000 residents, these ges- tures nevertheless signify that France is beginning to recognize its role in the Algerian War. 8. Moreover, descendants of those Harkis who fled to France are still suffering from the legacy of the Algerian War. Unemployment for the population is at least 30 percent in France, with many of those who emigrated subject to racist abuse, stigma, and poverty that extend to parts of the Algerian community living in France. Most of the country’s original immigrants settled Notes 191

in banlieues (working-class suburbs on the outskirts of Paris), forming large ethnic communities where unemployment is higher than the national aver- age and residents complain of racism and discrimination. While Algerian migration to France began at the end of the nineteenth century, in recent years France’s Algerian community has been the focus of shifting public debate encompassing issues of unemployment, multiculturalism, Islam, and terrorism (Silverstein, 2004). Socioeconomic (poverty and high unemployment) and racial inequality appeared to be the driving forces of the French riots in 2005. 9. This homogeneous reading of religiosity is a concern that Irshad Manji expresses in The Trouble with Islam (2003), namely, the propensity to polarize adherents of Islam as a monolithic mass, when her biography as an educated, lesbian “Muslim refusenik” reveals that these religious communities are anything but uniform. Martha Nussbaum (2007) contends that by focusing on cases of religious fundamentalism, political authorities shield their ideologies from scrutiny by conveniently erecting “Islam” as an “evil” adversary through which to foster national unity around civic fears, instead of critically examining tensions emanating from within the nation. She argues that beneath the ideological social myths propagating a “clash” between “Islamic” and “Western” civilizations is a more pertinent “clash within” nations between those who choose to respect diversity and those who seek homogeneity through the domination of a unified religious or ethnic tradition. This Gandhian claim implies that all individuals are capable of respect and aggression and, accordingly, the real conflict for democracy resides in the universal human tension between a desire to dominate the “other” or sympathize with difference rather than a “clash” between religious cultures. 10. On April 28, 2011, “race” reasserted itself as a topic of intense debate in France following claims that officials attempted to limit the number of black and Arab players from entering youth training schemes in a move to make the national team “more white” (Mediapart, 2011). Media reports alleged that in November 2010 the newly appointed French national coach, Laurent Blanc, together with the Fédération Françaize de Football’s (FFF) technical director, François Blaquart, the Under-21s coach, Erick Mombaerts, and the Under-20s coach, Francis Smerecki, met to discuss setting a quota of around 30 percent to limit the selection of black youths and those of North African origin from entering football training organizations in France: For the top brass in French football, the issue is settled: there are too many blacks, too many Arabs, and not enough white players in French football. (Guardian, 2011a) At a subsequent meeting, Blanc allegedly supported reforming the selection criteria of youth talent to prioritize players with “our culture, our history” (Guardian, 2011a). Blanc was said to have pointed to the ethnically and racially homogenous 2010 World Cup Spanish champions as a model of “national” solidarity in which to emulate declaring: 192 Notes

The Spanish, they say, “we don’t have a problem. We have no blacks.” (Mediapart, 2011) In a country in which it is prohibited by law to record a citizen’s ethnic background or religious heritage, the former statements carry significant social repercussions. For the very decision by French Football organizations to establish a racial quota of French “migrant” footballers implies a logical connection between “race” and national identity. 11. Historically, sport has operated as an important source of stability during times of economic hardship, political conflict, and cultural change through its capacity to evoke sentiments that fuse elements of society (Shilling, 2008: 47). Performed before a global audience, France’s national success emerged as a metaphor for modernization and confidence, after a extended period of “depression” consequent to the decolonization of Algeria in the 1950s and 1960s, and a subsequent loss of global dominance and cultural hegemony following the international ascendancy of the English language (Dauncey & Hare, 2000). Fostering feelings of belonging and self worth, France’s surprise victory became all the more affective as a result of being achieved and collectively commemorated on home soil.

5 Mediating Social Tragedy: The 2011 English Riots and the Emergence of the “Mediated Crowd”

1. A cultural sociological approach conceives of crowd behavior as meaningful social action. It recognizes that when people act in crowds, their behavior is meaningful to them. Crowd members perceive themselves as a social collective. Meaning is defined in relation to the group, rather than as isolated individuals. But collective action is neither determined nor fixed; it can change depending on how crowd members interact, making meaning inter- subjective and emergent, rather than predetermined by social structures and cultural variables (“race,” class, ethnicity, and gender, for example). The emergent quality of crowd formation is particularly salient to the 2011 English riots, pointing to the crucial role of symbolic interactions between rioters and the police in the development of the unrest. 2. Trident is the MPS operational command unit dedicated to preventing and investigating shootings in London. Trident was originally established as a policing operation in 1998 as a result of community and police concerns about increased shootings in London’s black community, and became a per- manent operational command in 2008. Gun crime in London still dispro- portionately affects London’s black community (approximately 75 percent of all victims of shootings in London are from the black community). 3. Politicians largely denied a causal link between Mark Duggan’s death and the riots. Britain’s Deputy Prime Minister, Nick Clegg, claimed that the riots had “nothing to do with the death of Mr Duggan,” but was merely “need- less and opportunist theft and violence” (Guardian, 2012). The incident, Notes 193

according to Britain’s Prime Minister, David Cameron (2011a), “was then used as an excuse by opportunist thugs in gangs, first in Tottenham itself, then across London and then in other cities . . . The young people stealing flat screen televisions and burning shops [ – ] that was not about politics or protest, it was about theft.” 4. “Believe me – I understand the anger with the level of crime in our country today and I am determined we sort it out and restore people’s faith that if someone hurts our society, if they break the rules in our society, then society will punish them for it” (Cameron, 2011b). 5. “The MPS understands that it can only police London effectively with the consent of the people. It is therefore vital that the MPS listens to the views of the people it protects, and responds appropriately to improve the quality of service it provides” (MPS, 2012: 103). 6. YouTube Clip—“Police Killing Cover Up – Mark Duggan Tottenham 2011 – Protest Before Tottenham Riot 2011.” August 13, 2011. http://www. youtube.com/watch?v=YOMTYJ2nIMo. 7. Though multifaceted, the 2011 English riots, and those who participated in them, were largely understood as antipolice riots. The rioting that took place in Hackney and Tottenham both appear to have emerged as antipolice riots in areas with long-standing grievances against police. The disorder was exacerbated by indiscriminate attacks from police with the violence initially focused on police personnel and police property (Reicher & Stott, 2011). 8. Tottenham MP, David Lammy, said: “There were serious errors of judgment by both the IPCC and the Met in the days following Mark Duggan’s death” (Lammy cited in Taylor, 2012). 9. In their Final Report on the riots, the MPS (2012) explained that following the shooting of Duggan police became aware that an immediate member of Mark Duggan’s family was believed to be present at one of the crime scene cordons. At around 9 p.m., two MPS Family Liaison Officers (FLOs) were informed that other family members had made themselves known at another cordon. They located a second immediate member of the family and a woman who introduced herself as Mark Duggan’s partner. Both individuals were taken to the closest appropriate private venue and informed of his death by the FLOs (although the account has been disputed by those said to be involved). In light of the investigation taking place at the time, the review team did not approach members of the Duggan family. In a separate investigation on the contact between the IPCC and members of Mark Duggan’s family over the weekend of August 6–7, the IPCC “found that Mr Duggan’s parents were not informed of their son’s death by either the MPS or the IPCC. Mr Duggan’s sister Ms Hall, and Ms Wilson, who introduced herself as Mr Duggan’s partner, attended the scene on the evening of the shooting and had discussions with MPS FLOs. Whilst this is not disputed by these family members, their accounts of discussions with the FLOs at the scene differ significantly from the accounts provided by the FLOs . . . In summary, the investigation found that Mr Duggan’s parents were not informed of their son’s death by either the MPS or the IPCC” (IPCC, 2012: 3). 194 Notes

10. “On September 5, 2011, solicitors acting for Mr Duggan’s family made a formal complaint that his relatives had not been informed of his death either by an officer from the Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) or by the IPCC” (IPCC, 2012: 3). 11. In the immediate aftermath of the incident both the police and the IPCC were subject to much criticism in the media and the local community for what was perceived to be the lack of adequate contact with and support to Mr Duggan’s family. Such was the extent of the criticism that the local MP, David Lammy, stated in the House of Commons on November 16, 2011 that Mark Duggan’s family “had been forced to learn of the death of their son from watching television,” stated the IPCC (2012: 3). 12. Pam Duggan explained, “They let things really drag on. Because of all the confusion and misinformation I kept hoping that my son was still alive. That made things so much worse for all of us” (Taylor, 2012). 13. The Evening Standard reported, “About three or four police officers had both men pinned on the ground at gunpoint. They were really big guns and then I heard four loud shots. The police shot him on the floor” (Moore- Bridger et al., 2011). 14. The MPS (2012: 24) explain, “It is claimed that the paper contacted the MPS at 10.30pm on 5 August for comment. The MPS does not have a specific record of this contact. That this story had permeated public consciousness is perhaps evidenced by a reference to what would become known as the ‘assassination’ rumour made by Haringey Borough Black Independent Advisory Group (BIAG) 11 members during the Haringey community rep- resentatives meeting at 1pm on 6 August 2011.” 15. “It is usual practice when someone is killed that their personal details are not made public until the next of kin has been informed. Mark Duggan’s family saw in headlines that he had been killed as a result of a ‘terrifying shoot-out.’ Why such a difference in treatment? I was one of those who went to Tottenham police station on Saturday, with members of his family, to get an official acknowledgement that Mark had been killed. No official confirmation had been given to the family. As a community we were out- raged they were being treated with such disregard by both the Met and the Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC)” (Scott, 2011a,b). Community Representative, Rev Nims Obunge, added: “What we need to know is what exactly happened . . . It is important that we understand that the young people that are really offended by the death of another young person in this community feel that justice, whatever it might be, is served.” When asked to clarify what he meant by “justice,” he added: “Truth, they want truth” (Sky News, 2011b). 16. The MPS (2012: 24) reported that following the IPCC’s declaration of an independent investigation at 7.20 p.m., a media strategy was set and recorded by Commander Hewitt. Commander Hewitt reasoned that for the MPS to make comment on the circumstances of the shooting would poten- tially be seen as an attempt to prejudice the investigation. In their Final Notes 195

Report on the August riots, the MPS explains: “The issue of inaccuracy in the media story concerning an exchange of fire between officers and Mark Duggan should have been positively rebutted immediately. However, the MPS believed that as an organization it was subject to the limitation above and therefore did not speak regarding the issue of the number and origin of shots fired, believing it to be at the very heart of the investigation being conducted by the IPCC” (MPS, 2012: 25). 17. YouTube Clip—“Police Killing Cover Up – Mark Duggan Tottenham 2011 – Protest Before Tottenham Riot 2011.” August 13, 2011. http://www. youtube.com/watch?v=YOMTYJ2nIMo. 18. YouTube Clip. “Incident that triggered Tottenham Riots,” August 12, 2011. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AQNiRYJ4bsQ&feature=related. 19. Such turning points were discussed during an interview between a Sky News (2011b) reporter and Stafford Scott, a self-described “active member” of the community in Tottenham recorded on August 7, the day after the riots commenced. Reporter: You’re a leading member of the community. You were here (in Tottenham) last night, and watched things develop. What’s your view of why and how it [the riots] happened? Scott: The reason I believe it happened is because the police have paid due disregard to the feelings of the family of the young man that was killed on Thursday evening. By that I that mean up until now they haven’t come and helped them and advised them, they haven’t met with any family liaison officers at all, and we were absolutely dis- gusted by that. So we decided that we needed to come to Tottenham police station because they may not be aware that a murder had been committed. Because we know that if they were aware that a murder had been committed, the process, their legislation, their guide- lines says they have to set up, and send out, an FLO, and because they didn’t we came to the station. We came to the station to have a peaceful demonstration. And it was largely peaceful. And what we explained to the police was that we wanted someone senior from the police service to come and explain to us what was happening. Reporter: And what did they say to that? Scott: They kept on prevaricating. The most senior person they gave us was a Chief Inspector and we said that that person wasn’t senior enough. We wanted a senior ranking officer of Superintendent or above. Eventually they sent for a Super Intendant, but by then it was too late. We had told them: “don’t prevaricate [sic].” We wanted to hear what was happening so we could explain to the community what was taking place. Reporter: You said, “By then it was too late.” But are you suggesting that’s why the violence erupted as it did? Scott: I’m telling you that had they dealt with us earlier in the day, we would have removed ourselves from this area. We would have gone 196 Notes

back to Broadwater Farm [the council estate where Mark Duggan was raised]. I specifically told a Chief Inspector that we didn’t want to be out here when nightfall came. We wanted to take them back to the farm. And I warned him that if he kept on prevaricating and forced us to stay til [sic] night time, cos [sic] we were intent on staying until a senior officer came, then it would have to be on the police’s head what happened. Reporter: You’re almost suggesting that no lessons have been learned since 1985, although a lot of people today tell us here that this isn’t the same as 1985. What’s your view? Scott: Those people who tell you it’s not the same as 1985 were not here in 1985. It’s absolutely the same as 1985. 1985 was sparked by the death of a black woman and the police trying to cover up that death. The police trying to suggest that she died because of her weight . . . Today they’re trying to cover up Mark’s killing as well. We do not believe that Mark was bad enough, or mad enough to come out of a car and want to shoot at armed police officers. Our evidence, our information is telling us that the gun that was found there was actually found in a sock, meaning that it wasn’t prepared for action. So we can’t believe that anyone would think that he’s going to shoot at somebody through a sock, it’s absolute craziness . . . But people need to realize . . . in this community, for these kids, everything is the same as 85. If you look at all the stats, they’re all the same as 85. How often they get stopped and searched has actually gone up. Unemployment against young people has actually gone up since 85. Getting kicked out of school is the same, or similarly higher since 85. Nothing has improved for the livelihoods of young black people who happen to find themselves growing up on estates like Broadwater Farm. 20. With regard to the Stephen Lawrence case, institutional racism was reflected by the allegation that police officers sympathized more with Clifford Norris—the gangster father of Stephen’s comurderer David Norris, who was alleged to have paid corrupt police to obstruct the investigation—than with Stephen Lawrence and his friend, Duwayne Brooks, as a consequence of their “race.” Institutional racism also meant that, despite the fact police were given names of five suspects within 24 hours, no arrests were made for two weeks, with it taking 18 years for several of the gang believed to be responsible for Lawrence’s death to be convicted of the crime. Institutional racism also meant that the officers investigating the crime rejected that two black boys were innocent victims of a racial attack, instead discrediting their character through suspecting them of criminality, despite the fact that neither had criminal records and were not involved in gangs (Hattenstone, 2012). 21. Measures to effect a cultural change in the Metropolitan Police Service have included the establishment of the Hydra Leadership Academy, the Diversity Excellence Model, the Diversity Crime Survey, the introduction of the Notes 197

Cultural and Communities Resource Unit, and the introduction of the Staff Associations Meeting Up and Interacting. 22. In their interim report on the riots, the Riots Communities and Victim Panel (2011) added: “This was not an issue simply raised by rioters. Individuals, young and old and from all backgrounds, told us it must be addressed to improve relationships between the public and the police.” 23. The MPS (2012: 102) explain: “Across all survey respondents from the BME survey or Public Attitude Survey (PAS)24, those who reported being stopped in the last twelve months had a more negative view about policing. However, of those stopped, the BME group tended to have a more negative view than the white group and perceive the stop encounter differently. Significantly only a quarter of the BME males (25%) felt fully treated with respect compared with over a half of the white males (54%).” 24. By signifier, Hall (1997) is referring to “the systems and concepts of a clas- sification of a culture to its making meaning practices,” signifiers acquiring their meaning “not because of what they contain in their essence, but in the shifting relations of difference which they establish with other concepts and ideas in a signifying field.” 25. Modelled on the Hegelian dialectic, the social construction of blackness is understood here to be relational, with consciousness of the body only coming into existence in relation to the other, to what it is not: “For not only must the black man be black; he must be black in relation to the white man . . . his inferiority comes into being through the other” (Fanon, 1952:110). 26. On this point, a think-tank suggested, “A network of schools run by the military should be introduced in Britain’s most deprived areas to prevent youngsters turning into a new generation of rioters” (Laydon, 2012). Andrew Schrader (2012) added, “It’s no exaggeration to say this scheme could prove transformational for some of our most disadvantaged youth by extending military ethos into the civic sphere.” 27. “Analysis of media coverage and queries raised on Twitter have alerted to us to the possibility that we may have inadvertently given misleading information to journalists when responding to very early media queries following the shooting of Mark Duggan by MPS officers on the evening of 4th August. The IPCC’s first statement, issued at 22.49 on 4th August, makes no reference to shots fired at police and our subsequent statements have set out the sequence of events based on the emerging evidence. However, having reviewed the information the IPCC received and gave out during the very early hours of the unfolding incident, before any documentation had been received, it seems possible that we may have verbally led journalists to believe that shots were exchanged as this was consistent with early information we received that an officer had been shot and taken to hospital” (IPCC, August 12, 2011). 28. The introduction of “Web 2.0,” which is characterized by user-generated content and interactive social media, for example, allows public users to codevelop and exchange content on the Internet via blogging, tagging, 198 Notes

wikis, and media sharing, and to network socially in novel ways via the proliferation of social networking sites, such as, Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter. In 2004, Facebook introduced social networking to the masses, while Twitter, which launched in 2006, made social networking instant and mobile. Coupled with new technologies, such as smart phones and mobile handsets, which enable instant modes of mediated exchange, these technological innovations have broadened, and indeed transformed, the spatial and temporal configuration of contemporary public life. It is important to remember here that ubiquitous online communication is a relatively recent phenomenon. For, despite the fact that the World Wide Web has been in existence since the late twentieth century, before the age of widespread home computer ownership the Internet was only visible and accessible to a limited audience (Macnamara, 2010). While the creation of these so-called virtual geographies (Wark, 1994) were first described in the late twentieth century, the introduction of new social media in the early twenty-first century has made substantive con- tributions to online communication with the mediated crowd mobilized through instant and mobile social networking that mediate geographic and virtual spheres. 29. “New” is a relative term, of course, and any attempt to distinguish old and new media, requires situating these mediums in their cultural context. Even traditional forms of communication, such as, the letter, the novel, pam- phlets, television, radio, and cinema—what we now perceive to be “old”— were once considered “new,” arousing moral panics in their day. Moreover, while new social media is typically associated with two-way social networking, as opposed to the one-way communication thought to comprise old media technologies, such beliefs fail to recognize that new social media is not immune from its own power structures and hierarchies (whether this take the form of the Twitter accounts of mainstream media, influential users, celebrities, or political authorities). Claims such as these also overlook the fact that old media is regularly informed by emergent technologies and can, in certain circumstances, be highly interactive as exemplified by talk- back radio, a conventional telephone call, and more abstract forms of communication between an actor and a book, for example. It was significant, however, that those interviewed for this study consistently suggested “the medium is the message,” thereby, echoing Marshall McLuhan’s (1964) para- doxical aphorism. Interviews indicate that, while the content displayed on these mediums was consequential and significant, users had preconceived ideas about their legitimacy and, in the case of new social media, perceived these mediums to signify a challenge to centralized forms of authority. 30. The MPS (2012) cited multiple examples of references to a riots being orga- nized via social media emerged on Friday August 5, 2011: “Ders due 2 be another Riot in North London!! I bet ah Pig Bwoy Dead.” On Saturday August 6, 2011, an officer entered another report collating information from a social networking site: “Hearing there’s a riot in Tottenham you Notes 199

know or they planning one. I hope this is the start of a new era and people start deading feds.” This message appeared on three Twitter accounts. 31. The “mediated crowd” pertains to collective action that emerges in the virtual (and geographic) arena as opposed to a traditional crowd, which is typically limited to physical congregation in a shared geographical location. Just as Arendt (1958: 195) described, the polis as the Athenians, rather than Athens itself, so, too, the notion of a mediated public sphere destabilizes the privileged association of topography as the defining feature of publicness. Instead, the digitalization of social life has made public space more dynamic with public life temporally and spatially contingent on a range of mediated communication practices—including, mobile smart phones, instant mes- senger applications, online social networks—and the public deriving their status from collective identity, rather than as coinhabitants of a shared geographical locale. These two public domains are not mutually exclusive, of course, with the mediated crowd able to traverse from the virtual public sphere into “real” public space, or to occupy both spheres simultaneously via new social media in the form of mobile smart phones and handsets. Accordingly, while media communication technologies operate as “disem- bedding mechanisms” that dislocate social relations from the confines of time and space (Giddens, 1990), this new social phenomenon reorganizes and extends temporal and spatial boundaries rather than simply replacing “real” time and space. From this perspective, the very notion of the mediated crowd is distinguished from a standard crowd by its reliance on media communication technologies to mobilize and sustain collective action. The visibility and accessibility of the mediated public sphere means that not only is the crowd extended to include a larger body of the community than standard face-to-face interactions permit, mediated communication has effected the scale and speed of mass mobilization with social networks able to com- municate their messages instantly to members of the community across vast temporal and spatial spheres (Baker, 2011, 2012a). 32. With regard to the wave of protest movements in 2011, Cookson and Ilbury (2011) have suggested that “Research now shows that similar behaviour can occur in both real and virtual crowds where they share a sense of collectivity, driven by common goals and interests. Whereas individuals in a physical crowd may take their cue from the visible behaviour of others, fund manag- ers and online gamers take theirs from changes on a screen.” Studies such as these are problematic in that they revert to a form of “digital dualism” by endorsing the view that technology creates an alternate, virtual universe supposedly separate from “real” social life.

6 Mediation as Moral Education: KONY 2012—Can Social Tragedies Teach?

1. Jason Russell (2012) explains: “In order for Kony to be arrested this year, the Ugandan military has to find him. In order to find him, they need the 200 Notes

technology and training to track him in the vast jungle. That’s where the American advisors come in. But in order for the American advisors to be there, the American government has to deploy them. They’ve done that, but if the government doesn’t believe the people care about Kony, the mission will be cancelled. So the goal is to make sure that President Obama does not withdraw the advisors he deployed until Kony is captured or killed.” 2. The term “social” here refers not to society writ-large but to how a tragedy becomes meaning-full to significant parts of the social collective. 3. Aristotle (2005: 63–65) defined muthos as a “complete” plot, in which action is structured around a necessary or probable sequence of events. He argued that the meaning of muthos is recognizable in so far as it coheres to an underlying principle of cause and effect. In so doing, he replaced the irrational (meaning “superstitious” and “arbitrary”) dimensions of myth with the logical form of muthos. 4. The dynamic nature of social life encourages us to entertain serious doubts about whether tragedy can be interpreted as cohering to a logical sequence of “probability” or “necessity.” In the Nichomachean Ethics, however, Aristotle provides a much more nuanced theory of action. He suggests that habits are cultivated both reflectively and prereflectively through our everyday experiences. For instance, one becomes just by acting as the just one acts. A well- constructed tragedy, then, provides the opportunity to adopt the habits that one hopes to cultivate. 5. The abolition of slavery, together with judicial torture and cruelty, has been conceived as a product of the humanitarian revolution and expan- sion of empathy. Lynn Hunt (2007 locates this moral transformation in the Enlightenment’s humanitarian impulse toward universal equality and autonomy (the alignment of justice and pity), which, she argues, was facil- itated by the rise of literacy. Here, the mediation of distant suffering in literature and journalistic accounts of tragedy can be seen to broaden the empathetic imagination. By witnessing what life was like in other times and places, readers acquired the capacity to empathize with people across social boundaries (class, gender, and “race,” for example), to imagine the pain of others unlike themselves. 6. Although new media increases the scale of dissemination, the ubiquity and accessibility of these mediums risk undermining the quality of the debate. 7. In contemporary usage, pity is qualitatively distinct from empathy in terms of its cognitive foundation. Martha Nussbaum (2001b: 302) makes this point when discussing the role of identification with the sufferer: a malevo- lent person who imagines the plight of another and takes pleasure in their distress may be empathetic, but will surely not be judged as pitying the other. Pity, like compassion, requires a value judgment that the other person’s distress is unjust. 8. The humanitarian emergency—what Craig Calhoun (2010) terms the “emergency imaginary”—emphasizes not only that there are sudden, unpre- dictable events that cause massive suffering, but also that urgent response is mandatory. Notes 201

9. Aristotle revealed the indispensable relationship between self-interest and social-interest, wherein personal fear is considered an antecedent of trans- subjective emotions, such as, pity and fellow-feeling. In affectively fusing audiences around the recognition of their common human vulnerability, social tragedies avoid succumbing to “moral emotivism” by promoting the idea that ethical action is bound to the welfare of others. 10. For example, the social myths employed to frame Zidane’s head-butt as a social tragedy—to unequivocally to fear all Muslims as violent aggressors as a “logical” extension of the footballer’s head-butt or to resent Italians as pro- ponents of symbolic violence in light of Materazzi’s racial slur—would represent such unreasonable and inappropriate emotional responses. Aristotle’s point was not to privilege emotions as immune from criticism, rather his cognitive model proposed that because emotions involve rational beliefs these “experiences” are susceptible to modification through reasoned evalu- ation. In short, educating the emotions (both prereflectively and reflectively) through moral instruction was thought to cultivate moral virtue. References

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Adorno, Theodor, 5, 210, 212 Camus, Albert, 10, 206 Aeschylus, 152 capitalism, 3, 6–7, 219 Agamemnon, 3 Carr, Edward. H., 35, 81, 160, 206 Alexander, Jeffrey, 9–11, 15, 178–9, 203 celebrity, 42, 47–50, 63–73 Algerian War, 76–82, 84, 93, 99–100, celebrity-icon, 85–6 160, 190 character. See ethos Antigone, 35 Charles, Prince, 54–72, 189, 204, 207, Apollonian, 97, 182 211, 212 Arab Spring, 18, 112 Christianity, 4, 6, 10, 185, 189 Arendt, Hannah, 199, 203 chorus, 15, 186 Aristophanes, 149, 152 class, 31, 33, 35, 40, 48, 51–2, 55, Aristotle, 1–4, 9, 11, 13–18, 21–45, 50, 84–5, 89–92 54, 58–60, 62, 76–7, 90, 106–7, conscience collective, 97, 101, 139, 123, 127, 133, 143, 151–69, 174, 160, 183 179–82, 185–8, 200–1, 203 crowd, 143–4, 192, 199 Ethics, 31, 156–7, 187–8, 200, 203 cultural sociology, 11, 36, 41, 45, 178 Poetics, 22–3, 25–30, 33–4, 38, culture industry, 6–7, 73 40, 44–5, 58, 127, 153–63, 187–8, 203 danger, 41, 83, 89, 92, 106, 119, Rhetoric, 30, 154, 161, 203 136, 207 Debord, Guy, 7, 9, 28, 50, 207 Barthes, Roland, 36, 204 democracy, 6–7, 9, 44, 68, 98, 130, Baudrillard, Jean, 7–9, 204 152, 166–83, 186, 191 Benjamin, Walter, 5, 205 demos, 72, 86, 101, 118, 123, 145–6, biography, 51, 57, 68, 106, 182, 191 169, 173, 177, 178 Boltanski, Luc, 9, 12, 171, 205 deus ex machina, 29, 158 Boorstin, Daniel. J., 50, 205 Diana, Princess of Wales, 17, 47–73, Bourdieu, Pierre, 79, 91, 95, 205 179, 189–90, 217 Britain, 9, 17, 47–73, 93, 111–47, 179, Dionysian, 3, 97 189–90, 192–3, 197 Dionysus, 6 Buddhism, 185 Douglas, Mary, 41, 97, 136, 207 Duggan, Mark, 112–47, 162, 180, Cameron, David, 111, 115–19, 133, 192–7 136–138, 193, 206 Durkheim, Émile, 3, 11, 41, 50, 56, 65, Campbell, Joseph, 41, 107, 171, 186, 206 83, 135, 186, 207 222 Index

Eagleton, Terry, 10, 172, 177–8, 182, Habermas, Jürgen, 8, 165, 209 207–8 Hall, Stuart, 117, 135, 210 Elias, Norbert, 83, 104, 208 hamartia, 29, 37–8, 123, 127, 158, 164, 185 Enlightenment, 3–6, 10, 33, 40, 152, Harki, 78–81, 86, 93, 190 169, 177, 200 hero, 24, 27, 29–33, 37–41, 45, 55–6, ethos, 13, 16, 27, 30–4, 36–8, 40, 42, 62–5, 72, 75, 79, 81–2, 86, 89, 44–5, 62, 90–1, 96, 99, 104–7, 98, 101–2, 105, 117, 119, 127, 143, 114, 121–3, 139–40, 146, 156, 150, 152, 156, 161–6, 169, 173–4, 161, 177, 179–80, 187, 197 177–9, 181, 183. See also ethos eudaimonia, 13, 164, 186–7 Hinduism, 6, 185 Euripides, 3, 152, 185 Holocaust, 7 evil, 39, 41, 53, 57, 89, 99–101, 106, Homer, 14, 24, 149, 152, 186 119, 122–3, 164, 183, 186, 191 Horkheimer, Max, 5, 210 human rights, 40, 48, 71, 100, 167, 169, 174 fame, 54, 67, 108, 162 Hume, David, 167, 169, 210 Fanon, Frantz, 135, 197, 208 fate, 3, 29, 75, 167, 174, 178 icon, 38, 61, 63–5, 72, 75, 79, 82, fear, 168–9, 174, 178, 181–2, 187, 85–6, 100, 102, 104–7, 109, 120, 191, 201 137, 163, 166 fortune (reversal of/ misfortune), 30, inequality, 3, 18, 40, 87, 92, 106, 123, 32, 38, 51, 52, 72, 75, 76, 87, 100, 134, 140, 173–4, 179, 181–2, 191 159, 165, 168, 170, 180 injustice. See justice Foucault, Michel, 116, 208 interlocutor, 1, 153 Frankenstein, 5, 217 irrational, 3, 22, 29, 41, 97, 112, Frankfurt School, 5–7 115–16, 118, 146, 158, 177 Frankl, Viktor, 10, 186, 208 Islam, 84, 88, 92–3, 95–8, 185, 191 Freud, Sigmund, 5–6, 43, 46, 186–7, 208 James, William, 158 Fromm, Erich, 14, 208 justice, 2–3, 10–12, 17–18, 24, 32, 37, 39–40, Frye, Northrop, 11–12, 37, 41, 42–5, 52–8, 61–6, 69, 72, 78–81, 179, 208 100–2, 108, 117, 119–25, 129–30, 139, 140, 142–3, 146–7, 149–51, 154, Geertz, Clifford, 36, 42, 145, 209 158, 159, 163–7, 169, 172–4, 177, 179, gender, 6, 35, 51, 84, 104, 125, 159, 182–3, 185–6, 194, 200 167, 192, 200 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, 4, 209 Kahneman, Daniel, 158, 162, 181, Goffman, Erving, 16, 209 212, 218 Greek tragedy, 3, 15–16, 22, 35, 40, Kant, Immanuel, 152, 212 44, 57, 99, 162, 172–3, 181, 186, katharsis, 13, 21, 26–32, 37, 44, 156–7, 187, 205, 209, 210 179, 187 grief, 17, 21, 23, 43, 47–53, 56, 66, 70, Kony, Joseph, 149–52, 161, 166–9, 199, 72, 102, 156 199–200 guilt, 17, 59–60, 71, 76, 80–2, 92, 96, 99–100, 104, 108, 117, 119, 121, Le Bon, Gustave, 97, 111, 116, 213 136, 160, 180 Leveson Inquiry, 9, 186 Index 223

MacIntyre, Alasdair, 36, 169, 171, 213 protagonist. See ethos Marx, Karl, 3, 213 purity, 41, 92, 95, 119, 136 Marxism, 3, 7 Materazzi, Marco, 75, 88–9, 92–5, race, 48, 51, 75–6, 78, 82–3, 87, 92–8, 97–101, 106, 201 101–9, 128–30, 133–7, 146, 159, McLuhan, Marshall, 144, 198, 213 167, 169, 180, 189, 191–2, 196 Mead, George Herbert, 144–5, 158, 214 race ambassador, 82, 87, 105–9, 137 Medea, 152 reason, 3–4, 10, 22, 25–7, 30, 33, 58, mediated crowd, 18, 111–12, 140, 152–8, 164, 169–71, 177 142–6, 180, 192, 198–9 Ricoeur, Paul, 23, 35, 179, 216 memory, 45, 66, 78–81, 114, 127, 158, riots, 87, 97–8, 101, 107, 143, 191–8 162, 180 2005 French riots, 87, 98, 101, 107, Milne, Joseph, 15, 24, 155, 188, 214 143, 191 mimesis, 13, 21–3, 25–8, 155–56, 163 2011 English riots, 18, 111–47, 191, mimetic vertigo, 33, 102, 143 192–8 muthos, 13, 25–26, 27–30, 32–8, 42–5, rite, 5, 41. See also ritual 76, 99, 107–8, 114, 123, 139–40, ritual, 3, 11–12, 15, 21, 27, 41, 43, 55, 151, 158, 161, 167, 179–80, 200 65, 73, 82–3, 101, 104, 121, 130, myth, 5–6, 11, 14–15, 17, 37, 41, 44, 132, 146, 151, 160, 163, 172–83 57, 65, 76–7, 82, 85, 89, 91, 94–8, Russell, Jason, 149–50, 161, 199 104–9, 112, 116–19, 145, 151, 156, 173–5, 177–80, 182–3, 185, sacred, 10, 17, 38, 41, 43, 54–6, 64–6, 191, 200, 201 72, 89, 101–3, 106, 119–20, 123, mythology, 14, 107, 173, 185, 206 163, 165, 177, 179 Said, Edward, 96–7, 216 Nietzsche, Friedrich, 3, 22, 65, 215 Saussure, Ferdinand de, 36, 216 Nussbaum, Martha, 169, 200, 215 Sennett, Richard, 3, 115, 217 September 11 (9/11), 8, 21 Occupy movement, 18, 112 Shelley, Mary, 5, 217 Oedipus, 3, 5, 152 sin, 185, 186 Orientalism, 96–8, 137, 216 Siva, 6 Smith, Adam, 167, 170, 179, 217 pity, 2, 9, 13, 21, 24, 28–30, 32–3, 40, social media, 114, 122, 126, 141–4, 42–4, 55–6, 59–60, 62, 65, 72, 150, 197–9 102, 120, 143, 151, 154, 159, 163, Facebook, 120, 141–4, 150, 198 165, 167–76, 181–2, 200–1 Twitter, 133, 141–4, 150, 197, 198–9 Plato, 1–2, 5–6, 10–11, 13, 14, 18, YouTube, 12, 114, 121, 126, 141, 21–32, 41, 45, 50, 142, 147, 144, 149–50, 193, 195, 198 149–57, 160–4, 167, 173, 179, social performance, 11, 18, 178 181–2, 185–8, 215 social power, 101, 103, 121, 161, plot. See muthos 167, 175 polis, 1, 5, 11, 14–15, 35, 37, 40–1, 152, Socrates, 1, 3, 22 172, 199 Sophocles, 152 profane, 17, 41, 43, 54, 63, 76, 100, soul, 5, 14, 28, 153–4, 164 106, 115, 119, 123, 164, 181 spectacle, 7–9, 28, 50, 73, 155, 178, 187 224 Index

Spencer, Earl, 52–4, 61, 65–6, 69, verisimilitude, 101, 161, 179 72–3, 189, 217 vice, 41, 65, 86, 164 sport, 21, 75–109, 189, 192 victim, 28, 32–44, 51–69, 80, Steiner, George, 3–4, 6–7, 10, 21, 177, 98–115, 119, 122, 124, 129–33, 185, 217 135, 140–3, 150, 159, 163, 165, Sturm und Drang, 4 168, 180, 182, 189–90, 192, symbolic violence, 80, 91–2, 95, 106, 196–7, 212 108, 136, 167, 173, 201 villain, 39, 45, 58 sympathy. See pity virtue, 4, 10, 13, 31–4, 47, 57, 59, 66, 161, 164, 183 Tarde, Gabriel, 116, 218 moral virtue, 47, 156, 201 Taylor, Charles, 171, 218 virtue ethics, 13, 31–4, 161, 164, terror, 2, 8, 16, 39, 43, 84, 95, 99, 178 187–8 terrorism, 84, 92, 95, 191, 204, 212 vital virtues, 4, 10 terrorist, 8, 88, 93, 96, 204 theater, 6, 16–17, 21, 23–4, 33, 42, Weber, Max, 3, 219 159, 162 trauma, 43, 45, 53, 72, 77, 99, 150, Zidane, Zinédine, 17, 75–109, 159, 178, 182 137, 160, 162, 180, 190, Turner, Victor, 11, 145, 218 201, 219