DOCSLIB.ORG

Allying with the United States: Changing South Korean Attitudes

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Allying with the United States: Changing South Korean Attitudes 81 Allying with the United States: Changing South Korean Attitudes Sook-Jong Lee Abstract The U.S.-ROK alliance has been strained over recent years. New challenges are facing both South Korea and the United States. Growing discontent and grievances over the presence of U.S. forces on Korean soil is complicating the management of the alliance. Bolder opposition from Korean politicians and civil society to Washington’s North Korea policy is increasing the political cost for the South Korean government in maintaining its alliance relationship with the United States. On the other hand, the post– 9/11 U.S. global strategy and accompanying redeployment of U.S. forces in South Korea are pushing the alliance to adapt to the new era. The strategic value of South Korea is being modified in the context of the new post–9/11 global strategy. Unless South Korea and the United States invest their political energy and wisdom into putting the alliance onto a clear and secure path, the U.S-ROK alliance could be ruptured during this transitional period. Understanding the structural changes taking place in South Korea is critical to restoring the alliance in a constructive fashion. South Koreans became more critical of the post-9/11 United States as they embraced a new nationalism of being more assertive vis-à-vis the United States and, at the same time, more sympathetic toward North Korea. With democratization of South Korea, the security policy process is today more open to diverse social groups beyond the narrower policy circle. While divisions clearly exist, the majority of Koreans no longer regard North Korea as a major threat. These domestic changes in South Korea make the task of a timely redefining of the U.S.-ROK alliance more necessary. Leveling-up the alliance to one preserving regional peace and prosperity would be a good option. The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis, Vol. XVII, No. 1, Spring 2005 82 Allying with the United States Sook-Jong Lee 83 Recent Strains in the U.S.-ROK Alliance Local residents started to demand the closure of the Maehyang-ri camp since 1988, and this demand heated up again when American pilots A series of events have strained the U.S.-ROK alliance over the past accidentally dropped bombs during a drill in May 2000. The U.S.-Korea several years. One stream of events is coming from the Korean side, joint team that was set up to investigate the case concluded that serious varying from complaints about the U.S. military bases to a more seri- damage was not caused and bombing drills were consequently ous policy challenge against the perceived U.S. unilateralism. Growing resumed. The local community mobilized and outside civic associa- discontent from the South Korean side reflects the complex socio-politi- tions helped to publicize the Maehyang-ri case forcing the eventual clo- cal changes South Korea has undergone during the past decade. The sure of its ground firing drill camp. Again, the later incident of poiso- other stream of strains is emerging from the new U.S. deployment plan nous material leaking from the Yongsan Base into the Han River was for its forces in South Korea and the accompanying changing assess- denounced as serious environmental damage by South Korea’s power- ment of South Korea’s strategic value. Although this military plan is ful civic associations. Conventionally subdued social problems sur- essentially derived from the U.S. global plan to adjust its overseas force rounding military bases of the U.S. Forces in Korea (USFK) under structure to match the post-9/11 security environment, it is inevitably authoritarian regimes nowadays clamor loudly as the so-called “camp- enmeshed with the alliance politics between the United States and town communities” are no longer prepared to tolerate the dispropor- South Korea. If these two streams do not merge into the same sea of tional cost of hosting U.S. bases. common national interests, the U.S.-ROK alliance will face a serious Since the launch of the Bush Administration, bilateral tension challenge that could possibly lead to an irreparable rupture. Both coun- between the host nation and the U.S. forces transcended into much tries need to understand the military and political changes taking place more serious policy discord. Two weeks before a scheduled U.S.-ROK in each country and forge ever stronger mutual trust to reinvigorate summit in Washington, President Kim Dae-jung openly sided with this half-century old alliance. Russia by supporting the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty during the ROK- Russia summit in Seoul while opposing the missile defense program Korean Discontent proposed by President Bush.1 The March 2001 U.S.-ROK summit fur- ther soured bilateral relations as Kim Dae-jung’s “Sunshine Policy” Recent years have witnessed intensified South Korean grievances toward North Korea was dismissed by President Bush, who loathes in its bilateral relationship with the United States. The Nogeun-ri mas- Kim Jong Il as a dictator starving millions of North Koreans.2 The sub- sacre of civilian refugees and villagers by U.S. soldiers during the Kore- sequent 9/11 terror attacks against the United States exacerbated the an War suddenly emerged as an issue when the new century was about two governments’ different policies toward North Korea. The Bush to begin. The Associated Press reported in September 1999 on this war administration’s hard-line policy toward North Korea was toughened crime committed by retreating U.S. soldiers in July 1950. As the tragedy as the U.S. foreign policy goals came into focus on curtailing weapons was publicized, it became an emotional as well as a humanitarian issue of mass destruction and preempting potential terrorism against the for many South Koreans. The U.S.-Korea joint investigation team was United States. This policy-shift was reflected in President Bush’s State set up, but its prolonged 15-month investigation concluded that it could not identify the line of command through which the U.S. soldiers were ordered to shoot and excluded any provision for compensation. 1 Seung-hwan Kim, “Yankee Go Home? A Historical View of South Korean Sentiment Toward the United States, 2001–2004,” in Derek J. Mitchell, ed, This conclusion was condemned by Nogeun-ri villagers as a scheme to Strategy and Sentiment: South Korean Views and the U.S.-ROK Alliance (Washing- avoid legal responsibility. ton, DC: CSIS, June 2004). The Maehyang-ri case, however, brought a more positive result. 2 Bob Woodward, Bush at War (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2002). 84 Allying with the United States Sook-Jong Lee 85 of the Union address in January 2002, where North Korea was branded dubbed as “candlelight vigils,” in downtown Seoul in late 2002. A con- as part of the “Axis of Evil,” together with two other “rogue states,” tinuous mass rally at Gwanghwamun Plaza drew thousands of stu- Iran and Iraq. dents, religious groups, and ordinary citizens. At the root of the exten- South Korean reaction to this turnaround was largely negative. sive anti-American rallies was the late November acquittal of two Even Koreans who didn’t support the “Sunshine Policy” felt irked, American soldiers of responsibility for the accidental deaths of two watching their older president apparently being humiliated by the schoolgirls during an armored vehicle exercise in June 2002.4 There was newly-elected American president. While the majority of South Kore- a general outcry from the public and a national coalition focusing on ans were sympathetic toward the epochal terrorist attacks in the United this case was established. The protests then focused on the revision of States, a significant number were quick to point out, as most Western the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) to ensure the mandate that the critics opposed to the United States would argue, the U.S. responsibili- USFK concede its jurisdiction over crimes committed by U.S. troops ty for producing frustrated countries with degrading economic condi- while performing their duties on Korean soil. Despite its polarization, tions deriving no benefits from globalization. Bush’s “Axis of Evil” Korean society was united on the question of SOFA revision regarding statement following the U.S. attack on Afghanistan alarmed many the future presence of USFK and the incident was viewed from a South Koreans since it put the Korean peninsula under potential mili- humanitarian angle.5 tary conflict. This new tension was viewed as being “imposed” by the Against all expectations, the tide of anti-American sentiment did United States against the will of South Koreans who were envisioning a not subdue with the reissuing of nuclear threats by North Korea. The rosy picture of rapprochement with North Korea. anti-American sentiment also helped the progressive candidate’s presi- Bilateral policy conflicts at the governmental level and a certain dential election, campaigning on a platform of an independent foreign degree of public anxiety came to be translated into popular anti-Ameri- policy for the election of December 19, 2002. In the past, security threats can sentiment throughout 2002.3 The unfair disqualification of a South from the North would have made Koreans favor a conservative candi- Korean short-track skater in the Winter Olympics held in Salt Lake City date and seek solidarity with the United States. This time, however, a during February provoked anger amongst Korean youth against the pro-American image worked as a burden to candidates in the election. United States. They responded with a campaign to veto the South By the spring of 2003, for several reasons there was a gradual Korean government’s selection of the Boeing F-15K fighter jet over ebbing of anti-American sentiment in South Korea.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • South Korean National Identity on the Screen in 'Descendants of the Sun'
    Volume 16 | Issue 11 | Number 3 | Article ID 5151 | Jun 01, 2018 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus No Country for Blue Helmets: South Korean National Identity on the Screen in 'Descendants of the Sun' Patrick Flamm Summary However, the most interesting aspect of DotS is that the protagonists are deployed as This paper provides a contextualized reading of peacekeepers and medical volunteers to a the South Korean 2016 hit drama ‘Descendants fictional and distant post-war country. The of the Sun’, the most prominent pop cultural drama is thus noteworthy as the first major manifestation of the Republic of Korea’s rising Korean drama to prominently feature status as a global middle power. Through peacekeeping operations (PKO) and South linking the fictional peacekeeping mission to a Korea as a global foreign policy actor in a confidently nationalist conception of South distant land. Because of the drama’s great Korean identity, the drama normalizes troop success in Korea and other parts of East Asia, deployments by circumventing traditional and its immediate entry into political discourse narratives for legitimation. This argument rests as illustrated by Park’s comment, a closer look on observations concerning the omission of any at this pop cultural artefact is warranted. In historical and UN context for the deployment, this article, I follow an increasing body of the Othering of the United States as main critical research in the field of International antagonist, and the unchallenged sense of Relations on the link between world politics righteousness and morality displayed by the and popular culture2 in the wake of the so- main protagonists in an otherwise passive local called “aesthetic turn”, where popular texts are setting.
    [Show full text]
  • Landscapes of Korean and Korean American Biblical Interpretation
    BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION AMERICAN AND KOREAN LANDSCAPES OF KOREAN International Voices in Biblical Studies In this first of its kind collection of Korean and Korean American Landscapes of Korean biblical interpretation, essays by established and emerging scholars reflect a range of historical, textual, feminist, sociological, theological, and postcolonial readings. Contributors draw upon ancient contexts and Korean American and even recent events in South Korea to shed light on familiar passages such as King Manasseh read through the Sewol Ferry Tragedy, David and Bathsheba’s narrative as the backdrop to the prohibition against Biblical Interpretation adultery, rereading the virtuous women in Proverbs 31:10–31 through a Korean woman’s experience, visualizing the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) and demarcations in Galatians, and introducing the extrabiblical story of Eve and Norea, her daughter, through story (re)telling. This volume of essays introduces Korean and Korean American biblical interpretation to scholars and students interested in both traditional and contemporary contextual interpretations. Exile as Forced Migration JOHN AHN is AssociateThe Prophets Professor Speak of Hebrew on Forced Bible Migration at Howard University ThusSchool Says of Divinity.the LORD: He Essays is the on author the Former of and Latter Prophets in (2010) Honor ofand Robert coeditor R. Wilson of (2015) and (2009). Ahn Electronic open access edition (ISBN 978-0-88414-379-6) available at http://ivbs.sbl-site.org/home.aspx Edited by John Ahn LANDSCAPES OF KOREAN AND KOREAN AMERICAN BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION INTERNATIONAL VOICES IN BIBLICAL STUDIES Jione Havea Jin Young Choi Musa W. Dube David Joy Nasili Vaka’uta Gerald O. West Number 10 LANDSCAPES OF KOREAN AND KOREAN AMERICAN BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION Edited by John Ahn Atlanta Copyright © 2019 by SBL Press All rights reserved.
    [Show full text]
  • Western Criticism, Labelling Practice and Self-Orientalised East Asian Films
    Travelling Films: Western Criticism, Labelling Practice and Self-Orientalised East Asian Films Goldsmiths College University of London PhD thesis (Cultural Studies) Ji Yeon Lee Abstract This thesis analyses western criticism, labelling practices and the politics of European international film festivals. In particular, this thesis focuses on the impact of western criticism on East Asian films as they attempt to travel to the west and when they travel back to their home countries. This thesis draws on the critical arguments by Edward Said's Orientalism: Western Conceptions of the Orient (1978) and self-Orientalism, as articulated by Rey Chow, which is developed upon Mary Louise Pratt's conceptual tools such as 'contact zone' and 'autoethnography'. This thesis deals with three East Asian directors: Kitano Takeshi (Japanese director), Zhang Yimou (Chinese director) and 1m Kwon-Taek (Korean director). Dealing with Japanese, Chinese and Korean cinema is designed to show different historical and cultural configurations in which each cinema draws western attention. This thesis also illuminates different ways each cinema is appropriated and articulated in the west. This thesis scrutinises how three directors from the region have responded to this Orientalist discourse and investigates the unequal power relationship that controls the international circulation of films. Each director's response largely depends on the particular national and historical contexts of each country and each national cinema. The processes that characterise films' travelling are interrelated: the western conception of Japanese, Chinese or Korean cinema draws upon western Orientalism, but is at the same time corroborated by directors' responses. Through self-Orientalism, these directors, as 'Orientals', participate in forming and confirming the premises of western Orientalism.
    [Show full text]
  • Háztartási Fogyasztói Magatartás És Jólét
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Lada, Akos Working Paper Clash of Brothers in a Contagious World: Wars to Avoid Diffusion IEHAS Discussion Papers, No. MT-DP - 2013/33 Provided in Cooperation with: Institute of Economics, Centre for Economic and Regional Studies, Hungarian Academy of Sciences Suggested Citation: Lada, Akos (2013) : Clash of Brothers in a Contagious World: Wars to Avoid Diffusion, IEHAS Discussion Papers, No. MT-DP - 2013/33, ISBN 978-615-5243-93-6, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Economics, Centre for Economic and Regional Studies, Budapest This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/108317 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available
    [Show full text]
  • Stanford Jounral of East Asian Affairs
    SJEAA Stanford Jounral of East Asian Affairs volume 13 | number 1 SPRING 2013 1 Greater China nationalist movement Nationalist Movements in Korea and Taiwan Under Japanese Colonialism Homogeneity and Diversity Korea and Taiwan had both been occupied and colonized by Japan during the first half of the Fei Yan twentieth century. Japan established a replica of the Japanese bureaucracy, police, education, and Oxford University judicial system in two colonies but pursued contrasting domestic colonial policies in the degree of exploitation and assimilation. While the colonial policies in Korea were more abrupt and aggressive, those in Taiwan were accredited by more cooperative and mutually beneficial features. Such different ruling approaches resulted in the varying levels and political orientations of nationalist movements toward the Japanese colonial rule. Koreans had a much stronger sense of anti-Japanese prejudices and the nationalist resistance per-sisted throughout the whole colonial period. Taiwanese, on the other hand, adopted a more compliant course and kept their goals moderate enough to avoid open confrontation with the colonial government. This paper examines the reasons for such homogene-ity as well as diversity in the ways Japan ruled its colonies through a comparative study of nationalist movements in Korea and Tai-wan. INTRODUCTION of life in Taiwan, and thereby hold a much more pro- Korea and Taiwan were the two most prominent Japanese sentiment. colonies of Japan. The Qing Dynasty ceded Taiwan to Why was the Japanese occupation of Ko-rea Japan in 1895 following the Sino-Japanese War of 1894- ultimately met with high levels of resistance and 95, while Korea be-came a Japanese colony informally national animosity by the Korean masses? Why did the in 1905 and formally in 1910.
    [Show full text]
  • Building the Nation: the Success and Crisis of Korean Civil Religion
    religions Article Building the Nation: The Success and Crisis of Korean Civil Religion Andrew Eungi Kim 1 and Daniel Connolly 2,* 1 Division of International Studies, Korea University, Anam-ro, Seongbuk-gu, Seoul 02841, Korea; [email protected] 2 Division of International Studies, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Seoul 02450, Korea * Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: Civil religion refers to a country’s beliefs, symbols, and rituals that bolster national unity and strengthen its citizens’ sense of identity and belonging. However, the literature on civil religion is divided between those who attribute it to bottom-up cultural spontaneity and those who see it as an ideological top-down construction. Moreover, there has been a relative lack of scholarly attention to Korean civil religion. This paper addresses both issues by arguing that a strong civil religion indeed exists in the country and that it has been an important part of the “nation-building” process since the founding of the Republic of Korea in 1948. The paper highlights how a succession of authoritarian regimes (1948–1987) successfully mobilized a strong civil religion for political purposes. The resulting civil religion targeted economic growth as the national goal to overcome all social ills, focused on the country’s ethnic and cultural homogeneity to boost national confidence and pride, exalted its traditional religions, especially Confucianism, as repositories of Korean traditional culture, and rendered sacred meanings to national symbols such as the flag and national anthem. Even after democratization, Korean civil religion remains largely ideological, as the Korean government is heavily involved in framing, planning, sponsoring, and promoting the country’s civil religion.
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism in Crisis: the Reconstruction of South Korean Nationalism in Korean History Textbooks (Han’Guksa)
    Nationalism in Crisis: The Reconstruction of South Korean Nationalism in Korean History Textbooks (Han’guksa) by Yun Sik Hwang A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of East Asian Studies University of Toronto © Copyright by Yun Sik Hwang 2016 Nationalism in Crisis: The Reconstruction of South Korean Nationalism in Korean History Textbooks (Han’guksa) Yun Sik Hwang Master of Arts Department of East Asian Studies University of Toronto 2016 Abstract South Korea has undergone considerable transitions between dictatorship and democracy under Korea’s extraordinary status as a divided nation. The nature of this division developed an intense political contestation in South Korea between the political Left who espouse a critical view of top-down national history, and the Right who value the official view of South Korea’s national history. Whether it is a national history or nationalist history, in terms of conceptions of national identity and nationalism in relation to Korean history, disagreement continues. The purpose of this thesis is not to support nor refute the veracity of either political position, which is divided between a sensationalized political Right and a caricaturized Left. The aim of this project is to evaluate a series of developments in Korean history textbooks that can be seen as a recent attempt to build new national identities. ii Acknowledgments There are countless people I am indebted as I completed this Master’s thesis. First and foremost, I would like to thank my professor and supervisor, Andre Schmid for his charismatic and friendly nature for the past 7 years.
    [Show full text]
  • The Direct and Indirect Contributions of Western Missionaries to Korean Nationalism During the Late Choson and Early Japanese Annexation Periods 1884-1920
    East Tennessee State University Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University Electronic Theses and Dissertations Student Works 8-2011 The Direct and Indirect Contributions of Western Missionaries to Korean Nationalism during the Late Choson and Early Japanese Annexation Periods 1884-1920. Walter Joseph Stucke East Tennessee State University Follow this and additional works at: https://dc.etsu.edu/etd Part of the Asian History Commons, History of Religion Commons, and the Political History Commons Recommended Citation Stucke, Walter Joseph, "The Direct and Indirect Contributions of Western Missionaries to Korean Nationalism during the Late Choson and Early Japanese Annexation Periods 1884-1920." (2011). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 1338. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1338 This Thesis - Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Works at Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Direct and Indirect Contributions of Western Missionaries to Korean Nationalism during the Late Choson and Early Japanese Annexation Periods, 1884-1920 _______________ A thesis presented to the faculty of the Department of History East Tennessee State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in History _______________ by Walter J. Stucke August 2011 _______________ Dr. Henry Antkiewicz, Chair Dr. William Burgess Dr. Dale Schmitt Keywords: Protestantism, Christianity, Missionaries, Nationalism, Korea, Late Choson Dynasty, Japanese Annexation, March First Movement ABSTRACT The Direct and Indirect Contributions of Western Missionaries to Korean Nationalism during the Late Choson and Early Japanese Annexation Periods, 1884-1920 by Walter J.
    [Show full text]
  • Facilitating Korean Reconciliation Through Constitutional Law*
    International Studies Review Vol. 10 No. 2 (December 2009): 53-80 53 Received September 26, 2009 Revised October 27, 2009 Accepted November 5, 2009 Facilitating Korean Reconciliation through Constitutional Law* DAMIEN P. HORIGAN ** This article looks at the so-called Korean Problem or Korean Question from a fresh perspective. Instead of advocating a quick yet costly reunification of Korea along German lines or any specific type of federation, confederation, or commonwealth, a new approach to both Korean reconciliation and possible reunification based on negotiated constitutional change, the symbolic power of constitutions, and the Habermasian concept of constitutional patriotism is proposed. Specifically, the example of the Northern Ireland peace process is presented as an alternative legal model that can be creatively applied to conditions on the Korean Peninsula. Keywords: Divided Nations, Peace Process, Constitutional Law This article draws on research done for my LLM thesis under the supervision of Dr. Victor V. Ramraj at the National University of Singapore. I am grateful for che comments received on the manuscript for chis article from two anonymous referees from the Internacional Studies Review. Likewise, I appreciate the earlier comments on my LLM thesis from che members of my committee. Naturally, however, I am responsible for the views expressed herein. Associate Professor, School of Business Administration, American University in Dubai. Pose Office Box 28282, Dubai, United Arab Emirates. E-mail: dhorigan@ aud.edu; W ebsice: http://aud.edu/ Academic-Programs/Business/bus-dhorigan.asp Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 03:03:12AM via free access 54 Facilitating Korean Reconciliation through Comtit11tional Law I.
    [Show full text]
  • China on the Edge China’S Border Provinces and Chinese Security Policy
    The Center for the National Interest and Johns Hopkins SAIS China on the Edge China’s Border Provinces and Chinese Security Policy Carla Freeman, PhD and Drew Thompson April 2011 China on the Edge Index Foreword: China on the Edge—Cooperation or Control?.............................. 2 China’s Foreign and Security Policy for its Territorial Periphery ................. 8 Uncertain Engagement: China and North Korea.......................................... 22 Inner Mongolia and Mongolia ...................................................................... 45 Yunnan’s Relations with Vietnam and Myanmar ........................................ 65 Conclusion: China's Multilayered Periphery Policy..................................... 84 1 China on the Edge Foreword: China on the Edge—Cooperation or Control? As violence rocked Tibet in 2008 followed by Xinjiang in 2009, China delivered an apparently contradictory message to the international community. Its spokespersons asserted that events in these regions were “strictly an internal affair;” in the same breath, they sharply condemned “external forces” for inciting the violence. What might appear to be a contradiction distills the intense anxieties that underlie China’s perception of the heavily minority regions that lie along its land borders with other states and Beijing’s acute awareness that in these regions international and domestic security are closely intertwined. 1 China’s ascent to a position of international wealth and power is being felt nowhere more immediately than along its borders. A crumbling Qing empire followed by a Chinese state struggling first against external attack and then domestic instability left many of China’s international boundaries unsettled, heavily populated by non-Han minorities, with areas along the outer extent of its territorial control that were both poverty stricken and in many respects weakly governed.
    [Show full text]
  • Discourses of Domination and Dissent in the 1929 Kwangju Student Protests by Deborah Baxt Solomon a Disserta
    Imperial Lessons: Discourses of Domination and Dissent in the 1929 Kwangju Student Protests by Deborah Baxt Solomon A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in The University of Michigan 2009 Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Leslie B. Pincus, Chair Professor Hitomi Tonomura Assistant Professor Micah L. Auerback Assistant Professor Kiyoteru Tsutsui Associate Professor Henry H. Em, New York University © Deborah Baxt Solomon 2009 Table of Contents List of Abbreviations…………………………………………………………….iii Introduction……………………………………………………………………….1 Chapter One “An Extremely Small Problem of Hurt Feelings”: The Initial Outbreak of Street Protests in 1929 Kwangju……………………..19 Chapter Two Rumors and Manifestoes: The Spread of the 1929 Movement………….63 Chapter Three Intersections of Gender, Nationalism, and Protest……………………..108 Chapter Four 1943 and Its Discontents………………………………………………..150 Epilogue………………………………………………………………………..187 Appendix……………………………………………………………………….196 Selected Bibliography………………………………………………………….197 ii List of Abbreviations KKGJS Chōsen Sōtokufu Keimukyoku. Kōshū kōnichi gakusei jiken shiryō [Kwangju anti-Japanese student incident documents], repr. Nagoya, Japan: 1979.This document collection consists of documents collected by the Government-General in Korea’s Police Bureau and includes documents originally produced by the Academic Affairs Bureau, the department responsible for setting and enforcing curriculum standards and addressing school-related problems that arose on the Korean peninsula. Also included in this collection are reports related to the rise of Communist activity on the Korean peninsula in this period and its relationship to student protest, although the agency responsible for producing these documents is unknown. The documents contained in this volume were produced between 1929 and 1931, and report on activities from 1925-1930.
    [Show full text]
  • Northeast Asia Security Cooperative
    Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies University of Washington - , , , ... - - ..... ,, • , " , , , ,, , , , , ... -- - ... PAl Fie oc'" I Northeast Asian Security Cooperative: Opportunities and Obstacles for a Multilateral U.S. Approach to Asia-Pacific Diplomacy Task Force 2010 Task Force 2010 2 Multilateralism in Northeast Asia HENRY M. JACKSON SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES TASK FORCE 2010 Evaluator: Ambassador Kenneth C. Brill Participants: Christopher Jones, Professor Jordan Swarthout, Coordinator Alex Cutler, Editor Jessica Kuhn Tamara Patton Paul Moroni Stephanie Kim Amanda Rynes Justin Rohrer Isar Mahanian Johanna Martinez Jenny Gawf Tiffany Martin Mirella Warren Julien Bezerra Task Force 2010 3 Multilateralism in Northeast Asia Table of Contents Overview Executive Summary……………………………………………………………………..Page 5 Introduction……………………………………………………………………………..Page 7 The Importance of Engaging in East Asia Page 8 The Most Pressing Issue Facing East Asia Page 12 The Best and Worst Case Scenarios Page 18 NEASCO: The Asiatic Multilateralism? Page 22 Regional Analysis Global Security Issues in North Korea By Jessica Kuhn……………………………………………..………………….Page 30 Analyzing the Potential of a Multilateral U.S. Security Approach to China and Greater East Asia 2010 – 2020 By Tamara Patton……………………………………………………………….Page 60 Mapping the U.S. Approach to China and the Implications for a New Security Paradigm in Northeast Asia By Paul Moroni………………………………………………………………….Page 84 Suggestions for American Action in the Absence of a Concrete Japanese Security
    [Show full text]