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OF CRISIS? Benefit of the Cities in Syria Phoenice 5 What was it like to be a Palmyrene in the age of crisis? Changing Palmyrene identities in the third century AD Udo Hartmann THE SC I.D A N .H . Palmyra’s stellar ascent in the second half of the third There is a consensus in present research that the ROYAL century AD is one of the most fascinating phenomena oasis city at the border between the Roman and the DANISH 4 of the Roman Empire. In this paper, however, I do Parthian Empire developed as an independent and • Ü not want to look on Palmyra from an imperial per­ distinctive culture in the first three centuries AD. The • A THE CA spective. Rather, I would like to focus on the changes Palmyrenes formed a unique artistic style which in­ DEM WORLD and developments in Palmyra from a local perspec­ corporated influences from the Greco-Roman culture Y OF SCIENCES tive. At first, I want to examine the organization of the as well as from the cultures of the Parthian realm. OF Palmyrene polis and the character of society in Pal­ Their pantheon united Aramaic, Mesopotamian and PALMYRA AND myra in the third century and I want to show the Greco-Roman conceptions of the gods. Even in the LETTERS changes of identity of the Palmyrenes in this period of third century, the Palmyrenes still used an indigenous crisis of the Roman Empire. Finally, I would like to Aramaic dialect beside the imperial languages Greek ■ try to answer the difficult question why the Pal­ and Latin in their inscriptions. Similar cases are ex­ 2 0 1 6 myrenes suddenly abandoned their culture at the end tremely rare in the cities of the Roman Empire - the of the third century. By contrast, I will largely leave Neo-Punic inscriptions of Leptis Magna are another out the rule of the Palmyrene dynasts Odaenathus example. The political position of Palmyra between and Zenobia and their position in the Roman Em­ Rome and Parthia remained unique too: The caravan pire.1 city which had flourished since the beginning of the second century AD. profited from its far-reaching re­ lationships throughout the Middle Eastern world. Its i. For the history of third-century Palmyra see Hartmann 2001, especially 58-128; 200-211; 375-387; 395-402. See also Starcky/ caravan militia patrolled on the territories of both em­ Gawlikowski 1985, 49-69; Will 1992,167-197; Teixidor 2005. For pires and Palmyra managed trading spots in Parthian the Palmyrene dynasts Odaenathus and Zenobia see Hartmann ports and commercial cities. 2001 and 2008. See also Starcky/Gawlikowski 1985,57-69; The character of the urban organization of Palmy­ Sommer 2005,159-170; 220-224; 2008, 309-318; Gawlikowski ra and the identity of the Palmyrene elites are more 2007; Smith 2013,175-181. For Zenobia see further Equini controversial. Did the oasis emerge as a “cité grecque” Schneider 1993; Kotula 1997, 89-144. For a more popular account see now Southern 2008; Winsbury 2010. For the under Roman influence, as Maurice Sartre and Jean- history of late antique Palmyra see Kowalski 1997; Hartmann Baptiste Yon assert?2 Sartre believes that Palmyra’s 2001,424-426; Delplace 2014. For the society and the political institutions of the polis Palmyra the first three centuries AD see Sartre 1996, 386-394; Hartmann 2001, 45-64; Yon 2002; Smith 2. Sartre 1996; Yon 2002; 2004, 314-321. A similar picture of 2013. A different interpretation of the character of the society of the Palmyrene society is reconstructed by Millar 1994, 319-405. Palmyra is given by Sommer 2005,149-224; 2008, 285-309.1 See also Smith 2013,121-149; 182-188, who emphasizes the owe many thanks to Katharina Umpfenbach (Berlin) who mainly Greek character of the polis Palmyra and the great improved considerably my English text. influence of “Roman ideals and norms” on the Palmyrene 53 UDO HARTMANN SCI.DAN.H. 4 • 6 society and its civic institutions did not differ from The character of Palmyrene society in the those in other cities in Roman Syria. Or did the Greek third century AD and Roman institutions only serve as a thin varnish hiding a tribal, oriental society, as Michael Sommer During the first century Palmyra developed into apolis, assumes? He describes Palmyra’s leaders as tribal an urban community with political institutions such as chiefs - and later on - charismatic leaders who con­ they are found everywhere in the Greek East of the Ro­ trolled the society. With their dimorphic way of life man Empire. In the second century the city emerged (urban and nomadic) they had established military as a centre of long-distant trade to Parthia and India control over the tribes of the Syrian steppe between with the above mentioned exceptional position within Palmyra and the Euphrates at the Roman frontier. In the Roman province of Syria. The turning point in the the third century charismatic leaders like Odaenathus history of Palmyra took place in the Severan period: then monopolized the power in Palmyra.3 Under the Severians Palmyra became one of the most These different perspectives on Palmyra lead to important cities in the newly created province of Syria different interpretations of the goals and interests of Phoenice beside the cities of Tyrus, Berytus, Heliopolis the Palmyrene dynasts in the middle of the third cen­ and Emesa. Without any doubt, the most dramatic tury: Did they see themselves as a civic and Roman change for the Palmyrene society occurred when the senatorial elite from a Roman colonia in the province city was granted the status of a Roman colonia with ius of Syria Phoenice, as I aimed at showing in my study on Italicum under Caracalla. Probably, Palmyra received the politics of the Palmyrene dynasts?4 Or did they that new status in 212 since the first Julii Aurelii are at­ aspire to rule over an independent realm between the tested in Palmyrene inscriptions in 213.6 two great empires, as Michael Sommer believes?5 How did this major change affect Palmyrene soci­ ety and its institutions? The Severians systematically supported the cities in the home regions of the impe­ rial family, in Syria and in Africa. This was also to the 6. For the colonia Palmyra cf. Ulpianus, De censibus I, Dig. society and on the civic organization in the third century. “Yet, 50.15.i.4-5; IGLS XVII.i 224 (after 212 AD; see note 17); IGLS there were elements regarding Palmyra’s civic organization XVII.153 (242/43 AD; see note 18); IGLS XVII.1 65 (Decem­ that remained distinctive and unique to the Palmyrene ber 262; see note 21); CIL III 6049 = 6727,1. 4 (= Thomsen community, which reflected its development in an environ­ 1917, 26, no. 39; milestone of Diocletian at the road from ment where tribal and familial associations remained strong Emesa to Palmyra): col(onia) Palmfyrd)-, CIS II 3971, note and fundamental to the structure and maintenance of personal (= Thomsen 1917, 27, no. 47; AE 1921.92; milestone of Vaballa- and group identity” (132). “The Palmyrenes, being in the thus from al-Karäsi at the road from Emesa to Palmyra, reused frontier between empires, incorporated cultural influences by Diocletian); Poidebard 1934, 200, note 1,1. 4-5 (= AE that derived from the east as well as from the west... to be a 1934.262; milestone of Diocletian from aus Tiyäs at the road Palmyrene, then, was to be ‘native,’ ‘Greek,’ and ‘Roman’ all from Emesa to Palmyra); CIL III 14177/4,1-2 (= Thomsen 1917, at once” (187). 27, no. 45 a; Bauzou 1989, vol. 2, 416, no. 113; AE 1993.1606; 3. Sommer 2005,170-224; 2008. The chiefs of the tribes of late antique milestone at the road from Emesa to Palmyra). Palmyra were “Stammespatriarchen, Warlords und Großfinan­ For the Julii Aurelii in Palmyra see Schlumberger 1942/433; ziers” of the long-distant trade (2008, 298). “Tribale Struk­ Yon 2002,124; Simelon 2013,198-200. For the date see turen überlappten Stadt und Steppe, und namentlich die Schlumberger 1942/433, 57-64; Starcky/Gawlikowski 1985, Stammeseliten waren in beiden Welten gleichermaßen zu 49-52 (211 AD); Sartre 1996,394 (under Caracalla); Edwell Hause” (2008, 292). The mainly Greek character of the polis 2008, 60. But see Millar 1990, 42 (the grant of colonial status Palmyra is also doubted by Kaizer (2007, 40-44; 56-57) who was “under Severus or more probably Caracalla”); 1994,326 criticized the arguments of Sartre. (under Severus); a similar dating of the grant under Severus 4. Hartmann 2001 and 2008. or Caracalla: Kaizer 2002, 39; 2007, 41; Sommer 2008, 306, 5. Sommer 2005, 223. note 43; Smith 2013, 26; 130. 54 SCI.DAN.H. 4 • 6 WHAT WAS IT LIKE TO BE A PALMYRENE IN THE AGE OF CRISIS? benefit of the cities in Syria Phoenice-. The metropolis ing from 212, the title strategos, so far the title of a mili­ Tyrus and the city of Heliopolis, separated from the tary leader of the Palmyrene militia, " was exclusively Augustan colonia Berytus, became coloniae under Septi­ used to denote the supreme annual magistrates of the mius Severus. Caracalla granted then the colonial sta­ city.“ This new constitution of Palmyra remained in­ tus and the ius Italicum to Emesa and Palmyra, as Ulpia­ tact until the elevation of Odaenathus as king in 263. nus recorded in his work De censibus: The Syrian jurist All Palmyrene citizens received the gentile names Ju­ from Tyrus characterized Palmyra as a polis and a civitas lius Aurelius, perhaps a reference to Julia Domna, within the Roman province, but ‘near to the barbarian Caracalla’s mother.
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