s ” ’ re Its in ex
the the the the the
em and and
The
of - more
Jean-
of in Greek realm. the
are Palmy
319-405. culture
another and caravan that between
Parthian
AD.
both are grecque
great of and which Palmyra AD world.
in indigenous picture of are
1994,
Even
The the cases cité
Empire Palmyrene
“ an
that
elites style far-reaching crisis? a Parthian Roman
Sartre and the
languages emphasizes too: spots beginning research
Palmyra
independent
similar Millar
Eastern
as
centuries
gods. its
on
used Magna Mesopotamian A the
the
by of of
”
Similar
the an who Roman
territories
Greco-Roman
the
artistic organization of
still Palmyra believes
three from as
unique
trading
the century
present of the Maurice the
Middle emerge imperial norms
Palmyrene Leptis
since 314-321.
polis of in
as age first 182-188, on
between
of urban position
Aramaic, the the and
the
Sartre the unique cities. from
oasis
2004,
the cultures 2 reconstructed
profited a
of the
of
cities inscriptions. is remained
managed in the
ideals
the
developed Palmyrenes of
third
the
border united beside
2002; AD.
flourished the
patrolled conceptions
political influence,
consensus assert? Did the
their
in 2013,121-149; in
the society a
formed Yon
character
influences throughout
inscriptions identity Roman
from had Parthia culture
in
“
the
commercial at
is
The Palmyra
Empire
Yon
dialect
of rare militia as
character
century the 1996; Smith
Roman and
Greek pantheon
and
city
century, and in
Latin which
also The There Palmyrene well
and
Sartre
2. the See as third and tremely Neo-Punic Rome second Baptiste Parthian Palmyrenes mainly influence corporated Greco-Roman example. city lationships caravan pires ports ra controversial. under oasis distinctive Their Aramaic 5 53
Hartmann
to of
of
do
the the For Palmyrene
1 Pal Pal end
per Em see
I
third
leave
of
2001,
Smith like in a Udo
the
AD 2005. changes
the perspec society political who
the identities
the Starcky/
period
Hartmann show
at
of Hartmann 285-309. Equini 2002; the the
the phenomena
For
Odaenathus
see Roman
to be largely also popular
imperial Gawlikowski this
would of
why
local
however, society
1985,57-69; on
Hartmann
I and Yon (Berlin) centuries
Teixidor half
in 1997; See
a
2008,
the an
2010.
will of
more culture
to further
see
want
I organization
a
in
Zenobia
three I
309-318; see dynasts focus 45-64;
society paper,
from
character
For from
the their
second fascinating and
to Finally, text. 395-402. question
first
Kowalski
the
the
and
Palmyra like Winsbury 2008, 2001, this
the the Umpfenbach see of 1992,167-197; character
like
Palmyrenes
For Zenobia
contrast,
most position 89-144. 2005,149-224; In
it
in
Palmyrene
English 2008;
375-387; Palmyra
Palmyra
examine the the Will For
By
Palmyrene the Empire. 2014.
difficult Starcky/Gawlikowski
1997,
my 220-224; in to century of
Odaenathus
Palmyra their
Palmyra abandoned would
on of
Hartmann
I Katharina and ascent Sommer the
also
third-century
the 49-69;
was
Empire. 200-211; to polis
Southern by of one and interpretation want
of Kotula
third
See
look
Roman Delplace I century.
dynasts
the
is
antique
polis 1985, identity
2013,175-181.
stellar 386-394; now to of
Rather, the given
thanks 1993; suddenly s the rule considerably 58-128; of
late
’
AD 2008. history first, 2005,159-170; answer
is
see
Roman third
different of in
of
1996,
Smith
the Zenobia developments At 1 A the
and want to
many What
Palmyrene Changing the the
For
Sartre 2013. Palmyra 2001,424-426; Sommer 2007; Schneider the 2001 i. and try tive. Palmyrene spective. and not Palmyra owe improved history institutions account Gawlikowski especially pire. myrenes of out changes crisis myra century of
SCI.DAN.H. 4 • Ü • THE WORLD OF PALMYRA THE ROYAL DANISH A CA DEM Y OF SCIENCES AND LETTERS ■ 2 016 UDO HARTMANN SCI.DAN.H. 4 • 6 society and its civic institutions did not differ from The character of Palmyrene society in the those in other cities in Roman Syria. Or did the Greek third century AD and Roman institutions only serve as a thin varnish hiding a tribal, oriental society, as Michael Sommer During the first century Palmyra developed into apolis, assumes? He describes Palmyra’s leaders as tribal an urban community with political institutions such as chiefs - and later on - charismatic leaders who con they are found everywhere in the Greek East of the Ro trolled the society. With their dimorphic way of life man Empire. In the second century the city emerged (urban and nomadic) they had established military as a centre of long-distant trade to Parthia and India control over the tribes of the Syrian steppe between with the above mentioned exceptional position within Palmyra and the Euphrates at the Roman frontier. In the Roman province of Syria. The turning point in the the third century charismatic leaders like Odaenathus history of Palmyra took place in the Severan period: then monopolized the power in Palmyra.3 Under the Severians Palmyra became one of the most These different perspectives on Palmyra lead to important cities in the newly created province of Syria different interpretations of the goals and interests of Phoenice beside the cities of Tyrus, Berytus, Heliopolis the Palmyrene dynasts in the middle of the third cen and Emesa. Without any doubt, the most dramatic tury: Did they see themselves as a civic and Roman change for the Palmyrene society occurred when the senatorial elite from a Roman colonia in the province city was granted the status of a Roman colonia with ius of Syria Phoenice, as I aimed at showing in my study on Italicum under Caracalla. Probably, Palmyra received the politics of the Palmyrene dynasts?4 Or did they that new status in 212 since the first Julii Aurelii are at aspire to rule over an independent realm between the tested in Palmyrene inscriptions in 213.6 two great empires, as Michael Sommer believes?5 How did this major change affect Palmyrene soci ety and its institutions? The Severians systematically supported the cities in the home regions of the impe rial family, in Syria and in Africa. This was also to the
6. For the colonia Palmyra cf. Ulpianus, De censibus I, Dig. society and on the civic organization in the third century. “Yet, 50.15.i.4-5; IGLS XVII.i 224 (after 212 AD; see note 17); IGLS there were elements regarding Palmyra’s civic organization XVII.153 (242/43 AD; see note 18); IGLS XVII.1 65 (Decem that remained distinctive and unique to the Palmyrene ber 262; see note 21); CIL III 6049 = 6727,1. 4 (= Thomsen community, which reflected its development in an environ 1917, 26, no. 39; milestone of Diocletian at the road from ment where tribal and familial associations remained strong Emesa to Palmyra): col(onia) Palmfyrd)-, CIS II 3971, note and fundamental to the structure and maintenance of personal (= Thomsen 1917, 27, no. 47; AE 1921.92; milestone of Vaballa- and group identity” (132). “The Palmyrenes, being in the thus from al-Karäsi at the road from Emesa to Palmyra, reused frontier between empires, incorporated cultural influences by Diocletian); Poidebard 1934, 200, note 1,1. 4-5 (= AE that derived from the east as well as from the west... to be a 1934.262; milestone of Diocletian from aus Tiyäs at the road Palmyrene, then, was to be ‘native,’ ‘Greek,’ and ‘Roman’ all from Emesa to Palmyra); CIL III 14177/4,1-2 (= Thomsen 1917, at once” (187). 27, no. 45 a; Bauzou 1989, vol. 2, 416, no. 113; AE 1993.1606; 3. Sommer 2005,170-224; 2008. The chiefs of the tribes of late antique milestone at the road from Emesa to Palmyra). Palmyra were “Stammespatriarchen, Warlords und Großfinan For the Julii Aurelii in Palmyra see Schlumberger 1942/433; ziers” of the long-distant trade (2008, 298). “Tribale Struk Yon 2002,124; Simelon 2013,198-200. For the date see turen überlappten Stadt und Steppe, und namentlich die Schlumberger 1942/433, 57-64; Starcky/Gawlikowski 1985, Stammeseliten waren in beiden Welten gleichermaßen zu 49-52 (211 AD); Sartre 1996,394 (under Caracalla); Edwell Hause” (2008, 292). The mainly Greek character of the polis 2008, 60. But see Millar 1990, 42 (the grant of colonial status Palmyra is also doubted by Kaizer (2007, 40-44; 56-57) who was “under Severus or more probably Caracalla”); 1994,326 criticized the arguments of Sartre. (under Severus); a similar dating of the grant under Severus 4. Hartmann 2001 and 2008. or Caracalla: Kaizer 2002, 39; 2007, 41; Sommer 2008, 306, 5. Sommer 2005, 223. note 43; Smith 2013, 26; 130.
54 SCI.DAN.H. 4 • 6 WHAT WAS IT LIKE TO BE A PALMYRENE IN THE AGE OF CRISIS? benefit of the cities in Syria Phoenice-. The metropolis ing from 212, the title strategos, so far the title of a mili Tyrus and the city of Heliopolis, separated from the tary leader of the Palmyrene militia, " was exclusively Augustan colonia Berytus, became coloniae under Septi used to denote the supreme annual magistrates of the mius Severus. Caracalla granted then the colonial sta city.“ This new constitution of Palmyra remained in tus and the ius Italicum to Emesa and Palmyra, as Ulpia tact until the elevation of Odaenathus as king in 263. nus recorded in his work De censibus: The Syrian jurist All Palmyrene citizens received the gentile names Ju from Tyrus characterized Palmyra as a polis and a civitas lius Aurelius, perhaps a reference to Julia Domna, within the Roman province, but ‘near to the barbarian Caracalla’s mother. Only some aristocrats, who had peoples’.7 8With this phrase, Ulpianus certainly alludes already received the Roman citizenship under Sever to the close relations between the city of Palmyra and us, kept their nomen gentile Septimius. the nomadic Arabian tribes in the Syrian Desert. But three elements in Palmyra’s civic institutions With its new status, the institutions of the polis remained unique and distinctive within the structures were transformed into the structures of a Roman of the Roman Empire: the maintenance of a powerful colonia* The two supreme annual magistrates were civic militia, the use of the Palmyrene language even now called duumviri, while the aediles were the second in official texts and the elevation of a civic leader, the annual pair of magistrates. These magistrates called exarchos or rs’ dy tdmwr Septimius Odaenathus in mid- strategoi and agoranomoi (with the Palmyrene translation third century.12 rb swq)9 *1011in the honorary inscription of the city. Start- The grant of the status of a colonia had far-reaching effects on the position of the Palmyrenes and on their 7. Ulpianus, De censibus I, Dig. 50.15.1.4-5: Emisenae dvitati identity. Previously, Palmyra was a town on the edge Phoenices imperator noster (i.e. Caracalla) ius coloniae dedit iurisque of the empire, in which only a small part of the local Italici eam fecit. (5) est et Palmyrena civitas in provincia Phoenice prope elite had the Roman citizenship. Now all citizens re barbaras gentes et nationes collocate. Cf. Millar 1990, 42. 8. For the institutions of the colonia Palmyra cf. Millar 1990, 42-46; 1994, Z43_I44; 326-327; Sartre 1996,394 395; Hartmann dans la Loi Fiscale de 137.” See also Kaizer 2007, 42: “... the 2001,59-60; Yon 2002, 243-244. See also Kaizer 2002,39-40; use of the Greek titles of two existing offices at Palmyra for the 2007, 41-42; Smith 2013,130-132. designation of the chief colonial magistracies in the city 9. Aedilis/dyopavopo,; (rb swq): IGLS XVII.1 53 (242/43, see delivers a warning that the Palmyrene division between the note 18); 67 (Vorodes, see note 35); 224 (not dated, but after Greek city and the Roman colony was maybe not so clearly 212, see note 17); 97 (= Inv. XII 29; not dated, but after 212). marked.” Smith (2013, 65; 129) identifies the military position The text of this Greek inscription at the Great Colonnade of strategoi of the second century with the strategoi / duum viri of mentions a Julius Aurelius [...] and in line 4 his (?) civic office colony and he also identifies the agoronomos in IGLS XVII.1 223 (dyopavo|.if|
55 UDO HARTMANN SCI.DAN.H. 4 • 6
ceived this Roman citizenship in the exceptional form man citizen in a distinguished and honoured colonia Julius Aurelius, which distinguished all Palmyrenes certainly became an essential element of Palmyrene from the other new citizens of Rome under Caracalla. identity, alongside the old elements of the indigenous The city was even awarded the honourable status of a Palmyrene culture and the common values of the^o/h. colonia with the ius Italicum. Thus, Rome honoured the What do we know about the identity and self-percep city’s outstanding service in the protection of the Ro tion of the Palmyrene elite in the third century? Which man Empire on the steppe frontier. Palmyra was no common values did the aristocracy share? The status longer a marginal town. of the colonia was the frame of reference for the con It is not easy to describe the identity of the Pal struction of a new identity of the elite which extended myrenes in the third century. Statements can only be the old identity of the trading aristocracy of Palmyra. made for the upper classes, the members of the bule, Since the formation of the community of Palmyra in the magistrates, the patrons und the merchants, since the first century BC the society of the city was domi only for their careers there are detailed epigraphic nated by an aristocracy composed of the clan chief, texts. It should be emphasized, however, that in pri the members of the influential families and (since the vate contexts almost all Palmyrenes gave their full middle of the first century AD) the rich merchants names with the Roman gentile names in their Greek and the leaders of the caravans. Only some of them or Palmyrene grave inscriptions between 212 and the were honoured with the Roman citizenship. They fo period of the emperor Aurelian. So the distinction as cused primarily on their position within the Pal Julius Aurelius was not a matter of course. Instead, myrene society and in the long-distant trade/4 After even ordinary citizens of Palmyra attached great im the grant of the colonial status this focus of the lead portance to it, even in private life/3 The status as Ro ing aristocrats gradually changed. In the first half of the third century, Palmyrene aristocrats emphasized three essential moments: the responsible activities as 13. The complete Roman name with the nomina Julius and citizens and decurions of the colonia, the work for the Aurelius both in the Greek and in the Palmyrene part of grave inscriptions is found e.g. in IGLS XVII.1 543 (= CIS II 4203; trouble-free running of the caravans and the uncondi Gawlikowski 1970, 200, no. 61; PAT 559; grave of Julius tional commitment to the Roman Empire and their Aurelius Rephabolus Refaböl, January 218); 477 (= AE loyalty to the Roman imperial rule that now also in 2001.1962; Julius Aurelius Maccaeus Maqqai conceded a part cluded the engagement in the Roman imperial ser- of the grave to Julius Aurelius Salmes Salme, October 224); vice.• r5 439 (= Inv. IV 13; Gawlikowski 1970, 200-201, no. 63; PAT 1142; grave of Julius Aurelius Hermes, May 232); 472 (= CIS II 4209; Gawlikowski 1970, 201, no. 65; PAT 565; grave of Julius century written only in Palmyrene, cf. e.g. Cantineau 1930, Aurelius Maronas Marönä, March 236); 544 (= PAT 567; grave 540, no. 10 (= Gawlikowski 1970, 201, no. 64; PAT 1788; of Julius Aurelius Eutyches, son of Haggai, and his brother hypogeum of Lisams, son of‘Astörgä, June 232); Ingholt 1935, Hermeias, August 237); only in Palmyrene e.g. Ingholt 1935, 102, no. 10 (= Gawlikowski 1970, 210, no. 21; PAT 52; ‘Ogä, son 97-98, no. 6 (= Gawlikowski 1970, 208, no. 16; PAT 48; Julius of Rawhibel, conceded a part of the grave to Malikö, August Aurelius Nürbel and Male conceded a part of the grave to 249); 102, no. ii (= Gawlikowski 1970, 210, no. 22; PAT 53; a Bassä and Risqä, October 213); Ingholt 1935, 60, no. 2 part of the grave was conceded by Dadiyön, son of Habbai, (= Gawlikowski 1970, 200, no. 62; PAT 24; grave of Julius February 267). Aurelius Maqqai, April 229); Ingholt 1935,112-114, no. 3 14. For the Palmyrene aristocracy and their values see (= Gawlikowski 1970, 217, no. 47; PAT 58; Julius Aurelius especially Yon 2002. Cf. also Yon 2004,320: “Il semble Yedi'bel conceded a part of the hypogeum to Iulia Aurelia pourtant que la société de Palmyre n’a jamais cessé d’etre Amaté, March 265). The nomina Julius Aurelius are missing in dominée par des notables, et on peut mettre en évidence tout the bilingual grave inscription IGLS XVII.1 479 (= CIS II au long de son histoire la prééminence de personnages ou de 4212; Inv. VII13; Gawlikowski 1970, 217, no. 45; PAT 568) from families qui tenaient leur pouvoir de leurs liens familiaux ou September 252, but the text is not completely preserved. The tribaux.” See further Smith 2013,116-119; 122-132. nomina are also missing in same grave inscriptions of mid-third 15. In the third century, the members of the Palmyrene
56 SCI.DAN.H. 4 • 6 WHAT WAS IT LIKE TO BE A PALMYRENE IN THE AGE OF CRISIS?
Honorary inscriptions at the Great Colonnade in Of special importance in the honorary inscrip Palmyra refer to honoured aristocrats of the city and tions are two main civil offices: the duumvir and the mention other aristocrats which honoured their pa aedilis. On the Agora of Palmyra, the bule and the dem trons and friends. After 212, the civic honorary in os, council and people, set up three statues of Julius scriptions especially emphasize on the public duties Aurelius Malichus Malikö, son of Vaseus Washü,17 be and the civic offices of the aristocrats and their contri cause he was generous in his former offices as strategos bution to the city’s welfare. The first item had no great and agoranomos of the colonia (the Palmyrene text says importance in honorary inscriptions of the second frankly: because he paid many expenses from his own century. Furthermore, with Vorodes the first individu purse); the ancestral god (Yarhiböl), the bule and the al member of the city council is attested in the inscrip Roman governor can testify this. The undated in tions in 258/59.16* * scription also mentions the public service (leiturgiai) of Malichus’ father Vaseus Washü. So bule and demos em aristocracy often wear Greek and Palmyrene double names, cf. phasize the civic merits of Malichus and his expensive e.g. IGLS XVII.1378 (= CIS II 4031; PAT 377; Julius Aurelius public services, but at the same time they also under Antipater Alaphonas Halafönä, January 233); 472 (see note 13; line the recognition of his merits by the Roman gover Julius Aurelius Zenobius Zebidä, after 236 AD); 53 (see note nor. Both items are components of the shared value 18; Julius Aurelius Zenobius Zabdilah, 242/43 AD); 75 (see set of the Palmyrene elite in this period. note 20; Julius Aurelius ‘Ogä Seleucus, October 254). Cf. also Yon 2002, 255-256. 16. IGLS XVII.i 60 (= Seyrig 1963,161-162, fig. 2; Gawlikowski spécialisée au sein de la boule.''’')-, Yon 2002,35; 240-241; 247; 1985, 254, no. 6), 1. 5-6: Of>op 57 UDO HARTMANN SCI.DAN.H. 4 • 6 The same values can be found in the well-known A few other duumviri of the colony are also attested: bilingual honorary inscription of Julius Aurelius Ze In 224/25, Julius Aurelius Seiba, son of Atheakabas, nobius Zabdilah on a column along the Great Colon and Julius Aurelius Titianus, son of Athenodorus, nade from 242/43. Bule and demos honoured the aristo served as duumviri,'9 subsequently Julius Aurelius ‘Ogä crat Zenobius Zabdilah, the ‘friend’ of his own Seleucus, honoured in October 254 because he was homeland (jthilop atris), for his administration as duum twice strategos and because he was generous and grant vir and aedilis-, he saved the city much expenditures ed 10 million Attic drachmai to the bulef" In 262/63, the and honourably conducted his civic career. On the strategos Julius Aurelius Nebuzabadus honoured the other hand, council and people also praise his com procurator Septimius Vorodes with a statue.2118 *1920 Finally, mitment to the Romans: During the visit of the em peror Severus Alexander in 231/32, when he was strat Julius Aurelius Zenobius Zabdilah (PIR2 1196) cf. Yon 2002, egos, Zenobius Zabdila had taken good care of the 39; 55; 243; 277; 294. For C. Julius Priscus (PIR2 I 488) cf. Roman troops and for the governor Rutilius Crispi- Körner 2002, 54-63; Gerhardt/Hartmann 2008,1071-1072, nus. Therefore not only the god Yarhiböl testified to PPO 5. His cognomen was erased both in the Greek and the the aristocrat, but also a representative of Rome is Palmyrene part of the inscription, perhaps in the context of cited as witness: this time even the praetorian prefect the revolt of Jotapianus in Syria. Cf. Bland 1993,195; Körner Julius Priscus, the brother of the emperor Philippus 2002, 56. For Rutilius Pudens Crispinus (PIR2 R 257), the governor of Syria Phoenice in 232/33 AD during the Persian war Arabs and the second man in the empire/8 of Severus Alexander, see Dietz 1980, 210-226, no. 75 (for Syria Phoenice see p. 216-217); Thomasson 1984,319-320, no. 106. 18. IGLS XVII.153 (= CIS II3932; Inv. Ill 22; PAT 278; cf. 19. IGLS XVII.i 70 (= Inv. Ill 5; cf. IGRR III 1047; a Greek IGRR III 1033; OGIS 640): i] poo/.i] Kai 0 8fj|ioi; | 'Ioü/.iov honorary inscription at the Great Colonnade for Pomponius Aijpfptov Zqvoßiov I tov Kai ZaßSiZav 8i<; MaZ|you rof> Naaooiipoi) Darius, centurio der legio Severiano). Cf. Sartre 1996,394; Yon cjTpaTT||Yr|CjavTa év éaiSqpia 0eoü | AZe^dvSpou Kai ÜTtqprti] aavia 2002, 9-10; 243; 292; 294. aapoucsia SiqvoKoi | 'PouriZZiou Kpicntsivou roü | lipioapevou Kai Taic 20. IGLS XVII.i 75 (= CIS II 3934; Inv. Ill 14; PAT 280; cf. É7u8r||nT|adaai<; oüipi/./.atio<7iv. a|'/opavoiiqcravTå te Kai odk oZi|ytov IGRR III 1046; a bilingual honorary inscription at the Great a 58 SCI.DAN.H. 4 • 6 WHAT WAS IT LIKE TO BE A PALMYRENE IN THE AGE OF CRISIS? the mentioned Vorodes22* who was also aedilis of the parently also an important field of elite activity in this colonia and his colleague Julius Aurelius Hermes period: In April 247 merchants thanked Julius Aure served both as strategoi, probably in 2Ö3/64.23 lius Zebidas Zebidä, son of Mocimus, for his support. Other aristocrats were honoured for their public They came down with him to Vologesias, a Parthian generosity and euergetism,24 some of them even erect emporium near Seleucia on the Tigris.28 29Zebida prob ed public buildings.25 Finally, another area where aris ably protected this caravan. The last attested synhodiar tocrats delivered public service was the symposiarchia chos, a caravan leader or leader of a guild of merchants, (rb mrzhr), the annual presidency of the marzehä, the is Julius Aurelius Nebumaeus: Bule and demos thanked thiasos, a confraternity of the priests of the temple of him for bringing back the caravan and being gener Bel, the main civic sanctuary of the Palmyrenes. In ous to the polish mid-third century, Septimius Vorodes and the Roman In 257/58 council and people honoured the senator Septimius Haddüdan (in 272/73) are attested archemporos Julius Aurelius Salämallat, son of Male, to have presided over this symposion of the priests of because he brought back the caravan to Palmyra at Bel.26 his own expense.30 This term archemporos, chief mer By contrast after 212, there is scarce testimony of Palmyrene aristocrats carrying out euergetic actions in the long-distance trade.27 *Nevertheless, this was ap Palmyrene commerce in the third century AD cf. Gawlikowski 1983, 67-68; 1996,143; Drexhage 1988,51-60; Miller 1994, 33I_332; Schuol 2000, 81-90; 386-387; Hartmann 2001, 76-85; 153;Yon 2002,33; 244; 291; 294. 200; Young 2001,173-175; Yon 2002,103-104; 264; Smith 2013, 22. IGLS XVII.i 67 (cursus of Vorodes, see note 35). 79- 23. IGLS XVII.i 61 (see note 51). Cf. Sartre 1996,395. 28. IGLS XVII.i 89 (= CIS II3933; Inv. Ill 21; PAT 279; cf. 24. IGLS XVII.i 22 (the synhodiarchosJulius Aurelius Nebu- OGIS 641): 'IoiiZiov Aiipfpiov ZeßeiSav | Mokiiioii roü ZeßeiSou maeus, see note 29). AcsØcopou Bai8ä, oi Kaizer 2002, 234; Yon 2002, 41; Smith 2013,114-115. For the the temple of Bel, after 212): i] ßoiAi) [kui 0 8fjpo]i; | ‘Iofi/.iov symposiarchia of Haddüdan see note 48. Another third-century .Vüpip.iov [N]e[ß]oi)||iaiov @ai[piaap]ao[u r]of> | Btovveoffip pjaßet symposiarchos, Yarhai Agrippa, son of Yarhai (yrhy 'grp' yrhy, OT>voSi|dp%r|v dvaKo[|i]ics[avt]|a ri)v [ 59 UDO HARTMANN SCI.DAN.H. 4 • 6 chant, is only attested in mid-third century and is the polis and the people of Palmyra, their generosity, probably a synonym for the second-century term syn- their public services, liturgies, magistratures, build hodiarchos, they are both translated in Palmyrene part ings and - last but not least - their loyalty to Rome, of the inscriptions with rb syrt’, ‘chief of the caravan’.31 which was recognized and testified by the Roman These Palmyrene archemporoi are also attested in the governors and the praetorian prefect. This emphasis career inscription of Septimius Vorodes:32 The aristo on civic offices and precise civil obligations is a new crat brought back caravans from his own resources development in Roman Palmyra.34 Unlike in the sec and was therefore honoured by the archemporoi. ond century inscriptions, the activity as caravan lead The aristocrats Nebumaeus, Salämallät and Voro er and patron of the merchants played only a minor des are honoured because they brought back the cara role in the age of crisis, this was now only a minor van (avaKopfeavTa); in contrast to the previous caravan point in the civil career of a Palmyrene aristocrat. The inscriptions of the second and early third century the most extensive evidence for the important political starting point of the caravan in Mesopotamia is not activities played for Palmyra’s elites is certainly the specified. The reason for this change is unknown. The career inscription of Septimius Vorodes on a column caravan trade over the Roman Eastern border de at the Great Colonnade.35 This inscription, an honour creased dramatically after the war between the emper or Gordian III and the Persian king Säbuhr I, so per 34. For the liturgies of Palmyrene aristocrats in general see haps the permanent trading stations of Palmyra in the Sartre 1996, 392; Yon 2002,150-164. In the second century, aris former Parthian vassal kingdom of Characene and in tocrats were generally honoured for their political activities Vologesias were closed by the Säsänians and are there and for being cpiZoaarpu, e.g. IGLS XVII.1 226 (= Inv. X 129; fore no longer mentioned in the caravan inscriptions.33 PAT 1423; April 108 AD); 159 (= CIS II 3930; Inv. II 2; PAT 276; In the third century, Palmyrene aristocrats stress April 139); 305 (= CIS II 3931; Inv. II 3; PAT 277; April 139); 73 in their self-expression their euergetic activities for (= Inv. Ill 26; November 158); 228 (= Inv. X 105; PAT 1407; perhaps 169/70 AD); 254 (= Inv. X 130; PAT 1424). Specific liturgies and civic activities are seldom mentioned (with the for him by the council and the people; to his honour, because exception of the caravan inscriptions), e.g. IGLS XVII.1145 he brought back the caravan gratis, at his own expense, year (= CIS II 3959; Inv. I 2; BS 44; PAT 305; 130/31 AD); 95 (= Inv. 569.” Cf. Drexhage 1988,58-59, no. 39; Schuol 2000, 88, no. Ill 2 and XII19; PAT 1131). Cf. Sartre 1996,396-397. 33; Hartmann 2001, 77; 86; Young 2001,155; Yon 2002, 35. IGLS XVII.i 67 (= CIS II3942; Inv. Ill 7; PAT 288; cf. 103-104; 118; 152; 264; 292. IGRR III 1045; OGIS 646): f| Kai 0 8fj]|roi; | Leari|.i[iov 31. The term OT>vo8idp%r|i; (rb syrt’) is attested until 199: IGLS Of>opa>8r|v] tov Kpd|ti 60 SCI.DAN.H. 4 • 6 WHAT WAS IT LIKE TO BE A PALMYRENE IN THE AGE OF CRISIS? of the council and the people, probably dating from other groups of the civic society. So in mid-third cen April 264, is dedicated to the procurator Vo rodes who tury, Palmyrene aristocrats were united by a hierarchi had recently received the new title iuridicus of the metro- cally structured, asymmetric friendship, a ‘friendly’ colonia Palmyra from the new king Odaenathus. In the relationship between patron and client: Julius Aure part of the inscription which deals with the civic ac lius Nebüzabad honoured as duumvir of the colonia his tivities of Vorodes, the council and the people praise ‘friend’, the procurator and Roman knight Septimius his expenses for the safe return of the caravans, his Vorodes, the most powerful aristocrat of Palmyra af civic career as former strategos and former agoranomos, ter Odaenathus; Julius Aurelius Septimius Malchus his civic munificence and his expenditure on the bule Malkü, the Roman knight Julius Aurelius Septimius and the demos and finally his current service as symposia- lades and the Roman knight Julius Aurelius Salmes rchos of the priests of the god Bel.36 Salme also honoured Vorodes as philos and prostates With the rise of the family of the Palmyrene exar- (rhmh wqywmh), as ‘friend’ and patron. This patronage chos Odaenathus and with his advancement into the network structured the elite of Palmyra around the Roman senate in the early 250s we can also notice an dynast Odaenathus.37 increasing importance of the Roman social structure The ancient tribes of Palmyra, however, are barely of patronage: The Roman senator Odaenathus and attested in third-century inscriptions; the ‘four tribes’ of his entourage like the Roman knight Septimius Voro the city attested in the second century are no longer des acted as patrons for Palmyrene aristocrats and mentioned.38 In this period some inscriptions in the 36. For Julius Aurelius Septimius Vorodes (PIR2 S 496; 37. Nebüzabad: IGLS XVII.1 65 (see note 21); Malchus Malkü: PLRE I 981) see also IGLS XVII.1 60 (probably 257/58 AD, IGLS XVII.i 66 (see note 53); lades: IGLS XVII.i 68 (see note see note 16); 63 (258/59 AD, see note 16); 64 (April 262, see 57); Salmes Salme: IGLS XVII.i 69 (see note 55). For the term note 50); 65 (December 262, see note 21); 61 (perhaps 263/64 ‘ 61 UDO HARTMANN SCI.DAN.H. 4 • 6 Western part of the Great Colonnade only refer to the had any relevance in this system of the Palmyrene mi tribe of the Maththabolians and their temple of the god litia. Arsü. This tribe was perhaps one of the four civic tribes. Another important change in the third century There is only one inscription in the period between 212 needs to be noted: With the elevation of Palmyra to a and 272 by which a Julius Aurelius (the full name is un Roman colonia and with the special imperial apprecia known) was honoured for his merits on behalf of the tion of the city, the Palmyrene elite began to engage in tribe of the Maththabolians, but no details are given.39 the Roman imperial service and to participate in impe As a consequence, one may conclude that the phy- rial aristocracy, in the equestrian order and even in the lai no longer played a decisive role in the social orga Roman senate.42 In the second century the trading ar nization of urban society; they were no longer the istocracy of Palmyra had no apparent interest in posts main framework of aristocratic self-representation. in the imperial service and in the higher ranks of the Instead, aristocrats now mainly refer on the city, its empire.43 The aristocrats of the flourishing trading values, on the council and civic offices. Whether old community found sufficient opportunities for their tribal structures still had any significance in the daily political and economic ambitions in the long-distant life of the aristocrats is unknown. Family and the glo trade to India and Parthia, within the Palmyrene mili ry of the ancestors remained important and long ge tia and within the hierarchy of their tribes and their nealogies are still given in the inscriptions, but there civic society.44 In mid-second century for example, we is no evidence to support the view that “tribal and fa find a Palmyrene as satrap of the Parthian vassal king milial associations remained strong and fundamental of Characene but no Palmyrene as Roman equestri to the structure and maintenance of personal and an.45 Apparently, only Palmyra’s lower classes used group identity”, as Smith presumes.40 For the third military service in the Roman imperial army as an op century, there is furthermore no evidence for the as portunity for social advancement, not the city’s elite.46 sumption of a dimorphic way of life (urban and no With the increasing significance of the colonia Palmyra madic) of the aristocracy of Palmyra as argued by in the empire and the dwindling importance of long Sommer.41 The Palmyrenes certainly still enrolled no distance trade, Palmyrenes tried to find new tasks in mads for the protection of the steppe zone but we do the imperial aristocracy, they increasingly sought to not hear that tribal relations of Palmyrene aristocrats achieve recognition and social prestige in the eques trian order and in the senate. In the third century, sev eral Roman knights and even two senatorial families 60-66; 2007, 43-44; Sommer 2005,175-183; 2008, 289-293; are attested, the dynasty of Odaenathus and the family Smith 2013,33-48 (tribes in Palmyra); 132-143 (‘four tribes’). 39. IGLS XVII.i 85 (= al-As'ad/Gawlikowki 1986/87,166-167, no. 6; June 247): [‘Ioi'>/.iov.\i>pi|/.iov...| | XAAEA MaOOaßßtoZitov 42. Cf. Yon 2002,119. (pi)/.f| sv rarøi arm) 8ia7tpé|\|/avta Teipfji; %dpiv, pr|vi | Aatcjito rofi r|v 62 SCI.DAN.H. 4 • 6 WHAT WAS IT LIKE TO BE A PALMYRENE IN THE AGE OF CRISIS? of the symposiarchos Septimius Haddüdan.47 The reli The most important Roman knight of Palmyra was gious office of the senator Septimius Haddüdan, son of the confidant of Odaenathus, Septimius Vorodes: In ‘Ogeilü, son of Maqqai, is mentioned in two inscrip 258/59 Belacabus BcTaqab honoured at the Great Col tions from March 272 and March 273, written only in onnade his friend, the knight and decurio of Palmyra, Palmyrene language. They list the ‘guards’ of the tem Aurelius Vorodes.49 In April 262 this knight was al ple of Bel during the symposiarchia of Haddüdan. The ready a procurator Augusti ducenarius, a high equestrian second inscription also mentions the support that the position in the imperial administration.50 51His college senator gave “to the army of Aurelianus Caesar, our in the office of the duumviri (perhaps in the year 263/64), lord,” in August 272. The senator Haddüdan support Julius Aurelius Hermes, received the imperial post of a ed the imperial army in the first capture of Palmyra in procurator centenarius? In 259 bule and demos honoured a August 272 after the flight of queen Zenobia.48 * the two inscriptions and the symposiarchia of Haddüdan see 47. For the senatorial family of Septimius Odaenathus see Gawlikowski 1971, 413-421; 1973, 76-79; Milik 1972, 24-25; Hartmann 2001, 86-90; 108-128; 2008, 346-349. A very 270-277, no. 33; Millar 1994,335; Kowalski 1997,41-42; mutilated bilingual inscription found on the Agora was set up Hartmann 2001,384; Kaizer 2002, 232-233; 237; 241; Smith to honour an anonymous (without doubt a Palmyrene citizen) 2013,114. The second inscription was set up after the first who was gymnasiarchos (Palmyrene 1. 1: gmnsyrks'). The text capture of Palmyra in August 272 and before the uprising of mentions also ‘Antoninus Caesar’ (Palmyrene 1. 2: ’tnynys Antiochus in spring 273 (and the second capture of Palmyra in 7[rrJ), Antoninus Pius or Marcus Aurelius (Caracalla is not summer 273). Cf. Hartmann 2001,384, note 86. Gawlikowski very likely). This anonymous was “honoured with the purple” (1971, 420-421) and Equini Schneider (1993, 85) think that the (Palmyrene 1. 3: [y]qrh b’rgwn’[...]), IGLS XVII.1 221 (= Inv. X inscription was set up after the uprising of Antiochus in 273. 102; PAT 1406). Cf. Sartre 1996, 392; 397; Yon 2002, 241. The Watson (1999, 81) assumes that Haddüdan helped emperor editior Jean Starcky (in Inv.) supposes that the emperor made Aurelian during his second campaign against Palmyra. For him a member of the Roman senate (similar Smith 2013, 227, Septimius Haddüdan (PIR2 H 2; cf. PIR2 VII.2, p. 175; PLRE I note 62). But this interpretation is improbable; the inscription 405) see Hartmann 2001, 91; 383-384; 2008,371; Kaizer 2002, is an honour in a purely civic context. Cf. Yon 2012, 209; 232-233; Yon 2002,119, note 166; 144; 244; 287. See also Ingholt sceptical also Sartre 1996,392 with 403, note 123 (“mais 1976,128-130; Smith 2013,114; 229, note 95. For the capture of l’expression ‘honoré de la pourpre’ pourrait avoir une autre Palmyra in 272 AD see Hartmann 2001, 375-394; 2008, 370-372. signification que la promotion dans fordre sénatorial.”). See further Watson 1999,76-80. In about 250 AD, the father of 48. Inv. IX 28 (= Gawlikowski 1971, 413-414; 1973, 76, no. 10; Haddüdan, (Septimius) ‘Ogeilü, son of Maqqai, son of Had PAT 1358; from the temenos of the temple of Bel, March 272), 1. düdan, son of Haddä, made a throne in honour of Odaenathus, 1-2: brbnwt [mr\zhwt hdwdn snqltyq’ | br ‘gylw mqy - “During the the ‘chief of Tadmor’ (rs’ dy tdmwr), and brought offerings, symposiarchia of Haddüdan, the senator, son of‘Ogeilü, (son of) Cantineau 1931,138, no. 17 (= Gawlikowski 1985, 253, no. 1; PAT Maqqai...” Gawlikowski 1971, 420 (= Gawlikowski 1973, 76-77, 2753). Cf. Milik 1972,317; Gawlikowski 1973, 78; Ingholt 1976, no. 11; PAT 2812; found in the north of the ancient city, perhaps 120; 128-130; Hartmann 2001, 91; Yon 2002, 292; Smith 2013, also from the temenos of the temple of Bel; reconstructed with 221, note 203. the help of Inv. IX 28; March 273), 1. 1-4: brbnwt mrzhwt jf/»] 49. IGLS XVII.i 63 (see note 16). hdwdn [snqltyq’] | nhyr’ br sptm[yw\s ‘gylw mqy dy ‘dr [hyl’ dy] | 50. IGLS XVII.i 64 (= CIS 3938; Inv. Ill 11; PAT 284; cf. [’w]rlynws qsr [m]r[n]’ ®Wm[r] ‘m wld’ [dy bny mrzh’] | [®A®]’ ‘mhwn IGRR III 1041; a bilingual honorary inscription at the Great bdy[r’ byrh] ’b snt5[ 63 UDO HARTMANN SCI.DAN.H. 4 • 6 third Roman knight from Palmyra with a statue: the Subsequendy, under the reign of king Odaena magistrate and former duumvir Julius Aurelius ‘Ogä Se thus, the constitution of Palmyra was gradually leucus, son of ‘AzizöA In the 260s some more aristo changed. Council and duumviri are no longer attest crats, probably mainly military men in the political ed?6 Now, the city was reigned by a governor of the environment of the Palmyrene ruler Odaenathus and king, the argapetes Vorodes. In the beginning of 264 his procurator and argapetes Vorodes, entered the Roman the new king Odaenathus appointed him to iuridicus equestrian order: Julius Aurelius Septimius Malchus (dikaiodotes) of the metrocolonia, a judge and civil deputy Malkü,5352 Julius Aurelius Septimius lades54 and Julius of the king in Palmyra, and finally in 264/65 to arga Aurelius Salmes Salme are known.55 * petes, a city governor with military and civil authority.57 Similar to the elevation of the ‘king of kings’ Odaena thus, the use of the Parthian title argapetes mirrors the at the tripylon, perhaps year eo IGRR III 1038; a bilingual honorary inscription at the Great 64 SCI.DAN.H. 4 • 6 WHAT WAS IT LIKE TO BE A PALMYRENE IN THE AGE OF CRISIS? elite of the Roman Near East under the dominion of inscriptions of 328 mentions a curator civitatis (logistes), Palmyra. The commitment to the protection of the the bule of the city is no longer attested.62 Roman East against the Säsänians and the adminis tration of the oriental Roman provinces as well as the The end of the Palmyrene culture loyalty to the dynasty of Odaenathus were the central elements of the Palmyrene identity in this period - a From the 280s all official inscriptions in Palmyra are topic that I can’t discuss here in full.58 written only in Greek (with the exception of the Latin After the defeat of the usurpers Vaballathus and Ze building inscription of the camp of Diocletian):63 Sos- nobia in August 272, thc/W/j Palmyra appointed a pros sianus Hierocles who was praeses in Syria Phoenice round tates, a governor of the city, Septimius Apsaeus. This about 300 AD says in a Greek building inscription magistrate mentioned by the historian Zosimus and in that he had completed the baths of Diocletian for the a Greek honorary inscription,59 however, led Palmyra salvation and the victory of the tetrarchs;64 presum into a second uprising which was resolutely put down ably, the building along the Great Colonnade was by the emperor Aurelian in early summer 273. The city only reconstructed.65 Equally, inscriptions set up in was sacked; some buildings were heavily damaged in the private context of the grave are now written only the fight.6“ But nevertheless Palmyra still retained the in Greek.66 The famous art production of Palmyra status of a Roman colonia which is attested even under came to a halt. Diocletian.61 However, we know almost nothing about the municipal organization after 273 AD: A building 62. IGLS XVII.i 101 (= Inv. Ill 27; IGRR III 1048; September 328): The Koyumii; Flavius Diogenes, son of Uranius, restored during his office (1. 2: év rfl eauroü Zoyioria) the roof of a part of 58. See Hartmann 2001 and 2008. the portico of the Great Colonnade which was long time ago 59. Zos. 1.60.1 (Ayaio^); IGLS XVII.1 77 (= Inv. Ill 18; IGRR destroyed (1. 4-5: ék aaZeräv | %p6vcov ipøapicsav). Cf. Millar 1994, III 1049): Le7tt(i|.uov) Ayaiov tov yto/.dtqv | Kai 7tpocstdtr|v, r| TttT/.tc. 336; Kowalski 1997, 45-46; Yon 2002,154; 267. Perhaps the The Palmyrene Apsaeus in the Nea historia of Zosimus is soldiers of Aurelian destroyed in 273 this part of Colonnade, certainly identical with the apoot(iti]c in this inscription (cf. cf. Hartmann 2001, 399, note 13. Février 1931,137; Starcky/Gawlikowski 1985, 67; Equini 63. Camp of Diocletian: IGLS XVII.i 121 (= CIL III 133 = 6661; Schneider 1993, 85; Kotula 1997,141-142; Hartmann 2001,395, Inv. VI 2). Cf. Kowalski 1997, 44. For the late antique note 3; Sommer 2005,165; but see Yon 2012, 93: “L’identi- epigraphical evidence of Palmyra cf. especially Kowalski 1997; fication de ces deux Apsaios est tentante, mais évidemment Delplace 2014, 226-227. See also Millar 1994,335-336. pas totalement assurée.”). For Septimus Apsaeus (PIR2 A 977; 64. IGLS XVII.i 100 (= Seyrig 1931,322; AE 1932.79; SEG cf. PIR2 VII.2, p. 161; PLRE I 89) see Hartmann 2001, 7.152): iwtép GNtqpiac Kai vukijc rräv Kupicov 1) | liA>v aiitoKparoJpoiv 395-396; 2008,372-373; Yon 2002,143-144; Ug-^o; 284; 2012, Kai I Kaioapcov Kai rffc KO[...] éreZéoØq tö AioKZqtiavov | ßaZaviov, 93. See also Sartre 1996,395; Kotula 1997,141-142; Sommer öiaKOGLioüvtoc ta pf'/l...] I [...] toü 8iaOT||i(otdtot>) Kai OTtouSfl 2005,165 with note 80 (governor of Aurelian in Palmyra); Loooiavoi) T.':p|oK//:ouc| Lepaai(o[voi;] | [..,]u Avuov[...]. Cf. Teixidor 2005, 223; Southern 2008,152-154. For Yon (2002, Starcky/Gawlikowski 1985, 69-70; Millar 1994,183; Kowalski 144) the title Ttpocrtdtip is not an official function. He thinks 1997, 45- For Sossianus Hierocles cf. PLRE I 432, no. 4. The that Apsaeus was only a patron and “un protecteur” of the dedication to Zeus Hypsistos of Avitus, optio princeps, found in polis. Smith (2013, 123 and 180-181 with note 47) assumes on the temple of Baalsamin, is also written in Greek, IGLS XVII.i the one hand that a certain Apsaeus was honoured in the 154 (= BS 31; 25, September 302). Cf. Fellmann 1995; Kowalski second century as a “protector/patron” of the city and on the 1997, 45; Kaizer 2002, 86. other hand that the “protector” Septimus Apsaeus in Inv. Ill 65. The baths were probably erected under the Severians in the 18 is identical with the rebel in Zosimus. late second century, cf. Starcky/Gawlikowski 1985,17; Bounni/ 60. SITA Aurel. 31; Zos. 1.60-61.1; Pol. Silv. 521.49. For this al-As‘ad 1990, 78-79. Fellmann (1987) thinks that this building uprising in Palmyra see especially Hartmann 2001, 395-402; was the palace of the queen Zenobia. For this theory cf. Will 2008,372-374. See also Will 1992,195-197; Equini Schneider 1992,123 (“non sans vraisemblance”); Hartmann 2001, 202-203 1993, 85-86; Kotula 1997,140-144; Watson 1999, 80-82. (with doubts); Yon 2002,157 (“une théorie trés séduisante”). 61. See note 6. 66. Cf. IGLS XVII.i 527 (20, September 333; hypogeum of 65 UDO HARTMANN SCI.DAN.H. 4 • 6 How does current research explain this end of the from an entirely private context, but at the Great Col Palmyrene culture? It has been suggested that Aure onnade there are also two inscriptions with a Greek lian suppressed the culture after the second revolt in and a Palmyrene part set up in an official context after Palmyra.67 In his article on late antique Palmyra, Kow 273: In 279/80 the tribe of the Maththabolians hon alski does not mention this abrupt end of the Pal oured Malchus Malkö, son of Mocimus Moqimö, myrene culture, but he assumes a great “change in the with a statue on a column console, because he rebuilt character of the city” and in the Palmyrene society in the roof of great basilica of the god Ares / Arsü from the context of the reorganization of the frontier under his own resources together with his son Mucianus.7“ Diocletian.68 At the same place another parallel bilingual inscrip However, the fact that there are still some inscrip tion was found, an honour of the Maththabolians to tions in Palmyrene language even after 273, refutes the Mucianus, son of Malchus, because of the mentioned theory of an imperial ban on the Palmyrene culture by building activity.71 Like the ‘guards’ of the temple of Aurelian. In the hypogeum of Malikö in the south west necropolis a Palmyrene inscription was found 42.1) is not of great help, the line with the year is illegible. Cf. which refers to the five grave niches that Tammä, Kowalski 1997, 43. daughter of ‘Abd'astör, transferred to Abgar, son of 70. IGLS XVII.i 81 (= al-As'ad/Gawlikowski 1986/87,167-168, Taimä, in June 279.69 *This is certainly an inscription no. 8): [f| Ma00aßco7.i(ov (pu/.q MdZ%ov] | [tofi MoKipou rofi .. .von i]ISicov cuqva- [rwtép rqv| j.i[e]|Y 0eo[f>... äpa Mouki][a]voü u[iä> aijroü ...] | [rei]pfji; Kai pviipq,; Dionysus). Some of the undated Palmyrene grave inscriptions [%aptv a- 66 SCI.DAN.H. 4 • 6 WHAT WAS IT LIKE TO BE A PALMYRENE IN THE AGE OF CRISIS? Bel in the two inscriptions ofHaddüdan from 272 and have also played a decisive role in protecting the city in 273, father and son have no nomen gentile. Yon recently summer 273.73 After 274, the aristocrats who remained proposed, that in the first inscription of Malchus the in the city probably sought to emphasize their special Seleucid year 491 (179/80 AD), not 591 (279/80 AD) is loyalty to Rome and the Illyrian emperor. Perhaps it to be read. But if the reading of first editor Gaw- was this remaining part of the ancient elite of the city, likowski (year 591) is correct, these two texts are the gathering around Haddüdan, which made the deci last inscriptions in Palmyrene language and are the sions to abandon the Palmyrene language and script last testimonies for a tribe in Palmyra. Malchus and in official contexts. This decision then also caused the his son had apparently restored the roof of the temple fast abandoning of the Palmyrene script in private of Arsü, without doubt devastated in 273 by the sol contexts, especially in the grave inscriptions. diers of Aurelian. What are the reasons for the sudden end of the in Let’s summarize: The third century brought some dependent Palmyrene culture? No doubt, there were drastic changes to the aristocracy of Palmyra. Under great casualties among the inhabitants of Palmyra in Caracalla the Palmyrene aristocrats received the sta the wars Odaenathus waged against the Persians and tus as members of a city council of a Roman colonia in the civil war between Aurelian and Zenobia. Mem with ius Italicum. The civic services and liturgies, the bers of the elite of Palmyra died or were condemned civic magistracies and the loyalty to Rome were now as followers of the usurpers, schools may have been the main aspects of aristocratic self-expression and destroyed. But this alone cannot fully explain the sud aristocratic identity in Palmyra. Because of the dimin den end of the culture. It could also be possible that ishing importance of long-distance trade, the former the soldiers of the legio I Illyricorum perhaps based at trading aristocracy became an urban upper class ori Palmyra by Aurelian enforced this change of Pal ented to Rome and to the civic values of the polis. This myrene culture.72 The Roman soldiers from Illyria new Palmyrene elite now also served in the imperial could have forced the citizens to give up their Ara administration, aristocrats were granted equestrian or maic script and their culture. even senatorial status. The cite grecque Palmyra received More likely is a different scenario: In the context of a Roman aristocracy. On the other hand, there is no the civil war between Aurelian and Zenobia in 272, the firm information about the continuing importance of historian Zosimus reports about a peace party in Pal tribal structures in third-century Palmyrene society. myra which gained the upper hand and opened the In the brief reign of the Palmyrene kings over the gates of the city to Aurelian. This political party was Eastern part of the Roman Empire some aristocrats of probably led by the senator Septimus Haddüdan who Palmyra served in the newly-formed elite of this Teil- secured mild treatment for Palmyra in 272 and might reich from Arabia to Asia Minor. The two victories of Aurelian over Palmyra brought a sudden end to the political significance and social role of these new elite. the two column consoles were reused in an Islamic shop. Had The rest of the upper class which remained in the city Malchus and his son restored a section of the Great Colonnade gathered around the senator Haddüdan and made a or the roof of the basilica of temple itself? I see no reason why the tribe of the Maththabolians could not honour Malchus and drastic step to testify their loyalty to Rome and the his son for the restoration of the roofing of the temple perhaps Illyrian emperors: They abandoned the Palmyrene destroyed during the fighting with the troops of Aurelian with language and script in official contexts and so gave up two statues and inscriptions in the Great Colonnade, this was the local culture of the oasis. the place where nearly all honorary inscriptions of the third century were erected. 72. For the legio IIllyricorum in Palmyra (Not. Dig. or. 32.15; 32.30) see Hartmann 2001, 409; but see Kowalski 1997,47 (the legio 73. Zos. 1.56.1. Cf. Hartmann 2001, 375-376; 383-385. For “could have been stationed in Palmyra ... around AD 300”). Haddüdan see note 48. 67 UDO HARTMANN SCI.DAN.H. 4 • 6 Cantineau, J. 1935, Grammaire du palmyrénien épigraphique, List of Abbreviations Le Caire. AE Année épigraphique Cantineau, J. 1933, Tadmorea, Syria 14,169-202. Cantineau, J. 1931, Textes palmyréniens provenant de la BS Le sanctuaire de Baalshamin å Palmyre, vol. fouille du Temple de Bel, Syria 12,116-141. 3: Les inscriptions, ed. Christiane Dunant, Cantineau, J. 1930, Textes funéraires palmyréniens, Revue Rome 1971 biblique 39, 520-551. CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum Delplace, C. 2014, Palmyre, de la ville - Centre com CIS Corpus Inscriptionum Semidearum mercial international - å la ville - centre militaire - et IGLS Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie chretien, in E. Bradshow Aitken and J.M. Fossey (eds.), IGRR Inscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas per TheLevant: crossroads oflate antiquity. LeLevant: carcfour de tinentes, ed. René Cagnat, Paris 1901-1927 l’Antiquité tardive, Leiden, 225-253. Dietz, K. 1980, Senatus contra principem. Untersuchungen zur sena- Inv. Inventaire des inscriptions de Palmyre, vol. torischen Opposition gegen Kaiser Maximinus Thrax, München. 1-9, ed. JeanCantineau, Beyrouth 1930-1936; Drexhage, R. 1988, Untersuchungen zum römischen Osthandel, vol. 10, ed. Jean Starcky, Damas 1949; vol. 11, Bonn. ed. Javier Teixidor, Damas 1965; vol. 12, ed. Dunant, C. (ed.) 1971, Le sanctuaire de Baalshamin å Palmyre, Adnan Bounni and Javier Teixidor, Damas vol. 3: Les inscriptions, Rome. T975 Edwell, P. M. 2008, Between Rome and Persia. TheMiddle OGIS Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, ed. Euphrates, Mesopotamia and Palmyra under Roman control, Wilhelm Dittenberger, Leipzig 1903-1905 London and New York. Equini Schneider, E. 1993, Septimia Zenobia Sebaste, Roma. PAT Palmyrene Aramaic Texts, ed. Delbert R. Fellmann, R. 1995, L’inscription d’un “optio princeps” Hillers and Eleonora Cussini, Baltimore 1996 au temple de Ba'alshamin å Palmyre, in Y. Le Bohec Rep. Excavations at Dura-Europos. Preliminary (ed.), La hiérarchie (Rangordnung) de l’armée romaine sous le Reports Haut-Empire, Paris, 239-240. PIR2 Prosopographia Imperii Romani, saec. I. Fellmann, R. 1987, Der Palast der Königin Zenobia, in E. II. III. Editio altera M. Ruprechtsberger (ed.), Palmyra. Geschichte, Kunst und PLRE Prosopography of the Later Roman Em Kultur der syrischen Oasenstadt, Linz, 131-136. pire, ed. Arnold H. M. Jones et al., Cam Février, J. G. 1931, Essai surl’histoirepolitique et économique de bridge 1971-1992 Palmyre, Paris. Gawlikowski, M. 2007, Odainat et Hérodien, rois des rois, SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum Melanges de TUniversitéSaint-foseph 60, 289-311. Waddington Waddington, William H., In Gawlikowski, M. 1996, Palmyra audits CaravanTrade, in Pal scriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie, myra and the Silk Road (Annales archéologiques de Syrie Paris 1870 42), Damascus, 139-145. Gawlikowski, M. 1985, Les princes de Palmyre, Syria 62, Bibliography 251-261. Gawlikowski, M. 1983, Palmyre et 1’Euphrate, Syria 60, al-As‘ad, Kh. and M. Gawlikowki 1986/87, New Honorific 53-68. Inscriptions in the Great Colonnade of Palmyra, An Gawlikowski, M. 1973, Letemplepalmyrénien. V.tuAcd’epigra nales archéologiques de Syrie 36-37, 164-171. phic el de lopographiehislonque (Palmyre VI), Warszawa. Bauzou, Th. 1989, A finibus Syriae. Recherches sur les Gawlikowski, M. 1971, Inscriptions de Palmyre, Syria 48, routes des fronderes orientales de l’Empire Romain, 3 407-426. vol., PhD Thesis, Université de Paris I, Paris. Gawlikowski, M. 1970, MonumentsfunérairesdePalmyre, Bland, R. E 1993, The Coinage of Jotapian, in Martin Warszawa. Price, A. Burnett and R. Bland (eds.), Essays in Honour Gerhardt, Th. and U. Hartmann 2008, Fasti, in K.-P. of Robert Carson and Kenneth fenkins, London, 191-206. Johne (ed.), Die Zeit der Soldatenkaiser, Berlin, 1055-1198. Bounni, A. and Kh. al-As‘ad 1990, Palmyra, Damaskus. 68 SCI.DAN.H. 4 • 6 WHAT WAS IT LIKE TO BE A PALMYRENE IN THE AGE OF CRISIS? Gnoli, T. 2007, The Interplay of Roman and IranianTitles in the Schlumberger, D. 1942743b, L’inscription d’Hérodien. Re Roman East (rst-ßrd Century A. D.), Wien. marques sur I’histoire des Princes de Palmyre, Bulletin Hartmann, U. 2008, Das palmyrenische Teilreich, in K.-P. d’Etudes Orientales 9, 35-50. Johne (ed.), Die Zeit der Soldatenkaiser, Berlin, 343-378. Schuol, M. 2000, Die Charakene. Ein mesopotamisches Königreich Hartmann, U. 2001, Daspalmyrenische Teilreich, Stuttgart. in hellenistisch-parthischer Zeit, Stuttgart. Healey, J. F. 2009, Aramaic Inscriptions and Documents ofthe Seyrig, H. 1963, Les fils du roi Odainat, Annales archéolo- Roman Period (Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions giques de Syrie 13,159-172. 4), Oxford. Seyrig, H. 1931, Antiquités syriennes, Syria 12, 316-325. Ingholt, H. 1976, Varia Tadmorea. II. The Odainat Fa Simelon, P. 2013, Aurelius dans les gentilices multiples å mily, in Palmyre, bilan et perspectives. Colloque de Strasbourg l’époque de Caracalla, L’Antiquité classique 82,195-215. (i973)> Strasbourg, 115-137. Smith II, A. M. 2013, Roman Palmyra. Identity, Community, and Ingholt, H. 1936, Inscriptions and Sculptures from Pal State Formation, Oxford. myra I, Eetylus 3, 83-125. Sommer, M. 2008, Der Löwe von Tadmor. Palmyra und Ingholt, H. 1935, Five dated Tombs from Palmyra, Berytus der unwahrscheinliche Aufstieg des Septimius Oda- 2, 58-120. enathus, Historische Zeitschrift 287, 281-318. Ingholt, H. 1932, Deux inscriptions bilingues de Palmyre, Sommer, M. 2005, Roms orientalische Steppengrenze. Palmyra - Syria 13, 278-292. Edessa -Dura-Europos - Hatra. Eine Kulturgeschichte von Ingholt, H. 1926, Un nouveau thiase å Palmyre, Syria Pompeius bis Diocletian, Stuttgart. 128-141. Southern, P. 2008, Empress Zenobia. Palmyra’s Rebel Queen, Kaizer, T. 2008, Old and New Discoveries at Palmyra, London. Journal of Roman Archaeology 21, 652-664. Starcky, J. and M. Gawlikowski 1985, Palmyre, Paris. Kaizer, T. 2007, “Palmyre, cite grecque”? A question of Teixidor, J. 2005, Palmyra in the Third Century, in E. coinage, Klio 89, 39-60. Cussini (ed.), A Journey to Palmyra. Collected Essays to Kaizer, T. 2002, The Religious life of Palmyra, Stuttgart. Remember Delbert R. Hillers, Leiden and Boston, 181-225. Körner, C. 2002, Philippus Arabs. Ein Soldatenkaiser in der Teixidor, J. 1984, Un port romain du desert. Palmyre et Tradition des antoninisch-severischen Prinzipats, Berlin and son commerce d’Auguste å Caracalla (Semitica 34), New York. Paris. Kotula, T. 1997, Aurélien et Zénobie. L’unite ou la division de Thomasson, B. E. 1984, Laterculipraesidum, vol. 1, Göte I’Empire?, Wroclaw. borg. Kowalski, S. P. 1997, Late Roman Palmyra in Literature Thomsen, P. 1917, Die römischen Meilensteine der Provin and Epigraphy, Studia Palmyrehskie 10, 39-62. zen Syria, Arabia und Palaestina, Zeitschrift des Deutschen Milik, J. T. 1972, Dédicacesfaitespar des dieux (Palmyre, Hatra, Palastina-Vereins 40,1-103. lyr). Recherches d’épigraphieproche-orientale, vol. 1, Paris. Watson, A. 1999, Aurelian and the Third Century, London and Millar, F. 1994, The Roman Near East31BC-AD337, Cam New York. bridge and London. Will, E. 1996, A propos de quelques inscriptions palmyré- Millar, F. 1990, The Roman Coloniae of the Near East, in niennes. Le cas de Septimius Voröd, Syria 73, 109-115. H. Solin and M. Kajava (eds.), Roman Eastern Policy and Will, E. 1992, Les Palmyréniens. La Venise des sables, Paris. Other Studies in Roman History, Helsinki, 7-58. Will, E. 1983, Le développement urbain de Palmyre, Syria Nakamura, B. 1993, Palmyra and the Roman East, Greek, 60, 69-81. Roman, and Byzantine Studies 34,133-150. Winsbury, R. 2010, Zenobia of Palmyra. History, Myth and the Poidebard, A. 1934, La trace de Rome dans le desert de Syrie, Neo-classical Imagination, London. Paris. Yon, J.-B. (ed.) 2012, Palmyre (IGLS XVII, Fasc. 1), Bey Sartre, M. 1996, Palmyre, cite grecque, in Palmyra and the routh. Silk Road (Annales archéologiques de Syrie 42), Damascus, Yon, J.-B. 2004, La romanisation de Palmyre et des villes 385-405. de 1’Euphrate, Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 59, Schlumberger, D. 1972, Voröd I’agoranome, Syria 49, 3!3-336- 339-341- Yon, J.-B. 2002, Les notables de Palmyre, Beyrouth. Schlumberger, D. 1942/433, Les gentilices romains des Young, G. K. 2001, Rome’sEasternTrade, London and New Palmyréniens, Bulletin d’Etudes Orientales 9, 53-82. York. 69