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Delegation of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ireland (Marxist-Leninist) Returns from Visit to Albania
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line Anti-revisionism in Ireland Delegation of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ireland (Marxist-Leninist) Returns from Visit to Albania Published: Red Patriot, newspaper of the Communist Party of Ireland (Marxist-Leninist), May 21, 1978.) Transcription, Editing and Markup: Paul Saba and Sam Richards Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti- Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. Recently a Central Committee delegation of the Communist Party of Ireland (Marxist-Leninist) returned from a visit to the People's Socialist Republic of Albania, where it was hosted by the Central Committee of the Party of Labor of Albania. The delegation saw at first hand the great achievements of the Albanian people under the leadership of the great Party of Labor of Albania led by Comrade Enver Hoxha. The Party of Labor of Albania has distinguished itself by its persistent adherence to principle and its refusal to capitulate to any form of revisionism. It opposed the revisionism of Tito right from the outset. It opposed the revisionism of the Khrushchev clique and the Soviet revisionists as soon as it appeared. Today, the Party of Labor of Albania has taken a resolute stand against the new revisionists pushing the reactionary theory of three worlds. The Party of Labor of Albania has played an outstanding role in the struggle against revisionism of all kinds and has won the deepest respect of all genuine Marxist-Leninists and progressive people throughout the world. -
1992 a Glorious Model of Proletarian Internationalism: Mao Zedong and Helping Vietnam Resist France
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified 1992 A Glorious Model of Proletarian Internationalism: Mao Zedong and Helping Vietnam Resist France Citation: “A Glorious Model of Proletarian Internationalism: Mao Zedong and Helping Vietnam Resist France,” 1992, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Luo Guibo, "Wuchanjieji guojizhuyide guanghui dianfan: yi Mao Zedong he Yuan-Yue Kang-Fa" ("A Glorious Model of Proletarian Internationalism: Mao Zedong and Helping Vietnam Resist France"), in Mianhuai Mao Zedong (Remembering Mao Zedong), ed. Mianhuai Mao Zedong bianxiezhu (Beijing: Zhongyang Wenxian chubanshe, 1992) 286-299. Translated by Emily M. Hill http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/120359 Summary: Luo Guibo recounts China's involvement in the First Indochina War and its assistance to the Viet Minh. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the MacArthur Foundation and the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation One Late in 1949, soon after the establishment of New China, Chairman Ho Chi Minh and the Central Committee of the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) wrote to Chairman Mao and the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), asking for Chinese assistance. In January 1950, Ho made a secret visit to Beijing to request Chinaʼs assistance in Vietnamʼs struggle against France. Following Hoʼs visit, the CCP Central Committee made the decision, authorized by Chairman Mao, to send me on a secret mission to Vietnam. I was formally appointed as the Liaison Representative of the CCP Central Committee to the ICP Central Committee. Comrade [Liu] Shaoqi personally composed a letter of introduction, which stated: ʻI hereby recommend to your office Comrade Luo Guibo, who has been a provincial Party secretary and commissar, as the Liaison Representative of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. -
Moscow Takes Command: 1929–1937
Section 3 Moscow takes command: 1929–1937 The documents in this section cover the period from February 1929 until early 1937, with most of them being concentrated in the earlier years of this period in line with the general distribution of documents in the CAAL. This period marks an important shift in the history of relations between the CPA and the Comintern for two main reasons. First, because the Comintern became a direct player in the leadership struggles within the Party in 1929 (the main catalyst for which, not surprisingly, was the CPA's long-troubled approach to the issue of the ALP). And second, because it sent an organizer to Australia to `Bolshevize' the Party in 1930±31. A new generation of leaders took over from the old, owing their positions to Moscow's patronage, and thusÐuntil the Party was declared an illegal organization in 1940Ðfully compliant with the policies and wishes of Moscow. The shift in relations just outlined was part of a broader pattern in the Comintern's dealings with its sections that began after the Sixth Congress in 1928. If the `Third Period' thesis was correct, and the world class struggle was about to intensify, and the Soviet Union to come under military attack (and, indeed, the thesis was partly correct, but partly self-fulfilling), then the Comintern needed sections that could reliably implement its policies. The Sixth Congress had been quite open about it: it now required from its national sections a `strict party discipline and prompt and precise execution of the decisions of the Communist International, of its agencies and of the leading Party committees' (Degras 1960, 466). -
The Ecological Aspect to Imperialism and Unequal Exchange
University of Denver Digital Commons @ DU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Graduate Studies 3-1-2014 Foreign Investment in African Resources: The Ecological Aspect to Imperialism and Unequal Exchange Mariko Frame University of Denver Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Frame, Mariko, "Foreign Investment in African Resources: The Ecological Aspect to Imperialism and Unequal Exchange" (2014). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 207. https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd/207 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. Foreign Investment in African Resources: The Ecological Aspect to Imperialism and Unequal Exchange __________ A Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the Josef Korbel School of International Studies University of Denver __________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy __________ by Mariko Frame March 2014 Advisor: Dr. Haider Khan ©Copyright by Mariko Frame 2013 All Rights Reserved Author: Mariko L. Frame Title: Foreign Investment in African Resources: The Ecological Aspect to Imperialism and Unequal Exchange Advisor: Dr. Haider Khan Degree Date: March 2014 Abstract This dissertation examines the issue of foreign investment -
Open Letter to the Communist Party of the Philippines
32 1*3 •if From the Committee of the The following Open Letter and women under arms and which seriously with the problems of line was forwarded to A World to Win has set ablaze a people's war which threaten the revolutionary by the Information Bureau of the throughout the Philippines, was left character of your party and the peo• RIM. It is published in full; the paralyzed by the march of events, ple's war it is leading. subheads have been added by or worse, trailing in their wake. In• This is a matter of serious impor• AWTW. deed, the inability of the CPP to tance not only for the destiny of the oo To the Central Committee find its bearings amidst the political Philippine revolution, but for the Communist Party of the Philippines crisis and ultimate fall of the Mar• proletarian revolutionary move• co cos regime in order to carry forward ment around the world. At its foun• ». Comrades, the revolutionary war has now given ding the CPP declared that the > It is with the most dramatically rise to political crisis in the CPP Philippine revolution was a compo• ^ conflicting emotions that the Com- itself, and even to mounting tenden• nent part of the world proletarian S mittee of the Revolutionary Inter- cies towards outright capitulation. revolution. And indeed it is. The Q nationalist Movement has viewed This situation has arisen after CPP itself was born in the flames *"* the unfolding of events over the past several years in which Marxist- of the international battle against Q year in the Philippines. -
The Beginning of the End: the Political Theory of the Gernian Conmunist Party to the Third Period
THE BEGINNING OF THE END: THE POLITICAL THEORY OF THE GERNIAN CONMUNIST PARTY TO THE THIRD PERIOD By Lea Haro Thesis submitted for degree of PhD Centre for Socialist Theory and Movements Faculty of Law, Business, and Social Science January 2007 Table of Contents Abstract I Acknowledgments iv Methodology i. Why Bother with Marxist Theory? I ii. Outline 5 iii. Sources 9 1. Introduction - The Origins of German Communism: A 14 Historical Narrative of the German Social Democratic Party a. The Gotha Unity 15 b. From the Erjlurt Programme to Bureaucracy 23 c. From War Credits to Republic 30 II. The Theoretical Foundations of German Communism - The 39 Theories of Rosa Luxemburg a. Luxemburg as a Theorist 41 b. Rosa Luxemburg's Contribution to the Debates within the 47 SPD i. Revisionism 48 ii. Mass Strike and the Russian Revolution of 1905 58 c. Polemics with Lenin 66 i. National Question 69 ii. Imperialism 75 iii. Political Organisation 80 Summary 84 Ill. Crisis of Theory in the Comintern 87 a. Creating Uniformity in the Comintern 91 i. Role of Correct Theory 93 ii. Centralism and Strict Discipline 99 iii. Consequencesof the Policy of Uniformity for the 108 KPD b. Comintern's Policy of "Bolshevisation" 116 i. Power Struggle in the CPSU 120 ii. Comintern After Lenin 123 iii. Consequencesof Bolshevisation for KPD 130 iv. Legacy of Luxemburgism 140 c. Consequencesof a New Doctrine 143 i. Socialism in One Country 145 ii. Sixth Congress of the Comintern and the 150 Emergence of the Third Period Summary 159 IV. The Third Period and the Development of the Theory of Social 162 Fascism in Germany a. -
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Communist Party of India (Marxist) Programme Introduction 1.1 The Communist Party inherited the progressive, anti-imperialist and revolutionary traditions of the Indian people. Since its formation in 1920, by a small group of determined anti-imperialist fighters inspired by the October Socialist Revolution in Russia, the Party had set before itself the goal of fighting for complete independence and basic social transformation. The Party pledged to work for the establishment of a socialist society in India, free from class exploitation and social oppression. 1.2 True to the cause of proletarian internationalism, the Party consistently supported the national liberation movements against the imperialist order and the struggles for democracy and socialism the world over, which were major features of the twentieth century. The Party adopted the principles of Marxism-Leninism as the guide to action for winning national independence, to attain the objective of socialism and to advance towards the ultimate goal of communism. The Communists were the first in the country to raise the demand for complete independence and put forward a resolution for this in the Ahmedabad session of the Indian National Congress in 1921. 1.3 The Communists, while demanding complete independence, also stressed the need for giving a radical content to the slogan of swaraj through a definite programme for social and economic change by including such vital questions as abolition of landlordism, end to feudal domination and elimination of caste oppression. 1.4 The Communists while participating in the freedom struggle, from the outset, devoted their energies to the task of organising workers in trade unions, peasants in the Kisan Sabha, students in their unions and other sections in their respective mass organisations. -
Nationalism and the Proletarian Revolution Lenin and the Birth Of
Nationalism and the Proletarian Revolution page 15 m Lenin and the birth of Bolshevism (part two> page 9 DISCUSSION: Marxism-Leninism and Parliamentarism page 5 Review-History of the Albanian Party of labour Editorial NUMBER FIFTEEN AUTUMN 1970 Price 2s comment· At home PREDICTABLY, after its electoral defeat, the La to be limited to trying to establish the best con bour Party is now preparing to 'move to the left'. ditions in which collective bargaining can take place. The leadership is in some difficulty due to the That it can never go beyond this function is assured absence of a 'left' leader of any .stature who has in many ways, for instance the division between the some semblance of mass support among the work industrial .and political wings of the movement, as ing class but a start has been rriade with the election it is so often put. Labour Party and trade union to the Shadow Cabinet of Michael Foot. conference decisions can be safely ignored by MPs because the Parliamentary Labour Party is autono The CPGB and some trotskyist factions are well mous and decides its own policies. aware of the strong anti:.Tory sentiments that exist among militant workers and are trying to take ad A study of the policies of b~th Labour and Tory vantage of it for the purpose of diverting this basi administrations· clearly shows that they differ only cally class feeling into the blind alley of 'pushing on the question of the best way of maintaining the Labour to the left', and if successful, will bring Capitalist system. -
Internationalism and Nationalism
1952 Speeches/Documents Title: Internationalism and Nationalism Author: Liu Shaoqi Date: Source:. Foreign Languages Press, 1952 Description:. written in 1948, published in 1952 Introduction The revolution concerning the Communist Party of Yugoslavia adopted by the Information Bureau of the Communist Workers' Parties of Bulgaria, Rumania, Hungary, Poland the U.S.S.R., France, Czechoslovakia and Italy condemned the anti-Soviet position of the Tito clique - renegades of the proletariat. The resolution pointed out that this anti-Soviet position of the Tito clique proceeds from the nationalistic programme of the bourgeoisie and is leading to a betrayal of the cause of international unity of the working people and to a nationalist position. The resolution stated: “Such a nationalist position can only lead to Yugoslavia's denegation into an ordinary bourgeois republic, to the loss of its independence and to its transformation into a colony of the imperialist countries.” The resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Yugoslav Party also pointed out that the Tito clique, because of its betrayal of a series of fundamental viewpoints of Marxism -Leninism, had fallen into the mire of bourgeois nationalism and bourgeois parties.. At the same time, our Central Committee pointed out that by passing this resolution, the Information Bureau was “fulfilling its obligations to the cause of preserving world peace and democracy, and of defending the people of Yugoslavia from the deception and aggression of American imperialism.” What, then, is bourgeois nationalism? What is the relation between Marxism-Leninism and the national question? Why is it that the anti-Soviet position of the Tito clique will make Yugoslavia a prey to the deception and aggression of American imperialism, and forfeit her independence, thereby transforming her into a colony of imperialism? The purpose of this article is to answer these questions. -
Nationalism, Ethnic Conflict, and Class Struggle: a Critical Analysis of Mainstream and Marxist Theories of Nationalism and National Movements
NATIONALISM, ETHNIC CONFLICT, AND CLASS STRUGGLE: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF MAINSTREAM AND MARXIST THEORIES OF NATIONALISM AND NATIONAL MOVEMENTS Berch Berberoglu Department of Sociology University of Nevada, Reno Introduction The resurgence of nationalism and ethnonationalist con ict in the aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union and its associated Eastern European states in their transition from a form of socialism to a market- oriented direction led by bourgeois forces allied with world capitalism during the decade of the 1990s, has prompted a new round of discus- sion and debate on the origins and development of nationalism and the nation-state that has implications for contemporary nationalism and nationalist movements in the world today. This discussion and debate has been framed within the context of classical and contemporary social theory addressing the nature and role of the state and nation, as well as class and ethnicity, in an attempt to understand the relationship between these phenomena as part of an analysis of the development and transformation of society and social relations in the late twentieth century. This paper provides a critical analysis of classical and contemporary mainstream and Marxist theories of the nation, nationalism, and eth- nic con ict. After an examination of select classical bourgeois statements on the nature of the nation and nationalism, I provide a critique of contemporary bourgeois and neo-Marxist formulations and adopt a class analysis approach informed by historical materialism to explain the class nature and dynamics of nationalism and ethnonational con ict. Critical Sociology 26,3 206 berch berberoglu Mainstream Theories of the Nation and Nationalism Conventional social theories on the nature and sources of national- ism and ethnic con ict cover a time span encompassing classical to con- temporary statements that provide a conservative perspective to the analysis of ethnonational phenomena that have taken center stage in the late twentieth century. -
Karl Marx's Conception of International Relations
Knrl Marx's Conception of International nelations Karl Marx's Conception of International Relations Regina Buecker Even though Marx was not widely read during his own time and Marxism, as a political system may be outdated, at least from the present perspective, Karl Marx remains an iconic figure of the 19th century. One of its most influential and controversial philosophers, his thinking has influenced not only the ideology of former and present communist countries, but also the international system as a whole. His theories have had a deep impact on academic studies, and while he did not address the field of international relations directly, much may be derived from his writings on certain phenomena, such as colonialism and nationalism, which are crucial in international relations. The purpose of this paper is to provide a better understanding of Marx's notions of international society. In the following essay, a short overview of Marx's world, concept of man, the state, class and international relations will be given. Finally, the relevance and contributions of Marx's thought to the theory and practice of international relations is analyzed. Historical Context Europe, during Marx's life, was a place "of tremendous social, political and economic change".1 Until Bismark declared on "18th January 187l...the foundation of the German Empire ... " Germany was divided into 38 states of different size and power, and was economically underdeveloped. Almost within one generation, Germany overtook Britain, with respect to 'dynamic development'. The Prussian government, the major political and military unit in Germany, in Marx's time, was conservative and opposed to most reforms.2 Marx was born in 1818 in Trier, a Prussian city near the French border. -
On Democratic Centralism
The Marxist, XXVI 1, January–March 2010 PRAKASH KARAT On Democratic Centralism In the recent period, alongwith a number of critical discussions on the electoral set-back suffered by the CPI (M) and the Left in last Lok Sabha elections, there have been some questions raised about the practice of democratic centralism as the organizational principle of the Communist Party. Such critiques have come from persons who are intellectuals associated with the Left or the CPI (M). Since such views are being voiced by comrades and persons who are not hostile to the Party, or, consider themselves as belonging to the Left, we should address the issues raised by them and respond. This is all the more necessary since the CPI (M) considers the issue of democratic centralism to be a basic and vital one for a party of the working class. Instead of dealing with each of the critiques separately, we are categorising below the various objections and criticisms made. Though, it must be stated that it is not necessary that each of them hold all the views expressed by the others. But the common refrain is that democratic centralism should not serve as the organizational principle of the Communist Party or that it should be modified. What are the points made in these critiques? They can be summed up as follows: THE MARXIST 1. Democratic centralism is characterized as a Party organizational structure fashioned by Lenin to meet the specific conditions of Tsarist autocracy which was an authoritarian and repressive regime. Hence, its emphasis on centralization, creating a core of professional revolutionaries and secrecy.