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Unscreportlibyanov2011eng1.Pdf
Le Bureau du Procureur The Office of the Prosecutor SECOND REPORT OF THE PROSECUTOR OF THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT TO THE UN SECURITY COUNCIL PURSUANT TO UNSCR 1970 (2011) INTRODUCTION 1. On 26 February 2011 the United Nations Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 1970 (2011), referring the situation in Libya since 15 February 2011 to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court and stressing “the need to hold to account those responsible for attacks, including by forces under their control, on civilians.” 2. Paragraph 7 of the Resolution invites the Prosecutor to address the Security Council within two months of the adoption of this resolution and every six months thereafter on actions taken pursuant to this resolution. The Prosecutor first briefed the United Nations Security Council on 4 May 2011. 3. This second report provides a summary of the activities of the Office of the Prosecutor undertaken to implement Resolution 1970 (2011), including: a. The request to issue arrest warrants for Muammar Mohammed Abu Minyar Gaddafi (Muammar Gaddafi), Saif Al‐Islam Gaddafi, and Abdullah Al‐Senussi. b. Cooperation, and c. The ongoing investigation. 1. THE REQUEST FOR ARREST WARRANTS FOR MUAMMAR MOHAMMED ABU MINYAR GADDAFI (MUAMMAR GADDAFI), SAIF AL‐ISLAM GADDAFI, AND ABDULLAH AL‐SENUSSI 1.1 Notice to the United Nations Security Council 4. In its Resolution 1970, the Security Council rejected ʺunequivocally the incitement to hostility and violence against the civilian population made from the highest level of the Libyan government,ʺ and considered ʺthat the widespread and systematic attacks currently taking place in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya against the civilian population may amount to crimes against humanity.” 5. -
NEWS OTP Activities
OTP Briefing Issue #144 1-15 July 2013 NEWS Pre-Trial Chamber II requests Nigeria to arrest Omar Al Bashir 15 July - Pre-Trial Chamber II requested the Federal Republic of Nigeria to immediately arrest Sudanese President Omar Al Bashir, on visit to Abuja (Nigeria) for an African Union summit on HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, and to surrender him to the ICC. The Sudanese President’s visit to Nigeria has raised a lot of criticism among rights groups. Human Rights Watch (HRW) called for Nigeria to prevent Bashir to attend the Abuja summit or to stop it if it went there, while the president of the Nigeria Coalition on the International Criminal Court, Chino Obiagwu, said that the Nigerian government “has violated its obligations under international law”. The Chamber recalled that, as signatories to the ICC, Nigeria and several other African countries are expected, under their treaty obligations, to actually arrest the Sudanese President if he sets foot on their soil. The Nigeria presidential spokesman Reuben Abati said "The Sudanese president came for an AU event and the AU has taken a position on the ICC arrest order, so Nigeria has not taken action different from the AU stand". Nevertheless, Nigeria’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Prof. Viola Onwuliri, had briefed the Nigerian press that over 30 African Heads of State would be participating at the conference, stating that she was not reported to have specifically listed the names of the heads of state and presidents expected at the meeting, nor was she reported to have specifically mentioned the name of the controversial Sudanese president. -
The Crisis in Libya
APRIL 2011 ISSUE BRIEF # 28 THE CRISIS IN LIBYA Ajish P Joy Introduction Libya, in the throes of a civil war, now represents the ugly facet of the much-hyped Arab Spring. The country, located in North Africa, shares its borders with the two leading Arab-Spring states, Egypt and Tunisia, along with Sudan, Tunisia, Chad, Niger and Algeria. It is also not too far from Europe. Italy lies to its north just across the Mediterranean. With an area of 1.8 million sq km, Libya is the fourth largest country in Africa, yet its population is only about 6.4 million, one of the lowest in the continent. Libya has nearly 42 billion barrels of oil in proven reserves, the ninth largest in the world. With a reasonably good per capita income of $14000, Libya also has the highest HDI (Human Development Index) in the African continent. However, Libya’s unemployment rate is high at 30 percent, taking some sheen off its economic credentials. Libya, a Roman colony for several centuries, was conquered by the Arab forces in AD 647 during the Caliphate of Utman bin Affan. Following this, Libya was ruled by the Abbasids and the Shite Fatimids till the Ottoman Empire asserted its control in 1551. Ottoman rule lasted for nearly four centuries ending with the Ottoman defeat in the Italian-Ottoman war. Consequently, Italy assumed control of Libya under the Treaty of 1 Lausanne (1912). The Italians ruled till their defeat in the Second World War. The Libyan constitution was enacted in 1949 and two years later under Mohammed Idris (who declared himself as Libya’s first King), Libya became an independent state. -
No. ICC-02/11-01/11-180-Red
ICC-02/11-01/11-180-Red 16-07-2012 1/26 FB PT Cour Pénale // ^.^\ Internationale m) International ^%^s:^ Criminal Court Original: English No.: ICC-02/11-01/11 Date: 13 July 2012 PRE-TRIAL CHAMBER I Before: Judge Silvia Fernandez de Gurmendi, Single Judge SITUATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF COTE D'IVOIRE IN THE CASE OF THE PROSECUTOR V. LAURENT GBAGBO Public redacted version Decision on the "Requête de la Défense demandant la mise en liberté provisoire du président Gbagbo" No. ICC-02/11-01/11 1/26 13 July 2012 ICC-02/11-01/11-180-Red 16-07-2012 2/26 FB PT Decision to be notified, in accordance with regulation 31 of the Regulations of the Court, to: The Office of the Prosecutor Counsel for the Defence Fatou Bensouda, Prosecutor Emmanuel Altit Agathe Bahi Baroan Legal Representatives of the Victims Legal Representatives of the Applicants Unrepresented Victims Unrepresented Applicants for Participation/Reparation The Office of Public Counsel for The Office of Public Counsel for the Victims Defence Paolina Massidda States Representatives Amicus Curiae REGISTRY Registrar & Deputy Registrar Defence Support Section Silvana Arbia, Registrar Didier Preira, Deputy Registrar Victims and Witnesses Unit Detention Section Victims Participation and Reparations Other Section No. ICC-02/11.01/11 2/26 13 July 2012 ICC-02/11-01/11-180-Red 16-07-2012 3/26 FB PT Judge Silvia Fernandez de Gurmendi, Single Judge for Pre-Trial Chamber I ("Chamber"') of the International Criminal Court ("Court''), responsible for carrying out the functions of the Chamber in relation to the situation in the Republic of Côte d'Ivoire and the cases emanating therefrom,^ hereby renders the decision on the ''Requête de la Défense demandant la mise en liberté provisoire du Président Gbagbo'' ("Request for Interim Release"). -
11 May 2020 TRIAL CHAMBER IV Before: Judge K
ICC-02/05-03/09-673-Red 11-05-2020 1/18 EK T Original: English No.: ICC-02/05-03/09 Date: 11 May 2020 TRIAL CHAMBER IV Before: Judge Kimberly Prost, Presiding Judge Judge Robert Fremr Judge Reine Alapini-Gansou SITUATION IN DARFUR, THE SUDAN IN THE CASE OF THE PROSECUTOR v. ABDALLAH BANDA ABAKAER NOURAIN Public Public redacted version of “Prosecution’s submissions on trials in absentia in light of the specific circumstances of the Banda case”, 13 December 2019, ICC-02/05-03/09-673-Conf- Exp Source: Office of the Prosecutor No. ICC-02/05-03/09 1/18 11 May 2020 ICC-02/05-03/09-673-Red 11-05-2020 2/18 EK T Document to be notified in accordance with regulation 31 of the Regulations of the Court to: The Office of the Prosecutor Counsel for the Defence of Mr Banda Ms Fatou Bensouda Mr Charles Achaleke Taku Mr James Stewart Mr Julian Nicholls Legal Representatives of the Victims Legal Representatives of the Applicants Ms Hélène Cissé Mr Jens Dieckmann Unrepresented Victims Unrepresented Applicants (Participation/Reparation) The Office of Public Counsel for Victims The Office of Public Counsel for the Defence States Representatives Amicus Curiae REGISTRY Registrar Counsel Support Section Mr Peter Lewis Dr Esteban Peralta Losilla Victims and Witnesses Unit Detention Section Victims Participation and Reparations Other Section No. ICC-02/05-03/09 2/18 11 May 2020 ICC-02/05-03/09-673-Red 11-05-2020 3/18 EK T I. INTRODUCTION 1. On 13 November 2019, in the “Order following Status Conference on 30 October 2019,”1 Trial Chamber IV (“Trial Chamber” or “Chamber”), by majority, invited the Defence and the Prosecution “to make submissions on trials in absentia in light of the specific circumstances of this case by 13 December 2019.”2 2. -
Côte D'ivoire
CÔTE D’IVOIRE COI Compilation August 2017 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Regional Representation for West Africa - RSD Unit UNHCR Côte d’Ivoire UNHCR Regional Representation for West Africa - RSD Unit UNHCR Côte d’Ivoire Côte d’Ivoire COI Compilation August 2017 This report collates country of origin information (COI) on Côte d’Ivoire up to 15 August 2017 on issues of relevance in refugee status determination for Ivorian nationals. The report is based on publicly available information, studies and commentaries. It is illustrative, but is neither exhaustive of information available in the public domain nor intended to be a general report on human-rights conditions. The report is not conclusive as to the merits of any individual refugee claim. All sources are cited and fully referenced. Users should refer to the full text of documents cited and assess the credibility, relevance and timeliness of source material with reference to the specific research concerns arising from individual applications. UNHCR Regional Representation for West Africa Immeuble FAALO Almadies, Route du King Fahd Palace Dakar, Senegal - BP 3125 Phone: +221 33 867 62 07 Kora.unhcr.org - www.unhcr.org Table of Contents List of Abbreviations .............................................................................................................. 4 1 General Information ....................................................................................................... 5 1.1 Historical background ............................................................................................ -
The Political Economy of Arab Presidents for Life ÀÀÀ and After
Middle East Development Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 (2013) 1350001 (13 pages) °c Economic Research Forum DOI: 10.1142/S1793812013500016 THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF ARAB PRESIDENTS ¤ FOR LIFE | AND AFTER ROGER OWEN Center for Middle Eastern Studies Harvard University Cambridge, MA [email protected] Received 23 August 2012 Accepted 23 January 2013 Published 14 March 2013 The system of personalized Arab presidential power based on a strong security state had its origins in the assertion of national sovereignty in the dangerous post-independence world of the 1950s and 1960s. and then becoming more monarchical in character over time, including the attempt to perpetuate itself by passing power on to the ruler’s son. Key to this development was the appearance around each ruler of a small group of crony-capitalists who used their privileged access to secure state monopolies which they then schemed to protect after the ruler’s death. Both developments, that of family dictatorships, as well as their associated corruption and cronyism, can then be used to account in large measure with the uprisings associated with the Arab `Spring'. Keywords: Personalized power; authoritarianism; crony capitalism; coup-proof; kleptocracy; succession; Arab middle class; Arab Spring. by WSPC on 03/19/13. For personal use only. 1. Introduction Middle East. Dev. J. Downloaded from www.worldscientific.com The overthrow of a series of long-term dictatorships was clearly the major aim of the revolutionaries of the so-called `Arab Spring'. And remarkably successful they were. In a relatively short period of time, three republican presidents for life (Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, Hosni Mubarak, and Muammar Qadda¯) have been deposed, two others (Bashar Hafez al-Assad and Ali Abdullah Saleh) have been forced into the ¯ght of their lives to defend themselves, and two others again (Abdelaziz Boute°ika and Omar al-Bashir) much weakened, although by a variety of forces not all directly connected with an active youth rebellion. -
Timeline 2011
Timeline 2011 Date Title Summary European External 01 January Action Service The EEAS becomes operational with the transfer of 2011 enters into staff from the Commission and the Council. operation Following the self-immolation of a Tunisian street 04 January ‘Arab Spring’ vendor in December, protests in the 2011 begins country erupt, signalling the beginning of the ‘Arab Spring’. As a result of the 2005 Naivasha Agreement, a 09-15 South Sudan referendum on independence from Sudan is held in January 2011 referendum South Sudan. The referendum passes with 99 per cent of the voters in favour. Due to widespread violent protests, the Tunisian 14 January Tunisian regime government dissolves and President Zine El Abidine 2011 ousted Ben Ali is forced to leave the country, putting an end to his 23 years of authoritarian rule. 25 January Following the civil unrest in Tunisia, protests break Egypt protests 2011 out in Egypt. The Treaty on Measures for the Further Reduction 05 February New START enters and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (New 2011 into force START) between Russia and the United States enters into force. Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak resigns as a 11 February Egypt power result of widespread protests, transferring power to 2011 transfer to military the military. 16 February Protests erupt in Libya and are violently suppressed Libya protests begin 2011 by the Gaddafi regime. The UN Security Council issues Resolution 1970, UN Security 26 February demanding an end to the violence in Libya and im- Council reacts to 2011 plementing travel bans, asset freezes and an arms Libya crisis embargo. -
OTP Briefing
Le Bureau du Procureur The Office of the Prosecutor OTP Briefing Issue #128 NEWS 24 July ‐ 7 August OTP Press Conference in Nairobi 2012 26 July ‐ The OTP held a press conference in Nairobi, during which Mr. Phakiso OTP Press Conference Mochochoko, Director of the Jurisdiction, Complementarity and Cooperation Division in Nairobi warned the accused the OTP was monitoring whether they violated any of their summons conditions. He further stressed that there is no immunity for ICC crimes Lubanga case: Trial irrespective of an individual’s position held either as head of State or Government. Chamber I issues first ICC decision on Mr. Mochochoko also indicated the OTP delegation had met with Attorney‐General reparation for victims Githu Muigai and the Cabinet Sub‐Committee on the ICC to discuss cooperation, witness related issues and OTP’s future activities in Kenya. He indicated that there were still pending and delayed requests for cooperation. Additionally, the OTP called upon the Government of Kenya to publicly warn those who intimidate/threaten witnesses that they are committing a crime under Kenyan laws and that they would be prosecuted. Mr. Mochochoko repeated that it was for the people of Kenya to decide who runs for elections and who to elect as their leader. He further stated that the setting of trial dates in April had nothing to do with Kenya’s election date. The decision on trial dates of 10 and 11 April 2013 was based on the Court’s calendar and workt tha still needs to be done to allow all parties to be ready for trial. -
Democracy Promotion and Turkey Bilal Ciplak [email protected]
Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 6-26-2014 Democracy Promotion and Turkey Bilal Ciplak [email protected] DOI: 10.25148/etd.FI14071105 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Recommended Citation Ciplak, Bilal, "Democracy Promotion and Turkey" (2014). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 1439. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1439 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida DEMOCRACY PROMOTION AND TURKEY A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in POLITICAL SCIENCE by Bilal Ciplak 2014 To: Interim Dean Michael R. Heithaus College of Arts and Sciences This dissertation, written by Bilal Ciplak, and entitled Democracy Promotion and Turkey, having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for judgment. We have read this dissertation and recommend that it be approved. _______________________________________ Benjamin Smith _______________________________________ Markus Thiel _______________________________________ Ronald Cox _______________________________________ Mohiaddin Mesbahi, Major Professor Date of Defense: June 26, 2014 The dissertation of Bilal Ciplak is approved. _______________________________________ Interim Dean Michael R. Heithaus College of Arts and Sciences ______________________________________ Dean Lakshmi N. Reddi University Graduate School Florida International University, 2014 ii © Copyright 2014 by Bilal Ciplak All rights reserved. iii DEDICATIONS I dedicate this dissertation to my wife, Zehra, and to my daughter, Sara, who was born on June 14, 2014. -
Rwanda's Support to the March 23 Movement (M23)
Opinion Beyond the Single Story: Rwanda’s Support to the March 23 Movement (M23) Alphonse Muleefu* Introduction Since the news broke about the mutiny of some of the Congolese Armed Forces - Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo (FARDC) in April 2012 and their subsequent creation of the March 23 Movement (M23), we have been consistently supplied with one story about the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). A story that puts much emphasis on allegations that the government of Rwanda and later to some lesser extent that of Uganda are supporting M23 against the government of the DRC. This narrative was reinforced when the UN Group of Experts for the DRC (GoE) issued an Addendum of 48 pages on June 25, 20121 making allegations similar to those already made in Human Rights Watch’s (HRW) report of June 3, 20122, that the government of Rwanda was providing direct support in terms of recruitment, encouraging desertion of FARDC soldiers, providing weapons, ammunitions, intelligence, political advice to the M23, violating measures concerning the freezing of assets and collaborating with certain individuals. In response, the government of Rwanda issued a 131-page rebuttal on July 27, 2012, in which it denied all allegations and challenged the evidence given in support of each claim.3 On November 15, 2012, the GoE submitted its previously leaked report in which, in addition to the allegations made earlier, it claimed that the effective commander of M23 is Gen. James Kabarebe, Rwanda’s Minister of Defence, and that the senior officials of the government of Uganda had provided troop reinforcements, supplied weapons, offered technical assistance, joint planning, political advice and external relations.4 The alleged support provided by Ugandan officials was described as “subtle but crucial”, and the evidence against Rwanda was described as “overwhelming and compelling”. -
Who Is Bosco Ntaganda: Lynchpin to Security Or International War Criminal?
FACT SHEET: Who is Bosco Ntaganda: Lynchpin to Security or International War Criminal? Enough team April 2012 Who is Bosco Ntaganda? The tense security situation in North and South Kivu prov- inces in Congo has turned the world’s attention to the infamous Congolese General, also known in the region as “The Terminator.” Incongruously, he’s been called both a war criminal and a lynchpin to regional stability; yet as a member and leader of several armed groups, he has left a bloody trail across the eastern Congo.1 Most shockingly, juxtaposed against scenes of violence, mass rape, and civilian displace- ment is the comfortable, privileged life Ntaganda once lead in the capital of North Kivu. For years he thrived in Goma, dining in the finest restaurants, occupying a luxurious villa just yards away from the Rwandan border, and moved with impunity as he raked in a fortune from exploitation of the region’s illicit minerals trade—all within sight of the world’s largest peacekeeping mission.2 Until recently he was a member of the Congolese Army, however, under still murky circumstances Ntaganda along with some of his most loyal troops have defected from the Army and retreated to his traditional stronghold north of Goma in the North Kivu province of eastern Congo. These actions have precipitated uncertainty and crisis throughout the region.3 Who is Bosco Ntaganda? Bosco Ntaganda, believed to be in his late 30s, is a Rwandophone Congolese from the ethnic Tutsi community of eastern Congo. He got his start fighting with the Rwandan Patriotic Army,