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Chapter 10

Gold, or Fool’s Gold? Policing in America & the Potential of Body Cameras

Nammal Mahboob, Mackenzie Johnston, Hussain Shah

"I know that it’s hard to believe that the you look to for safety and security are the same people who are causing us so much harm. But I’m not lying and I’m not delusional. I am scared and I am hurting, and we are dying. And I really, really need you to believe me.” (, So You Want to Talk About Race, 2018)

Defund the police. . I can't breathe. These sayings, and countless others, exist to address the inequality Black individuals face. An issue regarding the police has been the lack in a creation of a gold standard regarding their conduct. The overwhelming racial bias in America has been exposed by such , time and time again through the attacks on Black lives during peaceful protests, and the lack of equivalent behaviour towards White individuals in similar circumstances (Simon, 2021). Media has also fed into Western society’s race problem by labelling peaceful protests about Black lives, rights and communities as riots (Steinmetz, 2020). Conversely, the Capitol insurrection and multiple other violent protests involving White terrorist organizations are not given such labels. Police are two-and-a-half times more likely to innocent unarmed Black civilians in the name of protecting America than they are White civilians (Edwards et al., 2019). Police behaviour does not accurately reflect the fact that White individuals are twice as likely to be armed, therefore posing more of a threat towards police compared to Black people (Peeples, 2020). This difference in conduct reflects the implicit association between Black individuals and weapons. The lack of racial bias training and the discrepancies in terms of police behaviour highlight the major changes that need to be implemented in American policing in

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Are We There Yet? The Golden Standards of Forensic Science order to decrease the harmful racial associations (Reaves, 2016). These changes may include the use of body-worn cameras, which facilitate resolutions between police officers and civilians, as well as identify and examine corroborating evidence (Chapman, 2018). Unfortunately, the problem between police and minorities is not exclusive to America. Canada has multiple policing problems, especially between the Indigenous peoples, that are often not highlighted by mainstream media (Crosby, 2021).

Policing Black Individuals

The relationship between Black individuals and White individuals in America is rocky to say the least. ‘Slave patrols’ in the 1700’s was the first police initiative to specifically target Black individuals, which fueled the growth of a massive implicit bias against Black people that extended into following decades (Reichel, 1988; Ward, 2018). Even after the emancipation of Black individuals, police held a tainted view and remained violent towards this group. When one considers Black freedom, activists such as Martin Luther King Jr. or Rosa Parks come to mind but have often been associated with an old America, although, if alive they would be 92 and 107 years old respectively (Hall, 2005). This association is negative because it allows individuals to believe that America is a better place for Black individuals. Unfortunately, while society has progressed forward, violent policing against Black people has remained a significant issue. Due to these issues, the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement has emerged to tirelessly and bravely advocate for the beliefs and rights of the Black community, including the defunding of the police. BLM protests have been peaceful, but unfortunately have been labelled as riots, and have received negative violent reactions from the police. Although police are important to maintain public safety, there is no need to militarize the police force. Police militarization not only increases fatal-police shootings, but it also does not reduce crime (Delehanty et al., 2017; Gunderson et al., 2021). This implies that needlessly militarizing the police would increase undue violence towards the Black community. Militarization also aids in allowing the police to step outside of their jurisdictions and fulfilling roles outside their reach, by giving them weapons, armored vehicles and combat attire (Gunderson et al., 2021). Years of hatred and violence against Black Americans has resulted in a prejudiced American police force. Throughout history, Black individuals have died over seemingly meaningless conflicts, such as the refusal to remove one’s hat in

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Gold, or Fool’s Gold? Policing in America & the Potential of Body Cameras the presence of White people (Ward, 2018). In turn, these instances have led to a racially biased America because the occurrence of these incidences perpetuate hate and allow others to believe this is ‘normal’. This is not isolated to a certain era, the of , Breonna Taylor, Tamir Rice, and countless other Black Americans have happened in the past decade alone. In modern-day America, the ‘frisk, search, arrest, and use of force’ still exists, and often occurs against Black individuals (Cooley et al., 2020). The police are, therefore, still afraid of Black individuals, even after evidence suggests that they are less threatening than White people (Peeples, 2020).

White Supremacy

When the United States elected as their President in 2016, a deep- rooted problem in America came to light. White Supremacy: the opinion that the White race is better in comparison to other races, and therefore should have more governance over others (Leonardo, 2004). Arguably, the leader of a country represents its population’s point of view. Built on a mountain of lies, Trump’s political platform reeked of racism and bigotry. In 1989, the Central Park Five, five boys of colour from New York, were wrongfully convicted of the attempted murder and sexual assault of Patricia Meili (De Niro et al., 2019). The Central Park Five had been wronged by law enforcement, whose racial bias had led them to implicate these boys in Meili’s death. At this point in time, years prior to his presidency, Trump called for the revival of the death sentence, and expressed that it was an ‘advantage’ to be Black in America, in response to the Central Park Five (Foderaro, 1989; MSNBC, 2020). Years later, Trump’s tweets, rallies, and words of encouragement lead to the Capitol insurrection, which not only resulted in damage to the Capitol, but also resulted in the deaths of multiple innocent people (Simon, 2021). Unlike the peaceful BLM protests, the White civilian-led violent Capitol insurrection did not trigger lethal force used by the police (Thomas & Tufts, 2020). Conversely, the peaceful BLM protests that occurred the year before, saw many physical injuries to Black people, who were also arrested for protesting, violently handled, and tear

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Are We There Yet? The Golden Standards of Forensic Science gassed (Sainato, 2020). Where is the advantage in that? Clearly, White people held and continue to hold an advantage in America, whether it be 1989 or 2021. Many try to justify that everyone is equal in the eyes of the law in the United States regardless of race, sexuality, age, and other social positionalities. This claim, however, however can serve as a way to gloss over the struggles of marginalized groups as it is not reflected in police treatment. In White supremacist America, many White individuals believe that they are superior to others, this is based on various ideas, and allows a White individual to have privilege based on the colour of their skin (Leonardo, 2004). This is exacerbated by politicians that push the White supremacy agenda, Figure 10.1: Sign that states, “Fuck Boris. Fuck including Trump and many others. Trump. Fuck Racism, during a protest in Last year, Trump refused to Leamington Spa, UK. 6/21/2020. Photo by Alex condemn White supremacy by Motoc on Unsplash telling the to ‘stand by’, which provided encouragement to the Proud Boys and other White supremist groups (Gabbatt, 2020). This problem, however, is not limited to politicians, it seeps into the police system as well. Many White supremacy groups have strong ties or are members of local police departments and many members are hired policemen (Simon, 2021; Ward, 2018). Additionally, multiple White police officers have also taken a part in the Capitol insurrection and have been further linked to other White terrorist groups (Diaz, 2021; Ward, 2018). Police involved in the insurrection were not limited to one jurisdiction or even state, for example officers from Seattle are under investigation for their involvement (Diaz, 2021).

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Multiple other officers have been involved in the insurrection, but their names, nor their place of employment is known. Due to racial bias, ‘modern-day’ America has not been able to move forward. This stagnant approach negatively impacts the Black community because they are the direct targets of the bias and subsequent violence. Historically, these are the communities that performed lynchings, and where police officers ignored racial violence (Ward, 2018). The police must completely disconnect from White supremacy groups, stand independently and operate without bias. Moreover, the professional advice of the federal justice system should be sought out, and the police system should be reformed in accordance. This would lead to change across America, a change at the federal level may help cause a universal change across the country.

Radical Change

With a highly diverse population, America needs a police system that serves everyone. Currently, Black individuals in America are more scared of the police than they are of criminals (Jackson-Jefferson, 2021). There is very little race representation in American police departments, as 65.5% of police officers are Caucasian. (DataUSA, n.d.). To better serve and represent communities, police hiring practices should accept and include more people of colour. Racial representation in the police department would ameliorate the departments reputation and perception in Black-dominated communities, because they would be more comfortable around police officers that they know will not target them for their race. In the past, the hiring of minorities was not to improve relations between minorities and police, but rather a public relations stunt (Johnson Jr et al., 2019). Due to this, it may be debatable that a more diverse police force will lead to better community relations (Johnson Jr et al., 2019). One of the largest issues surrounding the policing system in America is that there is no ‘gold standard’ or training that is universal between police departments. Each state regulates its own policing system, which results in an unstandardized police practice across a supposedly unified country. There have been multiple calls for reform, yet none of them have been implemented, as they have not been legally obligatory. With such rampant racial biases and the high tendency to resort to violence, the actions of police reflect their training or lack thereof. In the most recent ‘State and Local Law Enforcement Training Academies’ bulletin, the U.S.

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Department of Justice outlined the time expenditure during police officer training. Police officers across America spend a total of approximately 168 hours on training firearms skills, self-defence, and use of force (Reaves, 2016). On the other hand, only 34 hours are spent on professionalism, ethics and integrity, and communication (Reaves, 2016). These trainings are not provided at all police academies, and there is no evidence of implicit bias training in police academies, either (Reaves, 2016). Currently, the BLM movement continues to highlight the discrepancies in police conduct with regards to Black citizens, and they propose a shift from the heavy focus on firearm training in improving the stress management and implicit bias trainings. There must also be more transparency as to what the police are doing, either through reporting actions or body cameras.

Canada vs. America

American problems are highlighted by mainstream media all over the world as a result of America’s global superpower status. Canada does not have the same privileges, and often or violence that occurs in Canada is overlooked by the media. Canada has a more affable reputation than the United States does. There are stereotypes that claim Canada is polite, nicer, and multicultural. These stereotypes perpetuate the ideas that Canada has a clean record when it comes to police relationships with minorities. America remains haunted by slavery, but Canada has overlooked and mistreated Indigenous peoples for quite some time. The lack of education regarding Canada’s colonization, residential schools and its continued mistreatment of Indigenous peoples may contribute to police misconduct with Indigenous populations (Crosby, 2021; Gibson & Case, 2019). The Canadian problem with Indigenous peoples is amplified by laws that increase the breadth of what police can do, such as using more force (Crosby, 2021). Wet’suwet’en First Nation, for example, has been bombarded by the government to build however, the Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs along with other Wet’suwet’en people refuse to allow a pipeline to be made on unceded land (Crosby, 2021). This lack of cooperation has led to violent arrests (Crosby, 2021). Which not only reflects a problem with police conduct, but also with Canada’s long rooted history of conflict with Indigenous groups. In other words, Indigenous peoples in Canada face the same problems that Black people face in America.

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Although the Indigenous population faces many problems at the hands of police, recent events that have transpired in Canada, have suggested that Black people and other minorities have the same experience with police in Canada, as well. D’Andre Campbell, Chantel Moore, Rodney Levi and Ejaz Ahmed Choudry were all murdered at the hands of the police (Khare et al., 2020). These victims have one thing in common: they were all visible minorities. Conducting research on police misconduct has been problematic in Canada, due to the lack of cooperation of the criminal justice system in the collection of racial crime data (Samuels-Wortley, Figure 10.2: Black Lives Matter Protests in 2021). Young Indigenous and Black Regina, Saskatchewan, 6/24/2020. Photo by individuals have more negative Tandem X Visuals on Unsplash experiences with, and perceptions of the police when compared to their White counterparts (Samuels-Wortley, 2021). Even though Canada is well known for saying ‘sorry’, the country is unapologetic about its attitudes toward policing minority youths, which suggests the existence that Canada has the same problems in policing as America does.

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Figure 10.3: post by Harris (2021). Screen-capture by Mackenzie Johnston.

Are We There Yet? The Black Lives Matter Movement

The disproportionate brutality against people of colour sparked the birth of the Black Lives Matter movement. After the filmed police perpetrated in the summer of 2020, America saw large scale BLM protests across the country, which subsequently spread throughout the world (Westerman et al., 2020). During the three months over which these protests took place, there were over 1,000 recorded instances of police brutality (Forensic Architecture, 2020). It is important to note however, that this information was recorded by an organization called Forensic Architecture that uses publicly sourced information, as it is difficult to find official statistics on police brutality. Publicly sourced information was used because misconduct and mistreatment by the police frequently goes unreported. This in and of itself is an issue, as with other instances of violence most people would report the situation to the police. In the case of police violence, however, it becomes difficult to report wrongdoings by police officers to the police due to the notion of police solidarity (Thomas & Tufts, 2020). Police solidarity in the case of BLM and the mistreatment of minorities is inherently tied to blue solidarity and the movement. Blue solidarity and police solidarity relates to the idea that, when it comes to issues regarding the mistreatment of minorities at the

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Gold, or Fool’s Gold? Policing in America & the Potential of Body Cameras hands of the police, it should not be taken seriously, nor should an official report be filed (Thomas & Tufts, 2020). This reinforces the racialized hierarchy in the policing system and works to minimize the experiences of racialized minorities that have experienced police brutality. The BLM or are a direct result of the mistreatment of Black people perpetrated by the police, and instances of police brutality that took place on the basis of race. Police brutality is not the only way in which racialized minorities have been targeted by law enforcement; the idea of police solidarity also lends itself to the large police presence at protests that specifically target the issue of police violence against racialized minorities (Thomas & Tufts, 2020). Amongst many other organizations, Amnesty International has raised concerns about a wider pattern of police racialized treatment including institutionalized racism and . These forms of systematic racism can result in different police responses to protesters, especially regarding the use of force (Amnesty International Ltd., 2020; Thomas & Tufts, 2020). One aspect of the BLM protests was the preparedness of the police in response to largely peaceful protests. Another aspect of these protests was the overall attitude of the police to the protesters as well the amount of force they were willing to deploy. In August of 2014, BLM protesters were subjected to disproportionate police violence in Ferguson, Missouri (Hooker, 2016). Unfortunately, not much has changed since this instance. During BLM protests in the summer of 2020, police consistently arrived at the scenes of protests wearing riot gear while carrying ‘less lethal weapons,’ which can include rubber bullets or bean bag rounds that are designed specifically for

Figure 10.4: Black Lives Matter Protests in DC, crowd control. It is 6/1/2020. Photo by Koshu Kunii on Unsplash important to note that less lethal does not mean non-

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Are We There Yet? The Golden Standards of Forensic Science lethal (Mankarious & Willingham, 2020). These ‘less lethal’ weapons were not used sparingly during BLM protests (Architecture, 2020). One of the most notable instances of a disproportionate show of force was when was used on peaceful protestors at a protest in Washington, DC near St. John’s church (Gjelten, 2020). Figure 10.4 shows the difference in attire of the protesters as opposed to the police. This difference is not abnormal or necessarily an issue. The idea that police must prepare for violence when responding to protests that focus on racial inequality in relation to police misconduct, however, shows that the police misperceive Black people as a threat (Thomas & Tufts, 2020). The problem is not that weapons such as tear gas or rubber bullets were used, but rather that there was the lack of equivalent violence that preceded the use of these weapons.

The Capitol Insurrection

The insurrection at the United States Capitol that took place on January 6, 2021 garnered the world’s attention for many reasons. One such reason was the apparent lack of a police response when only months earlier, images of police using extreme force at peaceful protests had been broadcasted frequently and nation-wide. A connection is drawn between White supremacists, White nationalists and the insurrectionists that stormed the U.S. Capitol because many of the insurrectionists had ties to White supremacist organizations. Confederate flags and other symbols associated with White nationalism were also carried by the insurrectionists (Graff, 2021; Kurtz, 2018). This was not the first time that a protest lead by White supremacists, had become violent. In August of 2017, a White nationalist rally held in Charlottesville, Virginia called Unite the Right, resulted in the death of a counter protester after a member of the Unite the Right rally drove a vehicle into a crowd of counter protestors (Kurtz, 2018). In the lead up to this rally, police minimized the threat that the rally posed whilst simultaneously increasing their surveillance of potential counter protestors (Castle, 2020). Surveillance on the Unite the Right protestors was not increased, illustrating that the police do not see a threat in violent White protesters yet do see a threat in Black protesters The Capitol police are one of the largest and most-funded police departments in America (Graff, 2021). These police, however, were still unprepared for the insurrection, and were outnumbered. It was also largely documented that the goal of insurrectionists upon their arrival at the Capitol was to

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Gold, or Fool’s Gold? Policing in America & the Potential of Body Cameras stop the certification of the federal election results, as the results were not in favour of their candidate, former President Donald Trump (Tan et al., 2021). With the results of the election having been contested for months, tensions were high, and it was common knowledge that the certification process would be on January sixth — as such, it could be argued that the risk of the insurrection occurring was high (Kelly et al., 2021). Unfortunately, the reason for the lack of an appropriate response by the police is unknown. It could be that, similarly to the Unite the Right Rally, the threat that the insurrectionists posed was downplayed to the point where law enforcement was caught unprepared. Not only were the police outnumbered, but there was also a hesitancy to use lethal force against insurrectionists, a hesitancy which had not been afforded to BLM protestors (Kelly et al., 2021). The difference in police treatment is something that has been seen time and time again since the Emancipation Proclamation. Police would attempt to goad into making mistakes so that they could justify the overwhelming force they used (Castle, 2020). It should also be noted that in the past, some police were members of White supremist groups such as the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) (Castle, 2020). As mentioned previously, members of various police forces were involved in the insurrection with two off duty officers being criminally charged for their role as insurrectionists (Diaz, 2021; United States Attorney's Office for the District of Colombia, 2021). This is not to say that police organization as a whole are still part of White supremacist organizations, but rather it illustrates a larger systemic issue regarding the police response and use of force that has not been addressed. The hesitancy to use lethal force in the early stages of the insurrection may have been due to the fact that the police were largely overrun. This hesitancy to use lethal force, however, shows a lack of standardization regarding how police departments respond to protests. It is not the fact that there was a hesitancy to use lethal force on insurrectionists that is questionable, rather, it is the fact that the same hesitancy was not afforded to BLM protesters where, for a large part, those protests were much more peaceful.

What Has Changed

The murder of George Floyd can be seen as a catalyst moment for many people. The countless number of protests that occurred after Floyd’s death also aimed to affect policy changes. The George Floyd Justice in Policing Act of 2020, for example, is a Bill that has been passed by the United States House of

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Representatives, and at time of writing, read on the Senate floor (George Floyd Justice in Policing Act of 2020, 2020). One of the many issues that was raised by the BLM movement was the lack of accountability for officers who have been caught participating in acts of police brutality or murder. Floyd’s act aims to both hold police accountable in the judicial system, as well as to reform police training and policies (George Floyd Justice in Policing Act of 2020, 2020). Some of these reforms include training on racial bias, as well as addressing racial profiling. As it stands, however, racial bias training is only mandated for federal employees (George Floyd Justice in Policing Act of 2020, 2020). There are also ongoing investigations into what went wrong in the policing of the Capitol insurrection. Members of the Capitol Police have already resigned in the aftermath of the Capitol insurrection, including the Chief of the Capitol Police (Grisales et al., 2021). The Capitol insurrection is unlike anything that has happened in the past, and therefore, the results of these investigations are unpredictable as a precedent has yet to be set. The investigations into the insurrection may yield more insight into the failures of the police during the Capitol insurrection, which may therefore result in policy changes, including standardized protocols for protests such that an overt difference in policing protests no longer occurs. It is important to note that the difference in the policing of BLM protests and the Capitol insurrection is not an isolated event, but a structural and protocol issue regarding what police can and cannot do in different situations. As current Vice President said, there are ‘two systems of justice’ (Harris, 2021). ‘Two systems of justice’ refers to: one) the treatment that those protesting racial inequality face by the police and, two) the treatment by police of those who were involved in the Capitol insurrection (Harris, 2021). The justice system starts with the police, therefore, in order for there to be one unified system of justice for all Americans, change must occur. The lack of a uniform judicial system is an ongoing issue that has many potential solutions that must be explored. One solution may include increased accountability for police officers. As of right now, it is not federally required that police wear a body camera (Mankarious & Willingham, 2020). However, it may be a crucial step towards .

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Utilization of Body-Worn Cameras by Legal Officers

Sir Robert Peel is regarded as the father of present-day policing. He developed the nine principles linked with law enforcement that constitute the foundation upon which police officers practice law enforcement. The second principle states that ‘[t]he ability of the police to perform their duties is dependent upon public approval of police existence; actions, behavior and the ability of the police to secure and maintain public respect’ (Jones, 2004). This principle is significant as it defines the relationship between the police and the public when curbing and fighting crime. Contrary to this principle, there are certain circumstances in which police officers wrongfully abuse their authority to create societal disruptions. Civil disturbances in the United States have been witnessed due to several instances of police brutality and lethal force. This, in turn, elucidates problems in maintaining a positive public perception of the legitimacy of law enforcement officers (Braga et al., 2017). To lessen and prevent any such abuse of power, the use of body-worn cameras, or ‘body cams,’ has been suggested by civil rights activists and community leaders with the objective of increasing accountability among abusive officers (Braga et al., 2017). Suppose the residual effects of past events such as the shooting of Tamir Rice, , or even Breonna Taylor are to influence scholars and leaders in the police department. In that case, body cam footage may potentially be utilized to defend civilians against authority figures who act unjustly. The main topics discussed in the following sections will explore the impact of body cams and whether their utilization can alter the behavior of law enforcement officers. Additionally, these sections will address what demographic is typically targeted when the body cams are ‘accidentally’ turned off. The central focus of this exploration is to evaluate whether body cams will solve confrontations that occur between the public and police when they are in the line of duty.

Benefits of Body-Worn Cameras

Body cams provide a wide range of benefits that have been proven to help a variety of sectors. Body cams result in higher individual compliance rates to law enforcement officer commands (White, 2014). These benefits can be used to advocate for the advancement of body camera technologies to improve engagement without favoritism from either side (Ariel, 2016; Chapman, 2018). Where there is

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Are We There Yet? The Golden Standards of Forensic Science increased civility, fewer complaints are lodged against the police officers. These ideas are undeniably founded on the public and police's well-known ideology of ‘us’ vs. ‘them.’ The grid group culture theory pits one faction against the other, creating an atmosphere of mistrust between the two parties (Maleki & Hendriks, 2014). According to a study done by the Rialto Police Department of California, body-worn cameras are hypothesized to reduce police and public use of force. Their study also hypothesized that there would be reduced ‘complaints filed against the police if members of the public knew the police were using body-worn cameras’ (Paulsen, 2016). A cost-benefit analysis conducted by Braga et al. (2017) showed that wearing body cams could save the police department a substantial amount of money. Money is saved as there can be fewer complaints against officers and a shorter time frame required to resolve complaints against police officers. Braga’s results indicated that body-worn cameras can be productive without increasing policing costs; the percentage of treatment officers who experienced at least one complaint decreased by 16.5% between the pre-intervention and intervention periods, from 54.6% to 38.1%. In contrast, the percent of control officers who produced at least one complaint fell by only 2.5%, from 48 to 45.5%. Over the pre- intervention and intervention periods, the absolute differences in the share of officers with at least one complaint between the treatment and control groups constituted a 14% drop-in support of the treatment group (Braga et al., 2017). The percentage distinction over time reflected a substantial 25% reduction in the percentage of treatment officers who produced at least one complaint compared to control officers. Significant decreases in the probability that a treatment officer produced at least one use of force report during the intervention period were also observed. The percentage of treatment officers who produced at least one use of force report declined by 11.5% between the pre-intervention and intervention periods, from 31.2% to 19.7%. In addition, the proportion of control officers who produced at least one use of force report rose by 1.0 percentage point, from 26.3% to 27.3% (Braga et al., 2017). The variations in the share of officers with at least one use of force report between the treatment and control groups constituted a 12.5% reduction in favor of the treatment group. The proportional difference between the two groups over time reflected a more significant 40.7% reduction in the percentage of treatment officers

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Gold, or Fool’s Gold? Policing in America & the Potential of Body Cameras who produced at least one use of force report compared to control officers (Braga et al., 2017). For Rialto Police Department to justify whether there was a reduction of lethal force by police and citizens, researchers distributed body cams when officers were on duty. The results showed a reduction in public concerns against officers using body cameras, as well as a reduction in police use-of-force accidents (Ariel et al., 2014, p.7). Three years of research was conducted, and the resulting data was compared to data collected before body cams were used by the Rialto Police Department. During the study, 25 force incidents were filled, and 17 of the incidents were filed when the police officers in Rialto were not wearing body cams (Paulsen, 2016). In the first year of the study, only three complaints were filed when the police began using body cams, compared to over 24 complaints in the previous year. The researcher concluded that body cams reduced incidents of force and complaints (Stanley, 2015; WCCTV, 2020). The next benefit of body cams is that they provide the ‘opportunity for police training’ (White, 2014). The use of body-worn cameras often provides future advantages for advancing police training. Trainers and administrators can use the body camera footage to train and inform recruits on how they should behave in specific situations. The footage will operate as cautionary tales, thus improving the level of discipline in the force (Koen, 2016). Video documentation also provides tools for police departments to implement new techniques to assess how officers execute their mission consistently across their assigned programs (Koen, 2016). Another benefit is that body-worn cameras will increase transparency and accountability, thereby boosting law enforcement's currently deficient credibility (Coudert et al., 2015). The presence of body cam footage brings the police officer’s credibility into question when questionable acts are performed and, most importantly, if the camera is turned off (Paulsen, 2016). This loss of faith in the police is compounded by concerns regarding interactions between police and community residents, which frequently involve the use of fatal or less-lethal force (Chapman, 2018). Video recordings obtained during these officer-community encounters can provide more enhanced evidence to validate the incidents' existence and reinforce accounts conveyed by officers and community members (Chapman, 2018). Not only does it benefit law enforcement, but it helps citizens by decreasing the number of incidents in which force needs to be used. Body cams footage can be beneficial in the investigations of cases in which there are contradictory accounts of police-civilian encounters that are often deemed

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‘unsustainable’ and are ultimately closed due to lack of video evidence or independent or corroborating witnesses (Chapman, 2018). The utilization of body cams would facilitate resolutions between police authorities and civilians while increasing the accuracy of judicial affairs. Through this procurement of evidence during the situation, the involved party may be proven innocent or incriminated based on the acquired information. This will better monitor the frequency and involvement of multiple incidents and decrease the time taken to complete cases and corroborate information presented by the prosecution (Braga et al., 2017).

Considerations with Body Cams

The body cams encourage officers to adhere to departmental police protocols that deter officers from indulging in unprofessional and/or biased misconduct (Yokum et al., 2019). Unprofessional behaviour can include the unjustified lethal force that results in costly trials. Additionally, civilians that interact with officers wearing body cams are less likely to indulge in combative behaviour. The social mechanism ‘linking body-worn cameras and behaviour could include greater self-awareness, heightened threat of being caught or a combination of the two’ (Yokum et al., 2019). Body-worn cameras can thus calm officers and civilians and subsequently reduce the occurrence of violence (Yokum et al., 2019). Issues of body cams discourage citizens from providing relevant information because it could jeopardize their lives through facial recognition software or camera footage leaks (Brittanica, 2020). As a positive result, body cams could bring to light any evidence of domestic violence, which is rampant in various states (Paulsen, 2016). When an officer arrives at a domestic violence scene, they record the immediate outcome of the crime. This, however, does not guarantee nor does it prove the victim's innocence. The body cams could also record the aftermath of the incident and the statements provided by witnesses, the victims, and the parties involved in the incident(s). Body cams can also bring forward problems where body cameras capture both visual and audio occurrences regarding privacy. The ability to capture those graphical images within an individual's home is intrinsically more invasive than other police investigation methods. Nor does it guarantee if the person's privacy rights will be secured and if they will have a chance to decide if their video is shareable to the public (The Constitution Project Committee on Policing Reforms, 2020).

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Body Camera Misuse Toward a Select Demographic

Even though body cams are viewed as a strategy to improve police officers' practice and address the challenges they face when they are in the line of duty, the cameras can be fortuitously turned off. In a 2019 example from San Francisco, police officers “were instructed not to use their body-worn cameras during their illegal raid of the journalist Bryan Carmody's home” (Cassidy, 2020). The significance of this information is the knowledge that officers were instructed to turn off their cameras for an illegal act, indicating an awareness of the criminal nature of their actions. Based on statistical evidence, body cams are claimed to be accidentally turned off when the police officer contemplates using force when dealing with a specific demographic (Coudert et al., 2015). An instance where the body cam was used to its full potential was the case of George Floyd. Officers Thomas Lane and J. Kueng's body cam videos are part of the court evidence against them and two other officers in Floyd's death on May 25, 2020. Officer is charged with second-degree murder among other charges, for holding his knee to Floyd's neck for over nine minutes. Lane, Kueng, and Tou Thao have also been charged with aiding and abetting second-degree murder and (Glass, 2020). The world would never have heard about the injustices done against George Floyd if it had not been for the release of the body cam footage alongside the witness captured videos. In some instances where officers could intend to retaliate, officers may ‘turn off’ their cameras so that they may control the situation through their own means (CDS Office Technologies, 2020). If the body cams are fortuitously turned off, subsequent death and injury complaints are often filed against the officer. Conversely, the Rialto (California) police department noted that complaints lodged on officers wearing body-worn cameras decreased significantly. Officers with body-worn cameras were relatively more productive, and fewer complaints were filed against them than those without body-worn cameras (Chapman, 2018). The reason behind switching off body cams is to conceal evidence that lethal force was used during the patrol or when an officer interacted with citizens. Moreover, body cams are seen to be turned off more often with people of color compared to other populations (Elfrink, 2020). People of color are often wrongly stigmatized by police officers as being dangerous and armed (Carbado & Rock, 2016). Statistical information also demonstrates that African Americans are imprisoned at more than five times the rate of White people in state prisons around

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Are We There Yet? The Golden Standards of Forensic Science the country (Nellis & Rovner, 2019). Body cam footage is often used as evidence to prosecute African Americans. In the event law enforcement officers use force when dealing with African Americans, body cams are fortuitously turned off in most cases. (Carbado & Rock, 2016).

Conclusions Regarding Body-Worn Cameras

It is evident that many criminal matters would not have been exposed if body cams did not exist. The incidents would have been swept under the rug and buried, with no justice served. Therefore, body cams are essential in policing departments because they allow police and citizens to feel safer in their interactions with each other (Chapman, 2018). Body cams also bring unity between police officers and citizens thanks to increased civility. However, for body cams to be considered a ‘gold standard’ of policing there are still policies that must be applied to ensure that body cams are used ethically. The forensic significance of body cams is to identify corroborating evidence of a deadly force that will improve accountability. Citizens' complaints will therefore be, reduced since cases of police brutality will decrease significantly (Getac, 2018). The footage is also used to prosecute individuals who threaten officer's lives (Bellin, 2019). To ensure that instances of the body cams ‘accidentally’ turning off is reduced, regular maintenance of the cameras should be done. The maintenance of the body cams will ensure that ‘malfunction’ is detected earlier, so the cameras will not accidentally turn off (Lippert & Newell, 2016). To combat unjust acts of body cam ‘malfunctions,’ it is best to introduce punishments/ termination depending on the severity of the case to regulate the use of body cams. The other way to reduce cases of cameras randomly turning off is by introducing a harsher penalty for the officers who are negligent of maintaining their equipment. The criminal matters that body-worn cameras have exposed show that African Americans are often innocent victims of police brutality (Elfrink, 2020). Regarding race, it is vital to note that these issues are not new. Matters concerning race have been a longstanding point of contention in many parts of the world, including America.

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Final Remarks

There have been multiple protests around the issue of racism. Movements such as Black Lives Matter (BLM) have taken the world by storm. Citizens are enraged because police continue to kill African Americans, and their deaths do not receive justice. What stands out is that police are often highly equipped for riots when there are civil movements that seek to find justice for the oppressed. People involved in the BLM protests were met with tear gas, shields, and tasers (Sainato, 2020). However, the police did not have the same reaction during the Capitol insurrection as the police department were hesitant to use lethal force. At the outset, they were largely unequipped to handle the situation (Kelly et al., 2021; Thomas & Tufts, 2020). Indicating that police continue to downplay the threat White protests can pose. America has had a history of racism that was the basis against which Trump won his election. Before the end of his term, he suggested that the death sentence be revived to counter the civil movement (Honderich, 2021). However, during the Capitol insurrections, Trump praised the riots on his Twitter page. America is not the only country that is guilty of systemic racism. Canada faces similar issues as America does with African Americans, but with Indigenous peoples. In Canada, the conflict that stems from systemic racism is largely directed at Indigenous communities. The lack of education in the Canadian curriculum regarding the history of Indigenous peoples and colonization is a factor that contributes to the issue (Crosby, 2021; Gibson & Case, 2019), and consequently, Canada’s treatement of Indigenous peoples is exacerbated by laws that expand the scope of what police can do (Crosby, 2021). These issues continue in the present day. Solutions such as the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act of 2020 were introduced in America to hold police accountable (George Floyd Justice in Policing Act of 2020, 2020). Other measures that have been introduced are such as the use of body cams that collect primary data on crime scenes. Body cams have been helpful in police and criminal compliance to law enforcement rules. Consequently, law enforcement has received more credibility due to the increased transparency in police departments. Despite the positive aspects of body cams, there are a few issues that still need addressing. One of which includes a need for the implementation of a system wherein turning off body cams is met with severe criminal punishment for the exclusion of relevant evidence. Officers who step

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