Cllifornia STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE A

. ---- ... ------~----···-----~------

-cLLIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE

A DESCRIPTIVE STUDY J1 OF IDENTITY CRISIS AND SELF-CONCEPT MAJOR FACTORS IN THE HIGHER EDUCATION OF NATIVE AMERICANS

A project submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for a degree of Master of Arts

ln Education, Educational Psychology Counseling and Guidance

Floyd.Maurice Henley ...... ·

June, 1979 - .. ·---·-·-. --~------~------~------~ I.

T~e Thesis of Floyd Maurice Henley is ipproved:

Carole Bare, Ph.D.

California State University, Northridge

ii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page ABSTRACT ...... v

INTRODUCTION •••••••••••..... ·· ...... ~ ...... 1 THE PROBLEMS IN EDUCATION WHICH FOSTER NEGATIVE SELF-CONCEPT AND IDENTITY CRISIS AMONG NATIVE AMERICANS .... -...... 5

Basic Assu.mptions . ~ ...... 5 Methods Used in Assimilation ...... 7

Degrees of Assimilation 9 The Decline of Academic Performance ...... 12 School Attendance ...... 13 THE CAUSE OF PROBLE11S IN INDIAN EDUCATION ...... 16 Isolation and Alienation ...... 16 The Question of Indian Intelligence ...... 17 ·Prejudices that Effect Indian Education ..... 21 Awareness of Cultural Differences ...... 23 Stereotype vs. the Truth About Modern Indians.27 THE NATIVE AMERICAN IN HIGHER EDUCATION ...... 30 Profile of the Indian College Student ...... 31 Social and Personal Problems ...... 33 Negative Self-Concept ...... 34 Programs that Perpetuate Negative Self-Concept.35

Identity Crisis ...... 36 CONCLUSION 39

REFERENCES 42

iv ABSTRACT

This project was intended to identify specific problems effecting Native Americans in higher education. Emphasis was placed on the historical background in elementary and ' secondary education, identifying the effects of ~he problem, ' determining the underlying causes and recorrunending solutions.

An extensive review of the literature was conducted, and Native American college students and.ex-students in four states were interviewed. Some personal observations and personal experiences of the author, an American Indian, were included.

The desired results were obtained. Two major factors effecting successful education among the Native American population in higher education were identified -- identity crisis and negative self-concept. The background, problems, effects and possible solutions are discussed. Areas for further research are suggested; and an extensive reference list is included to aid further research.

v INTRODUCTION

The greater part of literature concerning Native

Americans deals with Indians as they used to be. The trend has been to focus on their origin and antiquity, their arts and crafts, their history and archaeology, their wars and migrations and their diverse and colorful cultures. Indians in contempor.a~y society have developed sociological problems that are far less popular with the media and public than is the history and culture of their ancestors. Vice and despair, poverty and disease, discrimination and exploitation, dominant problems among Native American society, attract a very limited audience.

This project was concerned primarily with Indian education at the college level. The focus was on Indians from reservations and rural backgrounds. One cannot understand the difficulties encountered by Native Americans in higher education without some understanding of American Indian education at the primary and secondary levels. For the most part, the history of Indian education is a record of frustration, dissatisfaction and disappointment. This history must be examined in order to give some understanding of the problems and the causes of difficulties to provide some guide- lines for new directions for research in Native American

1 2

Education. New research is particularly needed 1n the areas of self-concept and identity crisis.

Throughout this paper, I have used the terms "Indians,"

·"Native Americans" and "American Indians" synonymously.

The material for this project was gathered by exten- sively surveying literature on the education of Native

Americans in the United States and by informally interviewing

Native Americans who are currently, enrolled, or have been enrolled on university and college campuses in Arizona,

California, New Mexico and Utah.

The feelings expressed by those I interviewed were astonishingly similar, reflecting the same feelings that I, as an Indian, have expressed also. However, I have come to believe that most reasons given for dropping out of college are not•the true reasons, and that the true reasons II\ay not be known even by those who. have dropped out.

As an undergraduate, I never seriously entertained the idea of dropping out until approximately two months prior to graduation. It was then that I was faced with the realization that I was on the verge of succeeding at something that was socially acceptable in a white man's world. This realization was one of the most terrifying experiences of my life.

My thoughts were, "What in hell do I do now?" Had I been unable to draw from a few meaningful relationships developed during my college experience, I would have run to the farthest corner of the reservation and in all probability would still 3

be there today.

In retrospect I can conclude_: At that period in my life my self-concept was not such that I could realize that I had worth as a college graduate, not only t-o my own people, but also to society at large.

I have also shared the feeling that something more than just being another student was expected of me. In the class room, after being identified as Indian, many non-Indian students viewed me as if I had recently been yanked from my pony at full gallop, while 1n hot pursuit of buffalo, and dragged kicking and screaming into a life of academia.

In addition to interviewing numerous students and ex students, the aid of various professors and college officials was solicited. Those professors and college officials have been involved in programs ostensibly designed to aid in the higher education of Native Americans.

In spite of the efforts of professors, students and the

U.S. Government, education of the Native American has failed miserably. It is the hope of this writer that this project will point out the need for further research in the areas bf self-concept and identity crisis.

The inexhaustible amount of mimeographed material per taining to Indian education consists of committee reports, term papers, proceedings and sem1nar and workshop reports.

Hopefully this material will be available for broader review in the future. 4

The majority of the research on Indian education has been done by graduate students and submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for their degrees. Most of the books and journal articles Legan as graduate theses.·

Many of these works were completed in the departments of anthropology. Although a few were completed in the depart ments of sociology and psychology, the bulk of the material was done in the field of educ'ation. Most of the authors have first-hand exper1ence with Indian pupils in the class room, which adds a measure of validity to even those theses of lesser merit. Based on the assumption that the major portion of research on Indian education will be continued by graduate students~ this project is addressed to that audience of students. PROBLEMS IN EDUCATION

WHICH FOSTER NEGATIVE SELF-CONCEPT AND

IDENTITY CRISIS AMONG ANERICAN INDIANS

Before inquiring into the cause of ~he failure of

Indian education, it is necessary to define the'problem. In defining the problem, we must consider one basic assumption upon which virtually all educational efforts among the Indians rested. That assumption is that the purpose of educating the Indian is to insure assimilation into the b~oader culture.

Basic Assumptions

Those who have been involved 1n the formal education of

Indians have assumed that the main purpose of school is to facilitate assimilation into the broader culture. -The Indian would be better, it was believed, if he or she could be encouraged to adopt the white man's habits, skills, knowledge, '· language, values, religion, attitudes, and customs. Assimila- tion, to be sure, is a reciprocal process; and in the course of it the white man has learned much from the Indian. Today

American culture is immeasurably enriched by items adopted from the Indian. But it was always the white man's way of life which set the pattern. Formal education has been regarded as the most effective means of bringing about such assimilation.

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Formal education, however, has not brought about the

I~dian's assimilation into the ~ajority culture. Certainly the Jesuits, whose contributions to exploration and politics are well known, failed to reach their objective of Frenchifi- cation and Christianization. The Franciscans, while successful for a time, discovered as soon as they departed from the

Southwest that their Indian converts were unprepared either to keep their mission community going or to resume their traditional way of life. John Elliot's autonomous Indian villages came to a sad end (Layman, 48), Eleazar Wheelock's experiments failed, the efforts of the Virginia colonists were disappointing (Layman, 48), and various Protestant missionaries could seldom poirit to any solid educational achievements. Summarizing the period 1778-1871, when missionary teachers and federal .subsidies provided the Indian with their schooling, Layman says:

The net results of almost a hundred years of efforts and expenditures of hundreds of thou sands of dollars for Indian education were a small number of poorly attended mission schools, a suspicious and disillusioned Indian·population, and a few hundred products of missionary educa tion, who, for the most par-t, has either returned to the blanket or were living as misfits among the Indian or white population (48: 312).

Unfortunately, these 9ismal appraisals have continued, with only minor improvements into the 1970's. In the 1920's the Meriam report (56) found shortcomings in Indian education numerous and serious. A more recent survey concludes, "The majority of Indian pupils today are either above the general 7

age level for their respective classes or are below academic norms and they drop out of school more frequently than do their non-Indian classmates." (Brophy, 12:138).

While those engaged in education have always been com- mitted to assimilation, this was not originally the policy of the political and military leaders. As exemplified in the literature pertaining to the settling of North America, extermination appealed to the foreign settlers as a w1ser, more efficient course of action (Dennis, 22). The early

Puritans made a practice of giving rewards for Indian heads

(Dennis, 22). The Dutch in New Amsterdam refined the practice and began paying bounties for Indian scalps in 1641, and the other colonies followed suit. In 1717, a prominent figure in the colony of South Carolina o~enly declared that the colonists must adopt a policy of·turning one tribe against the other in order that their foothold in the New

World survive (Dennis, 22). They felt that if they could not destroy one Indian nation with another they were lost.

Somewhat later, a more humane policy of driving the Indians across the Mississippi River was adopted.

Methods Used in Assimilation

During the 19th century, when settlers began to pene- trate those regions where the Indians had been driven, the government realized that assimilation was the only feasible alternative to extermination (Fritz, 24). As conflict with 8

western tribes increased, pressure from both the military and the humanitarians forced the U.S. Congress in 1876, to pass a bill creating a commission to make peace with the

Indians. The members of the commission agreed that assimila tion was inevitable; but immediately the commission formed two schools of thought. One point of view, held by General

William T. Sherman, was that assimilation would have to be forced with bayonet (Fritz, 24). Indians would not work unless forced to do so, Sherman maintained, and it was the military who was prepared to apply such force.

Nathaniel G. Taylor, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, however, representing the humanitarian point of view, insisted that Christian teachers should be provided for Indians to prepare them for life in the new American society (Fritz,24).

InGchis way, coercion and persuasion came to represent the extremes of assimilation policy. Autobiographical records abound with descriptions of the kinds of pressures utilized to get Indian children to schools (e.g., Qoyawayma, 64:

Simmons, 71). The records also depict physical and psychological methods used to get Indians to set aside their own culture. There is evidence of coercive measures employed ln education for 70 years among the Makah of Minnesota in an effort to "civilize the Indians and to obliterate all cul tural differences between Indians and whites,". (Colson, 18)

Su.ch coerciveness, revolting as they may seem to us today, was not entirely ineffective ln bringing about the altera- 9

tion of Indian culture.

Byrd (14), in his study of the Sac and Fox of Iowa, contrasted the early coercive educational policy with the later cooperative policy, showing the greater effectiveness of the latter. Such reports as we have on the Rough Rock experiment indicates that cooperation, local autonomy and responsibility, rather than coercion and paternalism have more effectively educated the American Indian (Conklin, 19);

Fuchs, 25: Rossel, 68). The experiment at Rough Rock, Ari zona, was conducted at the Rough Rock Demonstration School.

It was the first community school serving Native Americans.

Since the school belongs to the people in the community, emphasis is on local autonomy. All curricula and community projects must be responsive to the wishes of the School

Board and the local chapter of Tribal Council. Because the chapter is the local political unit of the Tribal Council, all community and school projects must be instituted with an emphasis on human resources development with the cooperation of all parties concerned. The American experience with the absorption of millions of European immigrants, upon whom no deliberate and conscious assimilative pressures were exerted, would support this v1ew.

Degrees of Assimilation

Moreover, there are degrees of assimilation of Indians into the broader culture. The process is complete, we may 10

r'' ' V{ say, when "reciprocal identification" occurs; that is when

o~e no longer thinks of himself, or is thought of by others as German, Indian, Italian, Canadian, Navajo, etc., or even as a "hyphenated" American. No doubt thousands of persons of Indian ancestry have become completely absorbed into white society or the Mexican and Black communities in this way. At i:he same time there are many persons having small

"quanta" of Indian "blood," who could readily cease to

identify with their Indian heritage but prefer to retain their Indian identity. Often they hold their Indian identity beriause of pride, or because they believe there are values

in Indian tradition which are preferable to those of the broader society. But, in some instances, retention of

Indian identity rests on more practical considerations. In some parts of the United,States it is more desirable to have the status of Indian than of other non-whites. Many would choose to be regarded as white if that alternative were open to them, but proclaim their Indian identity as the lesser of two evils (Berry, 9). That is to say, in some areas it is to one's advantage to be considered Indian as opposed to

Black or Mexican.

There are also certain, material advantages for which

Indians are eligible. Lloyd (51) describes the Chumash of

Southern California, who have long since lost their Indian language and culture, and who have been virtually absorbed into the Mexican community. The Chumash cling to their 11

Indian identity because of a very modest financial benefit w~ich accrues from their reservqtion lands. The situation is similar with the Makah, who are almost completely absorbed into white society, but who cling to Indian status because of certain privileges to be gained by doing so

(Colson, 18).

Indians have gone on record as desiring assimilation up to a point, without loss of ~heir identity (Declaration of Indian Purpose, 21). They look to the schools to accom plish this objective. At the American Indian Chicago

Conference ln 1961, the 460 representatives of 90 tribal groups issued their Declaration of Indian Purpose in which they stated, "It would be well if all our children would avail themselves of academic training,'' (Declaration of

Indian Purpose, 21). They proceeded to stipulate such goals as adequate counseling and guidance opportunities, vocational training, better housing and medical facilities, employment opportunity, revolving loan funds, industrial development of the reservations, etc. Similar aspirations have been ex pressed by prominent leaders of the Indian community (e.g.,

Jose, 39). Even at Rough Rock Demonstration School, where the least possible pressure is exerted to impose a foreign culture upon the Indians, we are told, "We want to instill in our youngsters a sense of pride of being Indian. We want to show them that they can be Indian and American at the same time, that they can take the best from each way of 12

life and :co::mb:ine it into something viable" (Conklin, 19).

The DeclinE ~£ Academic Performance

There is no denying the fact that academic performance of Indians rl£cl:ines as they move through school, but the cause of -:the so-called "cross-o'{er" phenomenon, i.e., the decline o:f .academic performance at about the fourth grade, is difficul-t -:to determine. Some maintain that it is characteristic o£ .adolescents, and not peculiar to Indians. Kay-

ser (41) d:id a .study of 207 students--Ute, Anglo, and Span- ish-Amer:Lcan---:in a Colorado public school, and found that the three groups, while unequal in performance, followed roughly -:the .same pattern. A few maintained that superlor performance £or Indians in the early grades is a tribute to the sk:Lll of the teachers of those grades. Peters (63), seeking -:to account for the "cross-over" phenomenon among

Hopi, supposed it is a result of the acculturation process:

"The Hopi have become partly acculturated, especially in the most general aspects of American culture. The younger children are qu:Lck :in learning these most obvious elements o£ -:the culture, in school, movies, radio, and tn:rough occasional visits to the city. How ever., £or the older children, the broad cul tural experience, with their varied nuances, are not available. Furthermore, the increasing Hopi cultural emphasis denies the children of -tlle general population ( 6 3: 31).

Still ot.he:rs suspect that the explanation for the "cross- over" phenomenon lies in the language. Blossom (10) add- resses herself to the problem, suggesting that there must 13

p '

be some und~rlying reason for the beli~f that retardation

starts at the fourth grade level. Retardation here refers

to the decline of academic performance and not to suspected

lower ability. She suspects that ~he cause may lie in the

fact that people have two vocabularies, one composed of words used in speaking and a much larger hidden one called

a recognition or comprehension vocabulary. Elementary texts,

she explains, are written in carefully controlled "talking

vocabulary. 11 This shift affects the bilingual pupil par ticularly, and Blossom hints that there may be a relation

ship between this shift and retardation.

Perhaps the most plausible explanation of the 11 cross over11 phenomenon is psychological. Bryde (13), among others, maintains that alienation is the central concept for ex plaining that problem. Conflict between white and Indian cultures reaches a peak at adolescence and causes severe personality disturbance which blocks achievement. Bryde also· suggests that due to the fact that Indian pupils tend to be over age for their grade level, that it may be that adolescence arrives during the intermediate elementary grades, bringing with it problems of identity, alienation, and negative self feelings which manifest themselves in low achievement.

School Attendance

Apparently there are a few communities where school 14

attendance is not a problem and where Indian children do r~main in school until graduation. The Rough Rock Demonstra tion School would be an example of such a school. Perhaps these schools warrant closer study in the hope of learning their secret for success. Nevertheless, the dropout rate for Indians is a national scandal. Bass and Burger (7) put the figure at 50 percent, as compared with 29 percent for the general population in 1967. Kelly (41) places the drop out rate at 22.3 percent of all Indians between the ages of

16 and 18. In California the Commission on Indian Affairs reports a dropout rate as high as 70 percent (California

Indian Education, Ad Hoc Committee on California Indian

Education, 15: State Advisory Commission on Indian Affairs,

35). The Summer, 1978 Survey, of off-reservation residential schools puts the dropout rate at 35.3 percent for all areas of the United States (United States Department of Interior,

78).

Although the statistics on the extent of the absentee ism and dropout rates are extensive and readily available, the causeB are.elusive and complex. Atkinson (5) maintains that many full-blood Utes "become involved in parental responsibilities at a verY. early age" and are forced to dis continue their schooling. Anduri (3), discussing a number of reasons for early dropout, cites lack of interest in the subjects taught, poor health, marriage, necessity to earn money, academic failure, and "feeling that teachers are not ./ 15 ,./ l//

interested in them." Bonner (11), ln her study of the Cherokees, attributed the high dropout rate to lack of

interest in school, military service, marriage, ill health,

and "needed at home." Miller and :::aulkins (57), believe that as the student advances in school, he or she confronts

increasingly foreign expectations from teachers, and education becomes.more irrelevant to everyday concerns. Ray (65)

reiterates most of the causes mentioned above. He found that the school personnel failed to realize the cultural

differences of their pupils, that school facilities were

inadequate, and that parents and pupils alike perceived

little relation between school curriculum and their village way of life.

At this point one can conclude from a survey of the literature, that formal education is failing to meet the

Indian's needs, that there is widespread dissatisfaction with the results, and that schools are falling short of their goal of preparing the Indian to participate effectively

in American society. THE CAUSE OF PROBLEMS IN INDIAN EDUCATION

Isolation and Alienation

An extensive rev1ew of the literature indicates that

'those involved in Indian education recognize that the rna-

jority of Native Americans do not benefit greatly from

their school experience. This problem is well documented,

but if an effective alternative to the current system is

to be implemented, the causes must be determined. With few

exceptions,everyone who has done research on Indian education

or has had experience as a teacher of Indian students has a

personal theory. Many attribute the problem to a lack of

motivation, and parental apathy. Also included in the causes

are: irrelevance of curriculum, inadequacies of teachers,

"shyness" of the Indian child, early marriage, laziness,

chronic absenteeism, poverty, mental deficiency, stubborn

resistance to the white man's culture, and any number of

combinations of the above mentioned. Wax (81), however,

makes a cogent case for isolation. He states:

Isolation -- lack of communication, social distance -- is the cardinal factor in the problem of Indian education on the Pine Ridge Reservation. Because the isolation affects so many contexts -- the community as a whole, the school within the community, the pupil within the class room, and the teacher within the educational

16 17

system -- its effect is greatly intensified. The Sioux community is isolated from the mainstream of national life and isolated especially from the current where literacy and education are important and common. (81:47)

On the other hand, Bryde (13) argues convincingly that the concept of alienation (from the mainstream of society) appears to be central in explaining the behavior of the

Indian students studied. Hobart (32) maintains that there are four reasons for the under-achievement: (1) damaged

self-concept, (2) inadequate motivation, (3) unawareness of

employment opportunities, and (4) resistance by peers and the community to self-advancement. At the All-Indian Con-

ference on Education in the late 60's, sponsored by the

Ad Hoc Committee on California Indian Education, the underachievement of Indian children was attributed to a multi- plicity of causes, including the following: (1) unqualified teachers, (2) inadequate textbooks, (3) poverty, (4) poor home environment, (5) anti-Indian prejudice of classmates,

(6) unsympathetic administrators, and (7) lack of communication between races (California Indian Education, 15).

The Question of Indian Intelligence

In spite of the legion of theories pertaining to the cause of educational failure in the Indian population, the most fundamental question of all has to do wit.h the Native

American's inherent capacity to acquire the knowledge made 18

available to him. There have always been those who doubt that the Native American has the necessary intelligence to benefit from formal education (Rowe 70). The psychology of the Nativt: American has always been an enigma to the white man. From the earliest contact, there have been many who have held the Indian in low esteem. In the literature of the 16th century,white men of profound theological ideas and great education debated whether Indians were humans with souls or whether they were sub-human (Highwater, 31).

On the other hand,Colombus himself described the Indians as loving and generous people (Highwater, 31).

E. C. Rowe (70) was the first to apply intelligence testing to Native Americans. In 1914, he administered the

Binet-Simon Test to Indians and white children at Mt.

Pleasant, Michigan. He concluded:

The striking difference . . cannot be explained by hygenic, social and educational differences. It seems therefore that the only satisfactory explanation of their inferiority in terms of the test is to be found in the inferiority of native ability. (70:456).

Literally thousands of Indians have been administered intelligence tests since 1914. T. R. Garth (27), who was one of the principal inves~igators 1n the late 20's, conducted many studies with his pupils. It would serve no purpose to review the vast literature concerning the intelligence testing of Native Americans here. Testing is mentioned only because it is important to point out how 19

damaging to the self-concept intelligence tests are to groups of people who are not included in the mainstream of society.

However, for those who are interested, summaries of the pub

lished research have been made by Garth (27), Holdsworth

(33), Uhlman (70), and Havinghurst (30).

Invariably, earlier tests proved the Indian to be

inferior to whites. Furthermore, it appeared that any infu

sion of white "blood" however small, improved the Indian's

intelligence. This gave r1se to the many studies of the relative intelligence of white, mixed-bloods, and full- bloods.

Garth conducted several such investigations of the relative intelligence of white, mixed-blood, and full-bloods

( 2 6 ) • In 1922, Hunter and Somrnermier (34) adminstered the

Otis Intelligence Test to some 700 students at Haskell, the degree of blood ranging from one-fourth to full, and there were seven subjects who were less than one-fourth white.

They found a positive correlation between the degree of white blood and test scores. Cox (20) tested 2,585 pupils

in 22 Oklahoma public schools, finding whites super1or, mixed-bloods having the next highest scores, and full-bloods having the lowest scores. Conversely, Jonasson (38) in 1937,

gave a variety of tests to students at Whapeton Boarding

School in North Dakota, and refuted the theor~ of Inferiority of the full-blood.

Prior to the 1930's, confidence in the validity of the 20

l •

intelligence test began to wane. Jamieson and Sandiford

(36), in 1928 discovered that the verbal tests most commonly

employed discriminated against Indians, while performance tests showed them appreciable better. In that same year,

Klineberg (44, 45), demonstrated the importance of cultural

factors in test scores with white and Indian children on the

Yakima Reservation. A few investigators began pointing out that on certain kinds of intelligence tests, the Indians actually proved themselves superior to the whites (Barnes,

6; Roher, 69; Telford, 74). The Meriam report (56:452f),

stated in 1928: "The .record by Indian children in the tests, while usually lower on the average than that of the white children, has never been low enough to justify any concern as to whether they can be 'educated'."

Many informed people, as early as 1928, suspected that low scores on intelligence tests, especially those of verbal type, failed to prove the Indian uneducable or inherently inferior.

Since 1940, no responsible scholar has maintained that

Indians are intellectually inferior to others. Testing done in the early 1940's under the Indian Education Research

Project, an endeavor undertaken jointly by the Committee on Human Development of the University of Chicago and the

Bureau of Indian Affairs, acquitted the Indian of any charge of inferiority. Joseph wrote concerning the Papago: 21

In average mental ability as indicated by tests, the Papago groups studies revealed differences between one another, on one hand, and between themselves and white children, on the other hand, and specific differences seem to be tied up with the specific tests. This casts some doubt on the wisdom of accepting the test results at face value and suggests certain hypo thetical explanations, of which the influence of a different way of life appears to be of primary importance (40:190).

Thompson (76:101} wrote of the Hopi: "From our tests we have the impression that the Hopi children on the average are very intelligent, highly observant, show a remarkably balanced mental approach and apparently very capable of complex and abstract thinking."

Prejudice That Effects Indian Education

The data on Indian cultures and Indian intelligence has brought most social scientists to conclude that the

Native American of today has about the same innate equipment for learning as does his white counterpart. Regrettably, there are many white people with whom Indians come into contact, that are not aware of what psychologists and social scientists have concluded regarding Indian intelligence.

There are those who are aware but sometimes have refused to accept it. As a result, there comes into operation what psychologists call "the self-fulfilling prophecy." The 4!::::::;___., theory states that., if a teacher or other members of the dominant society are convinced that someone is inferior and incapable of learning, such attitudes will be conveyed 22

in var1ous and subtle ways. A child will come to think of

himself in that negative way and set for himself lower stan

dards of achievement. The teacher's expectations and pre

diction that the Indian pupil will do poorly in school and

later life, becomes a major factor ln lowering his or her

performance.

Much attention has been g1ven to the attitudes of the teachers and it is apparent that many do not hold their

Indian pupils in high regard. How many teachers are con vinced that their Indian pupils are inherently inferior

intellectually is not known, but undoubtedly the number lS

great. Rist (66) queried the teachers of Shoshone children,

finding that 81.5 percent held the Indians to be equal to the whites in intelligence, and 18.5 percent regarded them as inferior. Other investigations have reported similar opinions among teachers regarding intelligence. On the other hand, negative opinions among teachers regarding characteristics other than intelligence are more common.

Parmee (62) found many who believed Apaches.to be "hostile,"

"lazy," and "dumb," but say, "It would have been difficult to say hov·l many . . . share these views." In regard to the

Porno, Kennedy (43:113) says, "No teacher has charged the

Indian with lack of capacity, but rather with lack of inter est and incentive for education." Goodman (28) reports that of the public school teachers he interviewed, "some were sympathetic, but many regarded their Indian pupils as infer- 23

1or and dirty," and preferred not having them in their classes. At Pine Ridge, Wax (82) found that very few of the

Day School teachers actively disliked their pupils; quite a few seened fond of them; very fe\1 respected them ... The most common attitude is condescension, sometimes kindly, often well-meant, but always critical.

Awareness of Cultural Differences

The negative attitudes and opinions of teachers could very well be caused by the teachers 1 lack of awareness of the cultural differences that separate them from their

Indian pupils. This is certainly a major obstacle which needs to be overcome. Furthermore, behavior which the non- white interprets as apathy is actually a widespread and traditional reluctance on the part of the Indian to interfere in the affairs of others, including their own children.

Wax and Thomas (82), furnish an excellent analysis of the pattern, pointing out that the Indian .... from earliest childhood, is trained to regard absolute non-interference in interpersonal relationships as decent and normal, the } lesson being taught by precept and example. It is manifes- ted in the child-rearing practices of so many Indian societies that Driver (23:458) is able to reach a generalization that, "No-rth American Indians were very permissive with their children as compared with Europeans." Such permissive- ness has been reported by many students of Indian cultures, 24

including Willcott (8), Joseph. (40), Leighton and Kluckhohn

( 4_6) , Macgregor (53) , Leighton and Adair (50) , Thompson ( 7 7) ,

Chance (16), and others. Garcia (26) found that most of the Arapaho parents whom he interviewed thought their child ren would have to "make up their own minds" as to whether or not they wanted to continue their education beyond high school, and Rist (66) concluded that the permissive atmos phere of the Shoshone home was not conducive to academic achievement.

Growth among the Apache and the limitations of the reservation~s resources are making it necessary for young men to make wise vocational choices. Thus, Bernardoni (8) undertook to assess the role that parents play in the process. He found that most parents play a minimal role, and were hesitant about even mentioning the subject to their sons. Bernardoni recognizes a number of factors responsible for this situation, one of which is the Indian's reluctance to interfere.

In addition to what the white man often reports as apathy and indifference, there is the understandable pre sence of downright hostility, or at the very least suspicion and fear. This was especially true with respect to the boarding school a few generations ago, and the attitude has persisted and is prevalent even today. Many Utes so dislike the white man and all his ways that they invariably convey to their children negative feelings toward the schools, with 25

the result that they will not try to succeed. (Atkinson,5).

Indians who desire to retain their identity and to perpetuate their traditions are perceptive enough to see that the white man·s school presents a serious threat. Zintz commen-ts on the trend in New Mexico to transfer Indian children to public schools, saylng:

This transfer confronts many Indian elders with many philosophical problems about the future of their cultural heritage. Inter actions with non-Indians may facilitate learning the English language, acquiring skills for competing economically in the labor market, and attaining a middle-class standard of living. However, the elders must face the possibility that their children will not learn their mother tongue, the nature lore, the moral values, the cere monial rites, and the prayers of their people, and to them these are more important. (87:73).

Competition, a prominent feature in the American value system, is strongly emppasized ln the educational system.

Because the competitive spirit is not in keeping with most

Indian value structures, the Native American faces external pressures that create internal personal conflict. Coopera- tion rather than competition is characteristic of the~---~------

Indian 1 s 1tJay of life. This conflict of values impairs the

Indian child's academic success. Jules Henry, in his book,

Culture Against Man, says:

I deplore the fact that elementary school pitches motivation at an intensely competitive level, but see no sense in altering that approach, because children have to live in a competitive world. 26

One finds frequent reference to the fact that Indian children are reluctant to enter into competition with classmates, hesitate to answer teacher's question when others are unable to do so, are embarrassed to be singled out for pra1se or to receive higher grades, etc. Roessel (67) describes the traumatic experience of a Navajo pupil who, because of his superior classroom performance, found a gold star placed beside his name on the class roll. Joseph (40) says of the Papago, "They do not feel the urge to out-do their neighbors." It is the same among the Hopi, according to Thompson (76) and also among the Sioux (Macgregor, 53), and among the Navajos, according to Kluckhohn and Leighton

(46). Kutsche (47), who studied the dropout problem among the North Carolina Cherokees, lays the blame partly on the competetive atmosphere of the school. He states (47:24),

"The Cherokee are noncompetitive; they resist competition in school, even 1n the most innocent forms."

Perhaps it 1s unfortunate that most Americans have no contact with Indians, and the stereotype of the "Noble Red

Man" is widely held. In those communities, however, where the two races are in contact, the whites have quite a different image of the Indian. It should be noted that this image is far from flattering. In areas where there are large concentrations of Indians, i.e., in towns and cities on or near reservations, the Indian is viewed as something less than human. 27

Stereotype vs. the Truth About Modern Indians

One popular stereotype of the Native American is that

:he is proud, strong, courageous, independent, stoical, and

:Self-sufficient. Often there is a small degree of validity

in recial stereotypes, and this holds true in the case of

Indians. The Spindlers (72), after combing the psychologi

cally oriented studies and autobiographies, concluded that

there were certain features widely distributed among the

Indians of North America, including a positive valuation

of bravery and courage, reserve and self-control, ability to endure pain, and a sort of fatalistic dependence upon .

supernatural power.

There are other studies, however, which point to the

presence of still other personality traits which have a

direct bearing upon education (Tefft, 73). Not only are these personality traits prevalent in Indian children and

adolescents, but these traits are most probably the reason

behind the fact that few Native Americans ever obtain

degrees in higher education.

Terms often used to describe the modern Indian's atti

11 tudes and feelings are "alienation , "hopelessness", "power lessness", "rejection", "depression", "anxiety", "estrange- ment", and "frustration". Tefft (73) found among Arapaho youth, despair and disillusionment with their social environ ment. Kennedy (43) said the Porno appear to be ashamed of themselves. Bryde (13) reported that the Sioux revealed 28

themselves as feeling more rejected, depressed, withdrawn, paranoid, as well as more socially, emotionally, and self- alienated than whites. Ablon (1) speaks of a prevailing attitude of suspicion and fear of Pejection which Indians in the San Francisco Bay Area feel for the white community, and West (84), himself an Indian, notes that even long residence in Detroit fails to dispel the sense of inferiority.

The Spindlers (72) maintain that the personality type which they call "reaffirmative native" is ambivalent about whites and white culture . . and has doubts about his personal adequacy. Vogt (80) describes that faction of the Iroquois which he calls "native modified" as alienated from the dominant culture and making "no attempt to identify" with either Canadian or American society. The Coleman study (17) discovered that Indian students have far less conviction than whites that they can affect their own environments and futures.

In light of the above, it should be obvious that the attitudes of the dominant white society and the school sys- tern therein are greatly responsible for fostering a negative self-concept among Native Americans. Much research needs to be done on the self-concept of Native Americans. There lS evidence, however, that the problem of the Indian's loss of iden~ity is of primary importance for research. Indians are plagued with feelings of alienation, anxiety and inade- quacy, which greatly impair their ability to function well 29

in the broader culture. 1{gative self-concepts and

identity crlses appear to be maJor factors in the reasons that few Native Americans ever obtain degrees in higher education. THE NATIVE AMERICAN IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Now, more than ever before, Native Americans are

attending college, despite the obstacles Indian students

encounter in their elementary and secondary school exper

lence. In the early 60's there were at least 4,000 Native

American college students in the United States (McGarth,54).

This number represents a marked increase over previous

years. Havinghurst (30) notes that in 1937, only one out

of 50 high school graduates went to college, while in 1950,

of 579 graduates of federal high schools, l in 6 entered

college. A similar trend is reported for the Navajos,

largest of the Indian tribes (Johnston, 37; Navajo Yearbook,

5 9 ) •

Although Indian college student enrollment is increas

lng, the percentage of American Indians who enter college

is low in comparison with the non-Indians. As of January

1961, 2 per cent of the national population was enrolled

in colleg2, whereas the percentage of Indian population was only l/2 of l percent (Nix, 60). In 1967, still only one

per cent of the Native American population was enrolled in colleges or universities (Thomas, 75).

Although Indians are increasingly seeking higher education 1n our society, they are not doing so at the

same rate as other Americans. Whatever the reason might be

30 31

for this discrepancy, lack of interest is not the explana tion. Hamblin (29) administered a questionnaire to Apache and Navajo high school sen1ors and found a large majority,

91.1 per cent in fact, desired to further their education.

Adams (2) reported similar findings at Union High School in Roosevelt, Utah. The Native American, like other

Americans, has a desire for higher education. He differs, however, from non-Indian college students in a number of respects.

Profile of the Indian College Student

A profile of the Indians enrolled 1n higher education reveals that they are somewhat older than their fellow students, are more likely to be male than female, and are usually unmarried. The Indians pre-college educational experiences have included a greater variety of schools and more frequent change in schools attended (Artichoke 4;

McGarth, 54). Also, the Indian college student is likely to have been born and reared on a reservation, to have parents whose educational level is lower than that of non

Indians, and is more likely than non-Indians to have older siblings. They are less likely than non-Indians to have older siblings who have graduated from college. In regard to academic background, the Native American if? more likely tQ have attended a smaller school than the non-Indian, to have received less individual counseling, and to have fewer 32

. . . . .:"/"/:' . . un1ts 1n mathemat1cs and more un1ts 1n vocat1onal subJects.

According to McGarth (54), Indians participate le~s in

extra-curricular activities and received fewer awards than

the comparison sample.

Despite the financial aids provided to the Indian

college students, research indicates that they are usually

unsuccessful in their ef£orts to complete a college educa

tion. (Zintz, 86). While few studies make adequate com-

parisons between Indians and non-Indians in regard to

academic adjustment, the evidence sugge~ts that Indians

are less well adjusted. They have higher dropout rates and they receive lower grades.

In studying the records of 100 Indians enrolled at the

University of New Mexico between 1954 and 1958, Zintz (87),

found that 70 per cent dropped out with low grades, 20 per cent were enrolled at the time of his study, and only 10

per cent had received degrees. The attrition rate of

Indians was compared with the overall attrition rate of 49 per cent of college freshmen at the University of New

Mexico. Furthermore, of the 30 per cent who remained at the University or received degrees, the majority had been placed on probation at one time or another. Also, Zintz

(87) studied the records of 31 Indian students enrolled at the University of New Mexico in the fall of 1~58, and

found that 84 per cent of these failed to finish the first

semester with an average grade of "C" or better. 33

Ludeman (52) examined the records of Indian students e~rolled at Southern State Teachers College, South Dakota, from 1925 to 1958. Surveying 112 cases in all, Ludeman found that 36 attended one quarter or less, and nearly half the total number attended only one full year of school or less.

The failure of Native Americans to succeed in higher education becomes more apparent when one considers the professional status of Indians in the United States today.

Thomas (75) says, that at the latest count there were only

30 nurses, 25 physicians, and 7 dentists from the entire

Native American population of 877,000.

Social and Personal Problems

Studies focusing on the social and personal problems of Indian · college students are not conducted as frequently as those dealing with academic problems. Although too few studies have been made to draw any definite conclusion, pre liminary evidence does indicate that Indian College students suffer from the same kinds of personal and social problems as do other students. Both groups get homesick, worry about the future, and have finan~ial problems. Indians seem to have more problems than do non-Indians, however, and they seem to have more problems of a serious nature.

It is this writer's belief that personal, rather than academic problems, prohibit the Native American from 34

successfully completing college and obtaining the desired degree. Of the numerous personal problems, the literature points to two areas as being the crux of the problem, the

Indians negative self-concept and identity crisis.

Negative Self-Concept

The vast majority of Nat·ive Americans who. attend college arrive with an already damaged self-concept. This is-magnified tenfold when they are hit with the realization that they are ~l!i:..P.J2.~:d for the r1gors of the college curriculum. All too often the supportive services on campuses are not equipped to handle this problem, lacking not in qualified tutors, but in qualified personnel in the area of counseling and guidance. The newly-arrived Indian student not only needs to make wise choices in class scheduling, but also in how he must spend his time outside of the classroom. Often, study habits must be developed and future goals linked to present education.

Myers (58), discussed the achievement of a college education as opposed to the "pull of the reservation." It seems that some Hoopa students have come to the realization that once a college degree was obtained, there was little chance of applying it on the reservation. He states:

Thus, unless one were interested in teaching, or working for the B.I.A. with the hope of eventually being assigned to the Hoopa agency, there was some question about the worth of a college degree. As 35

one dropout said: 'I went to Chico State because I wanted to be a machine drafts man. When' it dawned on me that I'd never be able to use this skill on the reserva tion, I dropped out ' , " (Myers , 58 : 19) .

Programs That Perpetuate Negative Self-Concept

During the course of interviewing Indian students who

are attending or have attended colleges and universities in

four Southwestern states, Arizona, California, New Mexico

and Utah, I found a common theme. Two very common state- ments, "What in hell am I going to do with a college degree

back home?" and "The Indian programs on campus are not for

Indians, but to teach whites about Indians."

The feeling that the programs are unsuitable for

Indians is not unfounded. Medicine (55) ~n discussing the three types of programs on college campuses, American

Indian Studies Programs, American Indian Culture Programs and Native American Studies, and their variations, gives us a good example of why many Indian students feel that the

programs are not designed for Indians. She states:

Unfortunately, there is great competion for funds and for Native American instructors with proper credentials to meet the require ments to work in colleges and universities, and for Indian students to fill quotas. Furthermore, there is great proliferation of variations of the aforementioned types (American Indian Studies Programs, American Culture Programs and Native American Studies) in both public and private sectors of uni versity life. Competition is keen with tremendous duplication of services and a shrouding of existing courses with fringes 36

for goodness-of-fit into so-called American Indian Studies Programs (55:80).

Medicine (55) continues by saying that the attempt to

capitalize on these programs lS most evident in the smaller

colleges where grant-getting to fill administrative coffers

seems to be the sole aim of their founding. In order to

establish Indian programs, these colleges are conducting

"surrounds" to capture Indians with at least a baccalaureate

degree to head the Native American Programs. Furthermore,

the vast majority of these institutions of higher learning

write their proposals for funds without consulting Indians

or anthropologists.

Identity Crisis

Closely related to the notion of the Native American's

negative self-concept, as a deterrent to success in higher

education, is his identity crisis. There are many who maintain that the Indian's 1mage of himself depends, in the

final analysis, on the 1mage held by the dominant white

society. One becomes most acutely aware of this while

studying the Pan-Indian Movement. According to Oswalt (6)

Pan-Indianism is a synthesis of elements which are considered

Indian. The white man's s.tereotype of the Indian exerts a

strong influence upon the selection of these elements. For

example, the Plains headdress of eagle feathers has become the symbol of all Indians regardless of their tribal origin. 37

The white man has always displayed a readiness to generalize about Indians and to force them into convenient stereotypes. The truth of the matter is, Indian societies have always differed widely. It is a precar1ous undertaking to genera~ze about Indians, since they differ so greatly

fl one from the other. This generalizing about Indians has led to the stereotyping of the white man's schools in grades K-12. In this way Indians come to see themselves through the eyes of the whites.

In addition to having a negative self-concept, the

Indian who is identified as Native American upon arriving on campus is faced with an identity crisis. After twelve years of being educated 1n the white man's school, it is ludicrous to suggest that the newly-arrived Indian student is not acculturated, at least to some extent.

In his section on identity conflict, Myers (57) tells us that the college campus demanded more from the Indian than just being an individual who grew up on a reservation.

"It demanded concerned if not angry Indians---Indians who would tell of past and present injustices~" Needless to say, identity crises abound. On the subject, Myers (58), states:

The identity conflict, then, was not so much of the Indian trying to adjust to the white world, as this adjustment had been made on the reservation decades earlier. Rather, the problem was the acculturated Indian attempting to adjust to the im~ge of the new Indian held by the whites on 38 v / the Chico campus. The easiest way to obtain such recognition was by clothing and hair style, and the Hoopa students were soon wearing long hair tied in braids or ponytail. Moccasins, fringed clothing, headbands and beads proliferated (58:19).

Medicine (55) refers to this phenomenon as "culture- questing or identity-questing", saying that it is fostered in part by· the polyglot of tribal backgrounds that have appeared on campuses. The result of the identity crisis is that more attention is given to identifying with the white man's image of the Indian than is given to academic achievement.

If it is true that negative self-concept and identity crisis are major factors contributing to the underachievement of Indian students enrolled in college, what can be done to change this situation? The literature indicates that negative self-concept and identity crlsls are ultimately the reflection of the image held by the dominant white society. To correct this false image, two approaches are indicated: (l) encourage the Indian to develop a better image of himself, and (2) promote among the whites more understanding and appreciation of the Indian, in the hope that their image of the Indian might be improved. CONCLUSION

After an extensive revlew of the literature, inter viewing numerous students and ex-students from institutions of higher learning and drawing from personal experience, both on the reservation and while in college, I conclude:

If the Indian is to improve his self-image and resolve the identity crisis, the proper place to begin the transforma tion is with the white society. The problem is one of educating the whites, of supplanting their ignorance and their antiquated stereotypes with more knowledge and under standing of the Indian as he really is.

The literature points out that local autonomy and responsibility, rather than coerclon and paternalism are more conducive to educating the Native American. Indians themselves have s~t forth goals for developing autonomy and responsibility in the form of adequate counseling opportunities, vocational training, better housing and medical facilities, employment opportunities, revolving loan funds, industrial development of reservations and instilling in their young a sense of pride in being Indian.

Furthermore, the literature points out that the goal of educating the Native American has been attempted with the idea of assimilation into the broader society. It is

39 40

this writer's belief that the Indian could best be served through educational programs which allow the maintenance of his culture and tribal origins. Research in this area should take the form of developing alternative schools at the primary and secondary levels, schools similar to the

Rough Rock Demonstration school. Thus, setting the pattern for local autonomy, responsibility and self-reliance.

In the area of higher education, research and program development should be in the areas of range management, animal husbandry, marketing, agriculture, civil and mine engineering, and professional counselors to insure that students make wise academic choices. Research and program development in this area may ultimately enable Native

Americamto establish their own institutions of higher learning.

The Native American student arrives at the present institutions of higher learning with a negative self-concept.

This.negative self-concept is largely a product of the com petitive school system of the broader society. As the literature points out, the Indian is cooperative rather than competitive. Research in the area of cooperative

Indian schools might clear the way for an alternative to the present system and ultimately decrease the Native

American's negative self-concept.

Assuming that the Indian's negative self-concept can be overcome by removing the elements of competition from 41

the school system, the problem of identity crisis should resolve itself. College and universities would receive self assured Indian students with a sense of direction. Cultural ties would be strengthened and there would be no question of the usefulness of a college degree.

Fruition will come when the broader society realizes that the Indian is not only willing but capable of choosing his goals and directing his own destiny without abandoning his culture. REFERENCES

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