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Page 1 of 4 © 2016 Factiva, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Penance, Redemption Punctuate Life of Mike by Steve Kukolla 1,817 Words 3 Penance, redemption punctuate life of Mike By Steve Kukolla 1,817 words 31 January 1994 Indianapolis Business Journal IBJ Pg. 1A v14, n45, Section 1 English Copyright IBJ Corp 1994 Indianapolis, IN, US -- Forgiveness sometimes required dramatic acts of public contrition for old-line Roman Catholics. In some parts of the world, penitents still circle a church on their knees, aiming to change their lives. For Mike Pence, devout Catholic, onetime Republican congressional candidate and newly resigned president of the Indiana Policy Review Foundation, redemption and change in the public eye has been a constant theme. He resigned last month from the public policy think tank he helped form five years ago because of a philosophical difference with Policy Review Chairman Charles Quilhot over Pence's role. In 1990, Pence was brought to his knees after losing the 2nd Congressional District campaign to Democrat Rep. Phil Sharp. He said the race was a moral disaster, which he admitted in a first-person 1991 account titled, "Confessions of a Negative Campaigner." The piece ran in newspapers around the state and gained bipartisan praise for its candor. But Pence said his biggest change came during college nearly 16 years ago. After spending years as a dyed-in-the-wool Democrat, he saw the light: the religious and conservative light. In the spring of 1978, "I made a commitment to Christ. I'm a born-again, evangelical Catholic," despite the quandary such a pronouncement might pose for theologians, Pence chuckled. Pence, a 1981 graduate of Hanover, said his political transformation came during his junior year there, where he majored in history. A newly arrived history professor, George M. Curtis II, had a profound impact. He introduced Pence to classical liberalism in the Adam Smith sense, "and is one of the most brilliant men I've ever know" Pence said. It was the influence of Curtis, now chairman of Hanover's history department, that produced a sweeping examination of conscience, one that dragged Pence away from his political roots. Pence said the turning point came the day after he voted for Jimmy Carter in 1980. "[Carter] was a good Christian. Beyond that, there was a sense of, 'Why would you elect a movie star?'" Pence said, referring to Ronald Reagan. Curtis spent a class period piquing students about their assumptions and exploring Reagan's economic vision for the country. "He showed me that day that Reagan wasn't a vacuous movie star," Pence said. Curtis defers credit for Pence's turnaround to the subject he reaches. "People latch on to the material. It isn't me," he said. He remembered Pence's sense of humor and conviction and said he picked up on key historical motifs: constitutional integrity and rule of law. Page 1 of 4 © 2016 Factiva, Inc. All rights reserved. The professor's lessons gave Pence the conservative framework around which to build his political ambitions. Running for Congress had been a lifelong dream, one that took Pence through the standard route of speech competitions, and involvement at Columbus North High School and in local party politics. He finished second in the nation in the National Forensic League's 1977 extemporaneous competition in Seattle, and was youth coordinator for a Democrat judge's campaign in 1975. John Rumple, a Democrat who in 1988 ran for state attorney general, coached Pence in speech contests. Pence's interest in politics was unusual for a young person, Rumple said. "He had a lot of energy." PRIEST TO POLITICO Pence's father, Edward Pence, was an executive with the successful oil distributorship Kiel Brothers Oil Co., where Mike Pence's older brother Greg is vice president. Pence, whose father died in 1988, has three brothers and two sisters. "My house wasn't politically charged at all. Dad didn't like politicians or lawyers. I was a real source of pride," Pence joked. Greg Pence said his brother was always outgoing and friendly. 'We all grew up with a strong sense of doing what was right. Mike manifested that" ethic in his public life, he said. Pence was a C student in high school. He spent his Hanover years concentrating on academics, leaving speech competition and politics aside. He graduated with a 3.4 grade point average on a scale of 4. He remained ambitious, but lacked direction. After serving as a full-time youth minister for his church, Pence applied to the Catholic University in Washington, D.C., in hopes of becoming a priest. Priesthood wasn't for him. Public life was. "I looked at my gifts: to articulate, to advocate. I felt convicted to pursue a long-term goal" in the public eye, he said. He tried to enter the Indiana University School of Law, but scored far too low on the admission test. So he spent the next two years traveling to what seemed like every town in the state as an admissions representative for Hanover--gaining a great education about Indiana, he said. The next whirl at the LSAT placed him in the 84th percentile, and Pence graduated in 1986 with a solid B average. It was tough. "No one I know likes law school. It was a bad experience. I wouldn't wish it on a dog I didn't like," he laughed. He soon joined Stark Doninger Mernitz & Smith, specializing in corporate law, and became active in Marion County Republican politics. Pence thought a run for Congress was years away, but casual discussions in 1987 with Republican operatives bore fruit. State officials told him he would fit nicely into the 1988 election cycle if he could raise $200,000. He raised $350,000 and garnered 47 percent of the popular vote, but lost the closest race in the district's history. Logic said a Republican candidate in a heavily Republican district ought to be able to knock off a Democrat incumbent, so Pence tried to dethrone Sharp again in 1990. This time, however, the chips were down. "We were dead meat when Bush passed the tax increase. All Republicans suffered in the polls," Pence said. LOVE THY NEIGHBOR His campaign then started down a slippery slope of attacking personalities instead of issues, Pence recalled, a look of disgust crossing his face. Pence was criticized for the legal but unorthodox maneuver of setting up his campaign as a for-profit corporation, spending some campaign funds for personal use. Page 2 of 4 © 2016 Factiva, Inc. All rights reserved. He drew scorn from the Arab community when he tied a campaign commercial to the Persian Gulf crisis. The TV commercial featured an unflattering caricature of an Arab thanking Sharp for not doing enough to steer the country clear of foreign oil dependency. Pence withdrew the ad. The Franklin Daily Journal broke the story that Pence, with funding help from Sen. Dan Coats' campaign, had set up a telemarketing outfit to attack Sharp. Voters received calls from what was billed as an environmental group opposing Sharp's re- election on grounds that he was selling his Illinois family farm to the government for use as a nuclear waste dump. The group was discovered to be phony, and two members of Coats' staff were fired over the incident. Pence finished with 42 percent of the vote, and swore off campaigning. "It was a terrible experience. A bloodbath. But I own the responsibility" for the campaign actions he now strongly regrets, Pence said. He said the experience left him profoundly disappointed. "We lost the race, and lost our mission--to honor God, and love your neighbor as yourself. We scarcely did that." Rumple, Bartholomew County Democratic chairman from 1985 to 1989, watched the race closely. He said campaign advisers are always looking for that killer blow. "Sometimes they get carried away," he said. "It gives you a very bad taste in your mouth." AFTER THE FALL Being invited to join the Policy Review Foundation in 1991 seemed like the perfect opportunity. Formed in 1989 with participation from Pence, the not-for-profit foundation pursues a conservative agenda, producing in-depth analysis and research and applying it to state issues. Becoming president "was an opportunity to get back on mission, addressing ideas and principles that brought me the debate in the first place," Pence said. During his tenure, the foundation gained notice for tackling a host of issues. It filed a lawsuit on behalf of Hoosier citizens in response to state legislators' attempt to raise their own pensions. The foundation also attacked perceived inefficiencies in the state's welfare system. Annual revenue from contributions has jump under Pence, from $150,000 in 1991 more than $475,000 last year, Quilhot said. "We hired Mike to help lift it [the foundation] on the radar screen, project a public image and raise funds," which Pence has done well, he said. But with a Saturday morning radio show and a new newsletter, The Pence Report, Pence was "getting too busy in public issues" for his role at the low-key, bipartisan foundation, Quilhot said. He cast aside reports that the foundation and Pence came to loggerheads over Pence's public disagreement with some foundation positions last year. A national search for someone to assume the "quiet role" of president should be concluded by February, Quilhot said. Pence said the split was a question of direction. He said he went to the foundation board late last year with an advocacy- oriented agenda, and the board wasn't interested "It just seemed best for everyone, with my views, to make a clean break," he said. He has expounded on those views--quicker prosecution of the death penalty for death row inmates and a strong anti-abortion stance among them--every Saturday since April from 9 a.m.
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