T. E. Hulme - Ein Konservativer Revolutionär Aus England
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Collectivism and the Intellectuals: Svend Ranulf, Émile Durkheim
Collectivism and the Intellectuals Svend Ranulf, Émile Durkheim, Fascism, and Resistance DAVID NORMAN SMITH Ideals of collective solidarity and community are often affirmed by authoritar- ians as well as by democrats. That double fact has seemed paradoxical to many thinkers, some of whom conclude, or suspect, that the pursuit of collective initiatives and solidarities is reactionary in principle. The fact that Nazi Germany sought to revive the Volksgemeinschaft (folk community) has fueled this suspicion. One con- sequence has been that thinkers whose views are regarded as collectivist have often been charged with setting the stage for fascism. Accusing fingers are often pointed at philosophers (Hegel, Schopenhauer) and sociologists (Weber, Durkheim). Lately, a subterranean current of accusations against Émile Durkheim in particular has gained renewed attention. Charges by Svend Ranulf and Marcel Déat in the prewar era have been resuscitated. But closely examined, the views of Ranulf, Déat, and their latter-day successors reveal deep confusion about democracy, solidarity, community, fascism, and resistance to fascism. Solidarity and community are prized in most democratic circles. But the dangers of communitarian excess have been widely recognized in the years since the Dreyfus Affair gave Europe a foretaste of the reaction- ary horrors to come on the eve of the 20th century. Individualism was now invidiously contrasted to ethnic unity, and democracy was suddenly an object of fierce derision. Émile Durkheim, the pioneer of French Antisemitism Studies Vol. 1, No. 2 • DOI 10.2979/antistud.1.2.04 Copyright © Canadian Institute for the Study of Antisemitism 305 David Norman Smith sociology and a passionate defender of the persecuted Dreyfus, was among the first to explore and challenge this anti-democratism.1 In Le suicide, which appeared in 1897 at the height of the Dreyfus Affair, Durkheim argued that society was now suspended between dangerous moral extremes—excessive egoism, on the one hand, and excessive “altruism,” on the other. -
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JOURNAL OF INTERDISCIPLINARY HISTORY OF IDEAS 2017 Volume 6 Issue 11 Item 4 – Section 2: Articles – From Literature to Politics How Rousseau Has Come to Symbolize Totalitarianism by Christophe Salvat c b a JIHI 2017 Volume 6 Issue 11 Section 1: Editorials 1. Editorial (M. Albertone, E. Pasini) Section 2: Articles 2. Le théâtre en révolution. Jeux et enjeux juridiques et poli- tiques 1789–1799 (J. Ruffier-Méray) 3. The Non-Orientability of the Mechanical in Thomas Car- lyle’s Early Essays (A. Pannese) 4. From Literature to Politics: how Rousseau Has Come to Symbolize Totalitarianism (C. Salvat) Section 3: Notes 5. Interpréter les faits. Dialogue entre histoire et droit (M. Al- bertone, M. Troper) Section 4: Reviews 5. Book Reviews and Notices (P.D. Omodeo, G. Vissio) Section 5: News & Notices 6. Activities of the GISI | Les activités du GISI (2017) . From Literature to Politics How Rousseau Has Come to Symbolize Totalitarianism Christophe Salvat * It was widely believed after WW2 that totalitarianism could be traced backto Rousseau’s rationalistic utopia. This idea conveyed, in particular, by Berlin’s Two Concepts of Liberty and Hayek’s Road to Serfdom, is still popular in some politi- cal circles. This article intends, however, to demonstrate that rather than originat- ing from Kantian readings of the Social Contract, the totalitarian interpretations of Rousseau’s work essentially arose from his literary and autobiographical writ- ings. It is Romanticism, and its alleged political and moral deviances, that is indeed targeted through Rousseau. Ironically, this prompted some intellectuals—including Cassirer—to revisit and to reappraise his political thought. -
The Unlikely Barrèsian Inheritance of Albert Camus Christopher Churchill
Document generated on 09/27/2021 5:20 a.m. Journal of the Canadian Historical Association Revue de la Société historique du Canada The Unlikely Barrèsian Inheritance of Albert Camus Christopher Churchill Volume 23, Number 2, 2012 Article abstract This essay examines the considerable intellectual debt left-wing Albert Camus URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1015795ar owed to one of the most unlikely of sources: far-right intellectual Maurice DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/1015795ar Barrès. Before achieving fame in France as an existential writer, he developed as a settler intellectual in colonial Algeria. The far-right exerted a profound See table of contents influence on settler intellectual communities in Algeria. Many of Camus’s colleagues and friends were deeply inspired by Barrès. He was as well. Examining Camus’s complex intellectual debts to Barrès requires both a Publisher(s) contextualization of his development as an intellectual in both Algeria and France, as well as a textual analysis of what he indeed assimilated from this The Canadian Historical Association / La Société historique du Canada icon of the far right. Camus’s attempts to wed Barrèssian fantasies of collective solidarization to his liberal political commitments risked leaving him at an ISSN impasse; however, wedding these sometimes conflicting approaches also allowed for a much broader engagement with his texts from a variety of 0847-4478 (print) political positions. As he confided to his mentor Jean Grenier: “I like my ideas 1712-6274 (digital) on the left and my men on the right.” Explore this journal Cite this article Churchill, C. -
Olivier Dard, Michel Leymarie, Neil Mcwilliam, Le Maurrassisme Et La
Action Française and culture : Life, Times and Legacy Review of : Olivier Dard, Michel Leymarie, Neil McWilliam (éds), Le maurrassisme et la culture. L'Action française. Culture, société, politique (III), Villeneuve-d'Ascq, Presses universitaires du Septentrion, 2010. In a seminal work Eugen Weber has already pointed out that the Action Française (the AF) dominated French intellectual life in the inter-war years1. Through publications from a series of symposiums held between 2007 and 2011, it becomes possible to understand better the project of this monarchist, nationalist and anti- Semitic movement that made culture a form of political intervention in its own right. Co-edited by Olivier Dard, Michel Leymarie and Neil McWilliam, the last published volume, Le maurrassisme et la culture, crosses different approaches in order to try to determine how the AF was able to exercise this intellectual hegemony2. The first line of study focuses on some of the actors who built the ‘plural object’ called Maurrassism, including, of course, Charles Maurras. Christian Amalvi, for instance, examines how throughout his life Maurras devoted himself to an ideological reconstruction of Antiquity that viewed Ancient Greece as the model of an ‘aristocratic’ society finally ruined by democracy — obviously a lesson for the revolutionary France that had squandered the legacy of the old regime. The rapid dissemination of this ideological construction was in part due to the fact that the first generation of Maurrassians, often formed of men coming from literary criticism such as Charles Maurras and Jacques Bainville, was able to use all the resources of the cultural-political field. Several papers describe their positioning strategies. -
The Institution of Modernism and the Discourse of Culture: Hellenism, Decadence, and Authority from Walter Pater to T
THE INSTITUTION OF MODERNISM AND THE DISCOURSE OF CULTURE: HELLENISM, DECADENCE, AND AUTHORITY FROM WALTER PATER TO T. S ELIOT DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University by John Calvert-Finn, B.A., M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2004 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Mark Conroy, Advisor _______________________ Professor Jon Erickson Advisor Department of English Professor David Riede ABSTRACT This project rethinks the forces that shaped English literary modernism by examining the way writers like Walter Pater, Oscar Wilde, T. E. Hulme, Ezra Pound, and T. S. Eliot respond to a crisis of literary authority that emerges from the nineteenth century through the shifting idea of culture. While these writers have been recently studied in terms of the link between literary doctrine and politics, this frame of reference fails to capture the way in which the formulation and reformulation of aesthetic ideas in the early twentieth century is intimately linked to way in which the idea of high culture was complicated by the emergence of the the anthropological culture idea in the nineteenth century. The English moderns discussed here each, in various ways, attempt to exploit the ambiguities of the culture idea in order to reassert the privileged status of the arts. Previously, the authority of European literature had been posited on the basis of Greek ideals as well as religious values. The emergence of anthropology greatly complicated the Victorian understanding of both Christianity and Hellenism, which in turn leaves aesthetics in need of a new form of legitimation. -
Rousseau Et La 'Renaissance Classique'
Rousseau et la ’Renaissance classique’ française (1898-1933) Christophe Salvat To cite this version: Christophe Salvat. Rousseau et la ’Renaissance classique’ française (1898-1933). Astérion, École Normale Supérieure de Lyon, 2014, pp.en ligne. 10.4000/asterion.2545. halshs-00947133 HAL Id: halshs-00947133 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00947133 Submitted on 14 Feb 2014 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Rousseau et la ‘Renaissance classique’ française (1898-1933) Christophe Salvat CNRS, Triangle UMR 5206 L’auteur Christophe Salvat est chargé de recherches au CNRS. Il est membre de Triangle-ENS de Lyon depuis 2013 et a enseigné auparavant à l’université d’Aix-Marseille, de Lausanne et de Cambridge. Ses travaux portent sur l’histoire de la pensée politique et économique du dix-huitième et dix-neuvième siècle, ainsi que sur la philosophie de l’économie. Il prépare actuellement un ouvrage sur la rationalité et l’identité (autour de Parfit) dans la collection Feuillets-Economie politique moderne de l’ENS. Résumé La fin du XIXe siècle est une période difficile pour les Français. La défaite de 1871, la chute du régime impérial, les déboires de la IIIe république et le krach de 1882 les ont amenés à douter de la capacité de leurs gouvernants. -
Ali Nematollahy HUGUES REBELL and CHARLES MAURRAS
Ali Nematollahy HUGUES REBELL AND CHARLES MAURRAS BEFORE L’ACTION FRANÇAISE ittle is known about the relation of Hugues Rebell and Charles Maurras. LTheir correspondence has not come to light, and the extent and duration of Rebell’s collaboration with Maurras and the group of Action Française have never been established with certainty. In L’Enquête sur la monarchie (1900), Maurras mentioned that their friendship dated from their early days in Paris: “Que de fois,” wrote the founder of the Action française, “nous avons gémi ensemble sur les faiblesses ou les paresses d’un ‘parti’ ignorant de ses magni- fques ressources [i.e., the royalist camp before being organized into a political party]. Quelles démarches nous avons faites tous deux! Quelles lamentables conversations nous avons tenues et souffertes, sur des gens qu’un bruit public nous assignait comme chef!” (149–50). These remarks suggest that Rebell played a signifcant role in the formation of the future royalist party—if not in the work of organization and propaganda, at least in the ideological for- mation of its doctrine. Victor Nguyen, the historian of the Action Française, once suggested that the young Maurras assimilated the theories of Nietzsche almost entirely through Rebell, ideas that were of capital importance in the development of Maurras’ thought, and which later, as we shall see, he went to considerable length to deny (696). These ideas were gradually shaped as he came to articulate his literary and aesthetic views in the 1880s and early 90s. It was in the debates around the École Romane and against the Symbol- ist movement that they were molded. -
The Birth of Fascist Ideology
THE BIRTH OF FASCIST IDEOLOGY Zeev Sternhell with Mario Sznajder and Maia Asheri THE BIRTH OF FASCIST IDEOLOGY FROM CULTURAL REBELLION TO POLITICAL REVOLUTION Translated by David Maisel PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY Copyright 1994 by Princeton University Press Translated from Zeev Sternhell, with Mario Sznajder and Maia Asheri, Naissance de l’idéologie fasciste. Copyright 1989 Librairie Arthème Fayard, Paris Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, New Jersey 08540 In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, Chichester, West Sussex All Rights Reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Sternhell, Zeev. [Naissance de l’idéologie fasciste. English] The birth of fascist ideology : from cultural rebellion to political revolution / Zeev Sternhell, with Mario Sznajder and Maia Asheri : translated by David Maisel. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-691-03289-0 ISBN 0-691-04486-4 (pbk.) 1. Fascism—Europe—History. I. Sznajder, Mario. II. Asheri, Maia. III. Title. D726.5.S7413 1994 320.5′33′094—dc20 93-17629 CIP This book has been composed in Bitstream Caledonia Princeton University Press books are printed on acid-free paper and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources Third printing, and first paperback printing, 1995 Printed in the United States of America 357910864 To the memory of Jacob L. Talmon Contents Acknowledgments ix Introduction Fascism -
The Composer As Intellectual: Ideological Inscriptions in French Interwar Neoclassicism Author(S): Jane F
The Composer as Intellectual: Ideological Inscriptions in French Interwar Neoclassicism Author(s): Jane F. Fulcher Source: The Journal of Musicology, Vol. 17, No. 2 (Spring, 1999), pp. 197-230 Published by: University of California Press Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/763888 Accessed: 03-09-2018 00:25 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms University of California Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Musicology This content downloaded from 129.74.250.206 on Mon, 03 Sep 2018 00:25:46 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms The Composer as Intellectual: Ideological Inscriptions in French Interwar Neoclassicism JANE F. FULCHER On December 16, 1915, the director of the recently reopened Paris Opera displayed his political acumen to a gov- ernment still skeptical of opera's relevance in wartime. Drawing on in- 197 novations in his own private theater, Jacques Rouch6 mounted a seem- ingly anodyne work, resembling classic "op6ra-ballet" and bearing the pallid title of Mademoiselle de Nantes.1 The production, in reality, was ingenious-a brilliant departure in wartime propaganda-not through blatant brainwashing but through means far more powerful for being so insidiously indirect. -
T. E. Hulme's Aesthetics and the Ideology of Proto-Fascism
The Japanese Society for Aesthetics Aesthetics No.17 (2013): 1-12 T. E. Hulme’s Aesthetics and the Ideology of Proto-fascism ISHIDA Keiko Kobe University, Hyogo Introduction T. E. Hulme (1883–1917) was a philosopher and critic who was acutely responsive to Bergson’s theory of intuition, noting its implications for aesthetics and trying to make use of it to renew English poetry. While he is famous for his contribution to Imagism, which led the movement of English literary Modernism, his aesthetic theory is not broadly known. One of the reasons for that is likely external: most of his work was unfinished because he was killed in World War I. There may be a more serious, immanent reason, however, namely, his dilettantism. In studies on Hulme, it is often pointed out that he casually took theories from other philosophers (Husserl, Pascal, Bergson, G.E. Moore, Worringer and so on) and political theoristes (Sorel, Maurras and so on).[1] Frankly speaking, we have to acknowledge his eclecticism and dilettantism and admit that his philosophy is in fact a hotchpotch of ideas from other theorists. Nonetheless, I still believe that his aesthetics is worthy of attention because his eclectic works are valuable documents that can show us the Konstellation of politics, aesthetics, society, and philosophy composed in the tense circumstance during the era of World War. In addition, his aesthetic theory was far from neglected at the time, being received sympathetically by many English avant-gardists. Examination of his influence upon the aesthetic and political tendencies of English literary Modernism will reveal the true significance of his philosophy.[2] The most outstanding points in Hulme’s political thinking are conservatism and heroism. -
The Camelots Du Roi's Campaign to Quash Dreyfusard
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Digital Repository at the University of Maryland ABSTRACT Title of Thesis: Manipulating History: The Camelots du Roi’s Campaign to Quash Dreyfusard Monuments Brooke Stacey Rosenblatt, Master of Arts, 2005 Thesis directed by: Professor June E. Hargrove Department of Art History and Archaeology This thesis examines the Action française youth organization, the Camelots du Roi, and their destruction of Dreyfusard monuments during the winter of 1908-1909. By contextualizing the Camelots’ vandalism with the Action française ideological program, this thesis contends Camelots du Roi’s iconoclasm functioned as an attempt to manipulate history and revise the legacy of the Dreyfus Affair. The reinterpretation of history was a central objective for the Action française. Members of the association believed that the French public education system distorted the past, and to prevent further misrepresentations, the Action française developed a pedagogical program. This thesis argues that the Camelots’ dedication to the Action française educational agenda prompted their attacks on the monuments to Ludovic Trarieux, Émile Zola, Charles Auguste Scheurer-Kestner and Bernard Lazare. Evidence demonstrates that the Camelots’ vandalism of Dreyfusard memorials operated as a means to reinvent the past and rewrite the judicial conclusion of the Dreyfus Affair. MANIPULATING HISTORY: THE CAMELOTS DU ROI’S CAMPAIGN TO QUASH DREYFUSARD MONUMENTS by Brooke Stacey Rosenblatt Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Maryland, College Park in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts 2005 Advisory Committee: Professor June E.