Godliness with a Difference: Religious Arguments for Toleration in Mid- Seventeenth-Century England
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The Great Tew Circle, 1630-1639
Athens Journal of History XY The Great Tew Circle, 1630-1639 By Michael J. Langford The Great Tew Circle comprised a group of theologians, philosophers and poets who met regularly in Lord Falkland's house at Great Tew, near Oxford, from the early 1630s until around 1639. Although strongly royalist and Anglican, on many matters, especially that of toleration, they defended views that would later be classed as liberal.1 This article introduces the reader to the Great Tew Circle, and explores its relationship with the better- known Cambridge Platonists, most of whom flourished a few decades later. Common ground included the influence of Plato and an appeal to 'reason', although exactly how reason should to be understood raises interesting issues. Introduction The Great Tew Circle comprised a collection of theologians, philosophers and poets who met together in Lord Falkland's house at Great Tew, about sixteen miles from Oxford, from the early 1630s until around 1639 when rumbles of the civil war – which broke out in 1642 -- summoned Falkland to matters of state, and the group discussions were discontinued. Thereafter, despite the deaths of Falkland and Chillingworth, the Circle maintained some influence and a degree of association between many of its members remained, in part through the continued patronage of Falkland's widow. At first sight, the Restoration of Charles II in 1660 might seem to mark a kind of success for the aspirations of the Circle, and particularly for the efforts of Henry Hammond during the Commonwealth period, but although the return to monarchy and state Anglicanism did represent some aspects of the Circle's agenda, the generally narrow and intolerant agenda of the new order certainly did not. -
“Against Such Hellish Mischief Fit to Oppose”: a Grotian Reading of Milton’S War in Heaven
Elizabeth Oldman “Against such hellish mischief fit to oppose”: A Grotian Reading of Milton’s War in Heaven y the time the latter parts of Paradise Lost came to be written,” remarks Stevie Davies, “the revolution had failed and the new tyrant, Charles II, had been restored” (45). In Paradise Lost, this essay proposes, Milton “Bcalls upon Hugo Grotius’s version of natural law to distinguish evil from good at a time when evil seemed to prevail. He attempts to make natural law perform beyond the restoration of monarchy, to ultimately prove God’s just intention in allowing the unfortunate outcome of the English Civil War to take place. Demonstrating the poet’s Grotian belief that the parameters for legitimate military action must be circumscribed in accordance with the laws of nature, two models of warfare—criminal battle originated by Satan, and God’s justifiable defensive response—take place in the War in Heaven in Book 6 of the epic. This three-day conflict fought between God’s troops and Satan’s enables Milton to investigate “what kind of rebellion was justified and what not” (Hill 366). As explanation for why the angels agree to battle, I consider how the War in Heaven ensues in a Grotian manner as a necessary instrument, for there is no other way of obliging errant nations which are uncivil to conform to reason. In response to unjust war, that is, one must wage just war. In contrast to Satan, who reveals himself as a usurper who initiates his ‘‘foreign” or international campaign for conquest and plunder of land, commendable rulership is embodied in juxtaposition with the author’s depiction of God. -
Introduction
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-51704-1 - Reason and Religion in the English Revolution: The Challenge of Socinianism Sarah Mortimer Excerpt More information Introduction On the fertile banks of the river Czarna, in the south of the Polish Commonwealth, lay the town of Rakow. In the early seventeenth century it was a peaceful, idyllic town, filled with craftsmen and workshops and dominated by its flourishing Academy. Its atmosphere of learning and of harmony made such an impression on one visitor that he felt himself ‘transported into another world’. For, as he recalled, all its inhabitants were ‘calm and modest in behaviour, so that you might think them angels, 1 although they were spirited in debate and expert in language’. Yet Rakow was the centre of Socinianism, a theological position perceived as so danger- ous that it could only have been raked out of hell by men intent on blaspheming against God. It was denounced in lurid terms, by Protestants and Catholics alike, and outlawed in almost every country in 2 Europe. From Rakow, the Socinians produced a series of religious and political works which spread across Europe, capturing the attention of scholars, clerics and educated laymen. Few religious groups inspired such extreme reactions, or found such careful readers. The people of this quiet, well-ordered Polish town had a lasting impact in Europe and this book will explore the English reaction to their potent theology. It was widely agreed that the Socinians posed a serious challenge to European religion and society – and yet the nature of the challenge they presented has never been fully explored or explained. -
The Great Tew Circle, 1630-1639
Athens Journal of History - Volume 5, Issue 4 – Pages 247-258 The Great Tew Circle, 1630-1639 By Michael J. Langford The Great Tew Circle comprised a group of theologians, philosophers and poets who met regularly in Lord Falkland's house at Great Tew, near Oxford, from the early 1630s until around 1639. Although strongly royalist and Anglican, on many matters, especially that of toleration, they defended views that would later be classed as liberal.1 This article introduces the reader to the Great Tew Circle, and explores its relationship with the better-known Cambridge Platonists, most of whom flourished a few decades later. Common ground included the influence of Plato and an appeal to 'reason', although exactly how reason should to be understood raises interesting issues. Introduction The Great Tew Circle comprised a collection of theologians, philosophers and poets who met together in Lord Falkland's house at Great Tew, about sixteen miles from Oxford, from the early 1630s until around 1639 when rumbles of the civil war – which broke out in 1642 -- summoned Falkland to matters of state, and the group discussions were discontinued. Thereafter, despite the deaths of Falkland and Chillingworth, the Circle maintained some influence and a degree of association between many of its members remained, in part through the continued patronage of Falkland's widow. At first sight, the Restoration of Charles II in 1660 might seem to mark a kind of success for the aspirations of the Circle, and particularly for the efforts of Henry Hammond during the Commonwealth period, but although the return to monarchy and state Anglicanism did represent some aspects of the Circle's agenda, the generally narrow and intolerant agenda of the new order certainly did not. -
Shakespeare and Religion Chronology 1600-1624 and Post Shakespeare 1625-1799 Including American Contexts Continental Contexts Irish Contexts
1 Shakespeare and Religion Chronology 1600-1624 and Post Shakespeare 1625-1799 Including American Contexts Continental Contexts Irish Contexts Home Page: Shakespeare and Religion Chronology by Dennis Taylor, Boston College Unedited notes, Revised March, 2013 **1600** Essex opens Essex house to discontents, proposes to certain theologians the question whether an ill-advised sovereign could be required to govern according to law, sends professions of attachment to James; the conspirators meet at Drury House, Southampton's residence, to discuss the succession, and promise support to James;Essex assembles his men to proceed to the Queen-- ”buoyed up with the belief in his own popularity, and the knowledge that a few years before the duke of Guise in similar circumstances, had, with the aid of the Parisians, successfully braved the authority of his sovereign” (Lingard); diverted by Sir Edward Coke who arrived and “accused Essex of hypocrisy and irreligion, because, while he pretended to be a Protestant, he had promised toleration to Blount, his father-in-law, a known Catholic; Essex protested his loyal Protestantism, but also “replied ... that he did not consider it an essential part of the reformed worship to put Catholics to death on account of their religion” (Lingard). He is tried and convicted, but left free. Southampton offers to flee with him to foreign exile, but Essex declines. Essex conspirators include Francis Tresham (son of Sir Thomas Tresham), who became part of Gunpowder plot. Essex had tacitly promised religious toleration to gain support of Catholics and other dissidents. Henry Howard, Earl of Northampton, Essex ally, but opposed the rebellion Anne of Denmark, wife of James VI (married him 1589), possibly converts to Catholicism in this year (or 1601-2). -
Hobbes's Use of the Bible in Leviathan in the Context of The
Religious Liberty and Authority: Hobbes’s Use of the Bible in Leviathan in the Context of the English Civil War Takuya Okada UCL Mphil degree 1 I, Takuya Okada, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 2 Abstract It has long been a great riddle why Hobbes expressed his bizarre view about Christian religion in Leviathan. This thesis is a serious attempt to explain it. The procedure followed is, in the first place, to identify the precise nature of arguments distinctive of Leviathan and of the new religious challenges Hobbes faced in Leviathan, and then to connect them with religious issues in the English Civil War. The issues identified are enthusiasm, “the Foole” in Chapter 15, and the toleration controversy. The first context investigated is several rational justifications for the authority of the Bible as a reaction to enthusiasm. Works by William Chillingworth, Edward Leigh, John Goodwin, Seth Ward and Henry Hammond are examined, and the originality of Hobbes’s view on biblical authority in comparison with them is clarified. It lies in Hobbes’s radical scepticism towards all forms of the pretended word of God as his solution to the political threat of enthusiasm, and in the correspondent certainty of his answer, the civil sovereign as the foundation of biblical authority. Clarification has been given of several layers of his scriptural interpretation underlying the conclusion, such as the philological investigation about revelation in the Bible in Chapter 36, the foundation of Moses’s authority in Chapter 40. -
Democraticals and Religious Fanatics
Filozofski vestnik Volume/Letnik XXIV • Number/Številka 2 • 2003 • 139-168 BEHEMOTH: DEMOCRATICALS AND RELIGIOUS FANATICS T o m a ž M a s t n a k The seed of the “memorable civil war in his Majesty’s dominions from 1640 to 1660,” Hobbes wrote in the Epistle Dedicatory to Behemoth, were “certain opinions in divinity and politics,” out of which grew “declarations, remon strances, and other writings between the King and Parliament.” Actions tak en in that period were what he called “the war itself.” He apportioned the first two, out of four, dialogues of his Behemoth to discussing those “certain opinions” and the pamphlet war, he explained, and represented the second, slightly shorter, half of the book as “a very short epitome of the war itself, draw n o u t o f Mr. H e a th ’s chronicle . ” 1 This brief dedication raises questions. Florus or Machiauel The division between the two main parts of Behemoth is not as neat as Hobbes would make us think. There is no reason to assume that his knowl edge of the “war itself’ rested on Heath’s chronicle alone. Hobbes was un doubtedly quite well acquainted with the civil war literature, as he himself in dicated. In Leviathan, for example, he referred to “divers English Books lately printed” and in Behemoth he mentioned “divers men that have written the his tory. ” 2 Why did he, then, represent Heath as his source? One reason may have been practical. Baron Arlington, the Secretary of State and Behemoth’s dedica tee, had given Heath permission to print his A Brief Chronicle in 1663 and could thus reasonably be expected to grant - or help obtain - Hobbes license 1 Behemoth, Epistle Dedicatory. -
Religious Toleration in English Literature from Thomas More to John Milton
Religious Toleration in English Literature from Thomas More to John Milton Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Justin R. Pepperney, M.A. Graduate Program in English The Ohio State University 2009 Dissertation Committee: John N. King, Advisor Christopher Highley Luke Wilson Copyright by Justin R. Pepperney 2009 Abstract The purpose of this dissertation is to examine how the idea of religious toleration was represented in early modern English polemical prose, poetry, and other literary genres. I argue that religious toleration extends from what is permissible in spiritual practice and belief, to what is permissible in print, and texts on religious toleration encouraged writers to contemplate the status of the discourse to which they contributed. Although the study begins and ends with analysis of two authors whose writings on toleration have received extensive critical attention, this dissertation also applies the latest theoretical framework for understanding religious toleration to writers whose contribution to the literature of toleration has previously been less well documented. Thomas More‘s Utopia (1516) outlines an ideal state with apparently progressive institutions and social practices, including property shared in common, abolition of the monetary system, and religious toleration. Contrary to the view of previous criticism, however, the image of a tolerant society in More‘s Utopia is unlike the modern ideal of toleration as a foundational principal of modern pluralism. Although More also argued against toleration of heresy in his later polemical works, he engaged with the concept of toleration to contemplate the efficacy of the dialogue as a persuasive tool. -
Lay Medical Culture and Its English Critics C. 1620 to C. 1720
Lay M edical Culture and its English Critics c.1620 to c.1720 Alexander Goldbloom 1 University College London A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the University of London University of London June 2000 ProQuest Number: U642319 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest. ProQuest U642319 Published by ProQuest LLC(2015). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 A b s tr a c t This thesis deals with the way in which lay medical culture was perceived by literate elites in seventeenth-century England. It seeks to reappraise an existing historical picture in which the growth of scientific rationalism is seen as leading to a growing divide between the mentahties and medical practices of élites and those of the rest of society. Rather than treating these two groups as polar opposites the thesis examines the means by which they interacted. This is chiefly based on an examination of commonplace books which, from the Renaissance onwards, were central to the way in which literate laymen and women recorded information both from printed and manuscript material and from talking with others. -
Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-41614-6 — Apocalypse and Anti-Catholicism in Seventeenth-Century English Drama Adrian Streete Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-41614-6 — Apocalypse and Anti-Catholicism in Seventeenth-Century English Drama Adrian Streete Index More Information Index Abbot, George, Archbishop of Canterbury, 91 Anti-Catholicism Absolutism, 105–6, 208 definition, 4 Accession of King James in 1603, 60 and crisis, 20 Act of Succession, 1701, 248, 257 and European politics, 52–5 Aeneas, 62 and fantasy, 56 Affect, 12, 152–3, 161, 211, 246 and inconsistent, 55 and determinism, 84 and visual culture, 48–52 and language, 109 and wolfishness, 49 and motion, Calvinist and Epicurean Antichrist, 3, 5, 8–9, 12, 15, 38, 43, 69, 72–3, 84, contrasted, 84 121, 135, 139, 153–5, 162, 164, 171–2, 175, and polemic, 12 177, 184 and religion, 82 Anti-clericism, 29 Agamben, Giorgio, 235 Antioch, 116 Alexios I Komnenos, Byzantine Emperor, 115 Antiochus III the Great of Greece, 143 Alighieri, Dante, 28, 90 Anti-papalism, 28 Allegory, 3, 5–6, 32, 42, 44, 49, 59, 95, 125, 142, Anti-popery, 9, 15, 28, 47 178–9, 202, 246 Antiquarianism, 256 and drama, 44–6 Anti-theatricalism, 13 and historical representation in drama, 45 Apocalypse Alva, Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, Duke of, and Arminianism, 131–2 64–5 and classical Literature, 26–8 Ambach, Melchior, On the End of the World, and comedy, 81–93 36 and comedy and tragedy, 83, 145 Americas, 19, 61, 68 definition, 4–5, 11 Analogy, 5, 88, 141, 248 and history, 40 Ancient Rome, 17, 27, 33, 47, 72, 111 and laughter, 41 Andrewes, Lancelot, 105 and Ottoman Empire, 88–9 Angelical Pope, 158 and peace, 80 Anglo-Dutch politics, 98 and politics, -
Was Grotius's Teleology of Punishment Predestined To
grotiana 38 (2017) 46-69 GROTIAN A brill.com/grot Too Subtle to Satisfy Many: Was Grotius’s Teleology of Punishment Predestined to Fail? Jeremy Seth Geddert Assumption College [email protected] Abstract Most readers believe Grotius failed to refute Socinus in De satisfactione. This article argues that Grotius’s failure was one of reception rather than argument. It is possible to read De satisfactione as Grotius adverted: a genuine (if subtle) concept of satisfac- tion, and a defence of the (small-c) catholic faith. Grotius does reject a necessitarian identical satisfaction, in which a repayment is equal to a debt, but like Aquinas, he embraces a teleological equivalent satisfaction, in which a punishment fits a crime. Yet Grotius’s catholic theory was predestined not to persuade a wartime Continental audience whose centre had not held and which sought definitive distinctions from the Roman church. His attempt to forge a broad middle way would succeed only later in Britain. Keywords atonement theology – satisfaction – punishment – Thomas Aquinas – Britain – catholic – Hugo Grotius Grotius’s 1617 De satisfactione Christi is often considered a failure on several counts. Composed during the tumultuous 1610s, Grotius sought through it to placate his Counter-Remonstrant opponents. Yet Grotius would see little im- mediate relief of the political and physical danger that threatened him; indeed, that peril would only increase. The Counter-Remonstrant party would succeed in convening the Synod of Dort, and their political allies would greet its con- clusion by imprisoning Grotius. Grotius also sought in De satisfactione to dem- onstrate his fidelity to catholic Christianity, and thus to save his reputation © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2017 | doi 10.1163/18760759-03800006Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 02:32:04AM via free access <UN> Too Subtle to Satisfy Many 47 from Socinian taint. -
Robert Boyle's Religious Life, Attitudes, and Vocation
Messiah University Mosaic Biology Educator Scholarship Biological Sciences 6-2007 Robert Boyle’s Religious Life, Attitudes, and Vocation Edward B. Davis Messiah University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://mosaic.messiah.edu/bio_ed Part of the History of Religion Commons, and the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine Commons Permanent URL: https://mosaic.messiah.edu/bio_ed/185 Recommended Citation Davis, Edward B., "Robert Boyle’s Religious Life, Attitudes, and Vocation" (2007). Biology Educator Scholarship. 185. https://mosaic.messiah.edu/bio_ed/185 Sharpening Intellect | Deepening Christian Faith | Inspiring Action Messiah University is a Christian university of the liberal and applied arts and sciences. Our mission is to educate men and women toward maturity of intellect, character and Christian faith in preparation for lives of service, leadership and reconciliation in church and society. www.Messiah.edu One University Ave. | Mechanicsburg PA 17055 S & CB (2007), 19, 117–138 0954–4194 EDWARD B. DAVIS Robert Boyle’s Religious Life, Attitudes, and Vocation1 Robert Boyle is an outstanding example of a Christian scientist whose faith interacted fundamentally with his science. His remarkable piety was the driving force behind his interest in science and his Christian character shaped the ways in which he conducted his scientific life. A deep love for scripture, coupled ironically with a lifelong struggle with religious doubt, led him to write several important books relating scientific and religious knowledge. Ultimately, he was attracted to the mechanical philosophy because he thought it was theologically superior to traditional Aristotelian natural philosophy: by denying the existence of a quasi-divine ‘Nature’ that functioned as an intermediary between God and the world, it more clearly preserved God’s sovereignty and more powerfully motivated people to worship their creator.