Lowering the Voting Age from Children's Rights Perspective
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2019 Rural Development Report. Chapter 4
Socio-political participation of rural Chapter 4 youth 122 2019 Rural Development Report Creating opportunities for rural youth Rural youth participation matters The three foundations for youth-centred transformation – productivity, connectivity and agency – can be effectively integrated into rural development policies only if rural youth have the opportunity to actively participate in the social, economic and political life of their communities and countries. Rural youth participation in decision-making is both a means to an end and an end in itself. It helps to make interventions more responsive to young people’s needs and it helps to make interventions more effective by fostering greater ownership of policies and initiatives. At the same time, participation has been recognized as a fundamental right in several international conventions and declarations, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the World Programme of Action for Youth and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (Trivelli and Morel, 2018). In addition, and perhaps more importantly, the participation of young people is regarded as a way to enhance their agency by building and strengthening social and human capital, developing skills, boosting confidence and self-esteem and increasing their awareness of their rights (SPW-DFID-CSO, 2010). Participatory mechanisms and strategies are needed at the national and local levels to ensure the active and effective participation of rural youth all along the policy and programme decision-making process. These mechanisms can either be State-driven (for instance, local assemblies) or stakeholder-driven (for example, youth advisory panels in development programmes run by international agencies or youth-driven local organizations). -
The Rise of Gerontocracy? Addressing the Intergenerational Democratic Deficit
The rise of gerontocracy? Addressing the intergenerational democratic deficit Dr Craig Berry on behalf of the Intergenerational Foundation May 2012 Intergenerational Foundation, www.if.org.uk, charity no: 1142 230 Contents Foreword 3 Executive summary 5 Introduction 10 1. Democracy and intergenerational equity 13 2. The intergenerational democratic deficit 20 3. Solutions? 44 Appendix: possible objections 66 2 Foreword Debate about the implications of the ageing character of our society has so far been directed towards economic issues, including imbalances in wealth and economic opportunities across the generations. It is now time for us to start considering the civic implications of inequalities arising from Britain's ageing society. The analysis set out in this paper by Dr Craig Berry shows that, if current trends continue, older cohorts may well come to exercise a disproportionate influence on the democratic process in future decades. We could be witnessing a fundamental reconfiguration of the electorate, which is putting more power into the hands of older people and reducing that which younger cohorts possess. Dr Berry's paper illustrates that the life-stages of voters matter more and more in our democracy. Understanding the significance and nature of age-based inequalities should form an important part of the agenda of those committed to the cause of reforming our political system. An electorate which includes a growing number of older people generates new imbalances in terms of voter turnout, voter registration, party support and the social and generational composition of the legislature. The coalition government's proposed changes to the system of voter registration, for instance, require particularly careful scrutiny if they are to avoid making generational inequalities worse. -
Lawmakers Are Mulling Multiple Bills That Would Let Cities and Towns Allow
for purchasing tobacco products. Lyons added that lowering the voting age would be detrimental to “all the great work that has been achieved,” on age-related issues. “On the one hand, they don’t trust people under 21 to buy tobacco products, but, on the other, they want to give much younger people the right to vote,” Tuerck said. “We have to wonder where this thinking comes from.” People also have to be 21 to buy alcohol and marijuana in Massachusetts. The age limit for the juvenile justice system was raised from 17 to 18 in 2013, and lawmakers have looked at raising it to 21. While in high school, Vargas was involved in a five- year campaign with UTEC, the state have asked to be given formerly known as United Teen Lawmakers are mulling Equality Center, advocating multiple bills that would let cities the authority to lower the voting age for municipal elections. alongside other young adults in and towns allow teens as young Lowell to lower the voting age to as 16 to vote in local elections, “It is time to give municipalities the option to empower their own 17. The city passed a home rule a move critics are calling petition in 2015, but it ultimately “frivolous” and “absurd.” young people,” Chandler said. “Cities and towns stalled in the Legislature. Two bills that would “This is about local allow “every citizen 16 or 17 have asked for this option for years, and I believe that control,” Vargas said. “You years of age, who is a resident don’t have to agree with in the city or town where he or young people deserve a voice in their local -
Why We Should Raise the Marriage Age Vivian E
College of William & Mary Law School William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository Popular Media Faculty and Deans 2013 Why We Should Raise the Marriage Age Vivian E. Hamilton William & Mary Law School, [email protected] Repository Citation Hamilton, Vivian E., "Why We Should Raise the Marriage Age" (2013). Popular Media. 123. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/popular_media/123 Copyright c 2013 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/popular_media 5/14/13 Concurring Opinions » Why We Should Raise the Marriage Age » Print - Concurring Opinions - http://www.concurringopinions.com - Why We Should Raise the Marriage Age Posted By Vivian Hamilton On January 30, 2013 @ 6:31 pm In Family Law,Uncategorized | 6 Comments [1]My last series of posts [2] argued that states should lower the voting age, since by mid-adolescence, teens have the cognitive-processing and reasoning capacities required for voting competence. But that is not to say that teens have attained adult-like capacities across all domains. To the contrary, context matters. And one context in which teens lack competence is marriage. Through a single statutory adjustment — raising to 21 the age at which individuals may marry — legislators could reduce the percentage of marriages ending in divorce, improve women’s mental and physical health, and elevate women’s and children’s socioeconomic status. More than 1 in 10 U.S. women surveyed between 2001 and 2002 had married before age 18, with 9.4 million having married at age 16 or younger. In 2010, some 520,000 U.S. -
Gerontocracy, Retirement, and Social Security in the Neighborhood of G = D = 0
Table of Contents I. A Look at Government Spending on the Elderly ............................................. 1 Spending on the Elderly Dominates Government Budgets ................................. 1 Spending growth cannot be explained by demographics ................................... 5 Some Internationally and Historically Common Design Features ............................ 6 II. Our Economic Approach to Gerontocracy and Social Security ................................ 11 AARP: The “R” Does not Stand for “Old” ............................................ 12 The Importance of “Time” in the Political Process ...................................... 14 The Single-Minded Leisure Class ............................................ 15 Segregation and Reduced Costs of Political Organization ......................... 15 Endogenous Political Preferences ............................................ 16 Monopoly Capitalism ...................................................... 16 The model ...................................................................... 17 Extensions of the Model .......................................................... 32 Goods-Intensive Pressure ................................................... 32 Political Competition over Tax Rates ......................................... 33 Within-Group Heterogeneity and 100% Tax Rates ............................... 33 Why are the Elderly Politically Successful and Other Groups are Less So? ................... 34 Low Labor Productivity ................................................... -
The Drinking Age
Vermont Legislative Research Shop Lowering the Drinking Age The minimum legal drinking age fluctuated throughout the second half of the 20th century, yielding mixed results. After prohibition was repealed in 1933, almost every state set the minimum legal drinking age (MLDA) at 21 years.1 In 1970 Congress lowered the voting age to 18, which began a movement to lower the drinking age, as well. During the Vietnam era, many people were outraged that 18 year‐olds were fighting overseas yet could not have a drink. In the period between 1970 and 1975, 29 states lowered their MLDA to 18, 19 or 20. A study by Alexander Wagenaar revealed that in states that had lowered their minimum age there was a 15 to 20% increase in teen automobile accidents.2 This information influenced 16 states to raise their MLDA to 21 between 1976 and 1983. Pressure from groups such as Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD) led to the signing of the Uniform Drinking Age Act by President Ronald Reagan on July 17, 1984.3 This act mandated a significant decrease in federal transportation funding for states that did not raise their MLDA to 21. Worldwide, the United States has the highest MLDA, with others ranging from birth to age 20.4 The majority of countries have a MLDA of 18. In most of these countries, however, the family teaches responsible drinking from a very young age. Since 1960, over one hundred studies have been conducted to analyze the effects of raising the MLDA. This research was examined by Alexander Wagenaar to determine the trends that appeared in the conclusions.5 Some of these studies provided evidence supporting a MLDA of 21, while most others found no conclusive results. -
AGE of MAJORITY ACT of 1971 Act 79 of 1971
AGE OF MAJORITY ACT OF 1971 Act 79 of 1971 AN ACT to define the age of majority or legal age and to prescribe and define the duties, liabilities, responsibilities, rights and legal capacity of persons 18 or more years of age. History: 1971, Act 79, Eff. Jan. 1, 1972. The People of the State of Michigan enact: 722.51 Short title. Sec. 1. This act shall be known and may be cited as the "Age of Majority Act of 1971". History: 1971, Act 79, Eff. Jan. 1, 1972. 722.52 Adult of legal age; support payments for person 18 years of age or older. Sec. 2. (1) Except as otherwise provided in the state constitution of 1963 and subsection (2), notwithstanding any other provision of law to the contrary, a person who is at least 18 years of age on or after January 1, 1972, is an adult of legal age for all purposes whatsoever, and shall have the same duties, liabilities, responsibilities, rights, and legal capacity as persons heretofore acquired at 21 years of age. (2) A court may order support payments for a person 18 years of age or older as provided in 1 or more of the following: (a) Chapter 84 of the revised statutes of 1846, being sections 552.1 to 552.45 of the Michigan Compiled Laws. (b) The child custody act of 1970, Act No. 91 of the Public Acts of 1970, being sections 722.21 to 722.29 of the Michigan Compiled Laws. (c) The family support act, Act No. 138 of the Public Acts of 1966, being sections 552.451 to 552.459 of the Michigan Compiled Laws. -
Forum Election Observer Team Vanuatu 2016
PACIFIC ISLANDS FORUM SECRETARIAT VANUATU NATIONAL ELECTIONS 2016 REPORT OF THE PACIFIC ISLANDS FORUM ELECTION OBSERVER TEAM INTRODUCTION At the invitation of the Government of Republic of the Vanuatu, the Pacific Islands Forum deployed a Forum Election Observer Team to Port Vila Vanuatu, from 14 - 25 January, to observe the Vanuatu snap-elections on 22 January 2016. The Forum Election Observer Team (the Forum Team) comprised Mr Pita Vuki, Electoral Commissioner and Supervisor of Elections of the Kingdom of Tonga (Team Leader); Mrs Taggy Tangimetua, Government Statistician and Chief Electoral Officer of the Cook Islands; and Forum Secretariat staff (the list of members is attached at Annex 1). 2. The Forum Team was based in Vanuatu’s capital, Port Vila, and met with a wide range of stakeholders including senior Government representatives; the Vanuatu Electoral Office; civil society (including youth, women and disability groups) and faith-based organisations; private sector: election candidates; development partners; media representatives; the University of the South Pacific; and members of the diplomatic corps based in Port Vila. A list of stakeholders consulted is attached at Annex 2. On 22 January, Election Day, the Forum Team deployed across the island of Efate and neighbouring Moso Island. The Team observed all aspects of the elections in rural and urban areas – the pre-polling environment, the opening of polls, casting of votes, closing of polling, and the counting of votes. SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS 3. The Forum Election Observer Team recommends for the consideration of the Government of the Republic of Vanuatu, the Electoral Commission and the Electoral Office, as appropriate. -
Raising the Minimum Legal Sale Age for Tobacco and Relate
Raising the Minimum Legal Sales Age for Tobacco / 1 Tips & Tools Raising the Minimum Legal Sales Age for Tobacco and Related Products The Tobacco Control Legal Consortium has created this series of legal technical assistance guides to serve as a starting point for organizations interested in implementing certain tobacco control measures. We encourage you to consult with local legal counsel before attempting to implement these measures.1 For more details about these policy considerations, please contact the Consortium. Background All states in the U.S. have laws prohibiting retailers from selling tobacco products to minors. In most states, the minimum legal sales age (MLSA) for tobacco products is 18, but a few states have raised it to 19. Recently, Hawaii became the first state to raise the MLSA to 21.2 As of September 2015, over 100 localities in nine states have raised the MLSA to 213– including New York City, which in November 2013 became the first major city in the U.S. to raise its tobacco sales age to 21.4 In 2015, the Institute of Medicine released a report containing compelling evidence of the significant public health benefits of raising the tobacco sales age.5 The Institute conducted an exhaustive study of existing literature on tobacco use patterns, developmental biology and psychology, health effects of tobacco use, and national youth access laws, and mathematical modeling to predict the likely public health outcomes of raising the minimum legal sales age for tobacco products to 19, 21 and 25 years. The report found that an increased tobacco sales age helps delay smoking initiation among youth, which leads to lower smoking prevalence rates, saving millions of dollars in health care costs as well as significantly increasing not just the length, but also the quality of life, across populations. -
A University of Sussex Phd Thesis Available Online Via Sussex
A University of Sussex PhD thesis Available online via Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/ This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Please visit Sussex Research Online for more information and further details University of Sussex, School of Law, Politics and Sociology (Gender Studies). Agnes Adama Campbell Nee Kallay This thesis is submitted as part fulfilment of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Gender Studies Gambian women, violence and its intersection with HIV/AIDS: Agency through feminist participatory research 21 st December 2017 i i DECLARATION I hereby declare that this thesis has not been and will not be, submitted in whole or in part to another University for the award of any other degree. The data has been obtained from fieldwork using a participatory feminist research approach. I take full responsibility for the production of the thesis which is my own original work. Signature: Agnes Adama Campbell Nee Kallay....... iiii ABSTRACT Research has identified a strong correlation between HIV/AIDS and gender-based violence, yet few studies centre the experiential knowledge of HIV sero-positive women and practitioners. This thesis, based on fieldwork conducted in the Gambia, is grounded in data on HIV positive women’s experiences of violence and practices of resistance, revealing context specific complexities and challenges. -
Suffrage for Sixteen-Year- Olds Within the EU
Sufrage for sixteen-year- olds within the EU [should the EU lower the voting age to sixteen in future elections?] Rosanna Zwolsman 6VP2 | C&M/E&M, Montessori Lyceum Amsterdam | [2015-2016] 2 Sufrage for sixteen-year-olds within the EU [should the EU lower the voting age to sixteen in future elections?] Rosanna Zwolsman 6VP2 September 2015-January 2016 3 4 Index I. Introduction ............................................................................................................7 II. The History of democracy and voting in Europe and the United States ....................9 III. Countries that granted sixteen- and seventeen-year-olds the right to vote .........19 IV. Pros and Cons of lowering the voting age in future European elections and national elections. ..................................................................................................................25 V.Teen Sufrage in European elections ......................................................................31 VI.Opinions ..............................................................................................................35 VII.Interview .............................................................................................................47 VIII.Conclusion .........................................................................................................53 Evaluation ................................................................................................................55 IX.Sources ................................................................................................................57 -
UNICEF Regional Office for Central, Eastern Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States
Age Matters! Age-related barriers to service access and the realisation of rights for children, adolescents and youth Final Report - October 2016 Acknowledgments Editorial, Data and Analysis Core reporting team: Ellen Ehmke, Alex Farrow and Sholpan Karzhaubayeva Managing editor, research and writing: Ellen Ehmke Data analysis, research and writing: Alex Farrow and Sholpan Karzhaubayeva Co-editor: Cristina Bacalso Website production Data visualisations and website: Elliot Silva, Studio Toto Acknowledgements The Youth Policy Labs prepared this research project and report for the UNICEF Regional Office for Central, Eastern Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States. The project and report benefited from the valuable inputs of many colleagues throughout UNICEF and beyond, including colleagues from the UNICEF Regional Office for CEE/CIS and UNICEF Country Offices across the region. From the UNICEF Regional Office for CEE/CIS, the project and report greatly benefited from the leadership, guidance and inputs of Nina Ferencic and Ilaria Favero. The authors would also like to thank Gerison Lansdown for her contribution to the conceptualisation of the research project. The European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) has kindly provided information on Bulgaria, Croatia and Romania collected by their interdisciplinary research network FRANET. Data on these three countries is preliminary as FRA was still reviewing their data at the time of publication. Disclaimer: Please note that this is work in progress. The information presented in the report, tables and website is based on a thorough review of published literature, reports to the CRC and reviews of various legislative documents in the countries covered by the Report. In most cases, the information provided has been reviewed for accuracy by the UNICEF Country Offices.