The Utility of Hope
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Edward Carpenter: a Life of Liberty and Love by Sheila Rowbotham, Verso Books, 2008, 565 Pp
Edward Carpenter: A life of liberty and love by Sheila Rowbotham, Verso Books, 2008, 565 pp. Peter Tatchell This is one of the best political biographies for many years. As well as being a book about a sadly forgotten icon of past progressive history, it is bursting with ideas that are still relevant to the future of humanity – relevant for all people, LGBT and straight. Author Shelia Rowbotham, the much-loved socialist feminist historian, has written an incredibly moving, inspiring account of the personal and political life of the prophetic gay English author, poet, philosopher and humanitarian, Edward Carpenter, 1844-1929. Arguably the true pioneer of the LGBT rights movement in England, he lived openly and defiantly with his life-long partner George Merrill. In the nineteenth century, he wrote some the earliest essays and pamphlets advocating homosexual law reform and spoke out enthusiastically for women’s rights. Unlike many others, he understood the connection between sexism and heterosexism: that the struggle for women’s rights and gay rights are closely tied together (a view that was resurrected by the Gay Liberation Front in the early 1970s and by OutRage! in the 1990s). Decades ahead of his time on many social issues, Carpenter advocated green socialism, women’s suffrage, contraception, curbs on pollution, sex education in schools, pacifism, animal rights, recycling, prison reform, worker’s control, self-sufficiency, vegetarianism, homosexual equality, naturism and free love. His socialism was libertarian, decentralised, self-governing, cooperative and environmentalist, with a strong streak of anarchism, individualism and (non-religious) spiritualism. He argued that socialism was as much about the way we live our personal lives as about changing the economic, political, social and cultural systems. -
The Rise of Ethical Anarchism in Britain, 1885-1900
1 e[/]pater 2 sie[\]cle THE RISE OF ETHICAL ANARCHISM IN BRITAIN 1885-1900 By Mark Bevir Department of Politics Newcastle University Newcastle upon Tyne NE1 7RU U.K. ABSTRACT In the nineteenth century, anarchists were strict individualists favouring clandestine organisation and violent revolution: in the twentieth century, they have been romantic communalists favouring moral experiments and sexual liberation. This essay examines the growth of this ethical anarchism in Britain in the late nineteenth century, as exemplified by the Freedom Group and the Tolstoyans. These anarchists adopted the moral and even religious concerns of groups such as the Fellowship of the New Life. Their anarchist theory resembled the beliefs of counter-cultural groups such as the aesthetes more closely than it did earlier forms of anarchism. And this theory led them into the movements for sex reform and communal living. 1 THE RISE OF ETHICAL ANARCHISM IN BRITAIN 1885-1900 Art for art's sake had come to its logical conclusion in decadence . More recent devotees have adopted the expressive phase: art for life's sake. It is probable that the decadents meant much the same thing, but they saw life as intensive and individual, whereas the later view is universal in scope. It roams extensively over humanity, realising the collective soul. [Holbrook Jackson, The Eighteen Nineties (London: G. Richards, 1913), p. 196] To the Victorians, anarchism was an individualist doctrine found in clandestine organisations of violent revolutionaries. By the outbreak of the First World War, another very different type of anarchism was becoming equally well recognised. The new anarchists still opposed the very idea of the state, but they were communalists not individualists, and they sought to realise their ideal peacefully through personal example and moral education, not violently through acts of terror and a general uprising. -
University of Southampton Research Repository
University of Southampton Research Repository Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis and, where applicable, any accompanying data are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis and the accompanying data cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content of the thesis and accompanying research data (where applicable) must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holder/s. When referring to this thesis and any accompanying data, full bibliographic details must be given, e.g. Alastair Paynter (2018) “The emergence of libertarian conservatism in Britain, 1867-1914”, University of Southampton, Department of History, PhD Thesis, pp. 1-187. UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON FACULTY OF HUMANITIES History The emergence of libertarian conservatism in Britain, 1867-1914 by Alastair Matthew Paynter Thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy March 2018 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON ABSTRACT FACULTY OF HUMANITIES History Doctor of Philosophy THE EMERGENCE OF LIBERTARIAN CONSERVATISM IN BRITAIN, 1867-1914 by Alastair Matthew Paynter This thesis considers conservatism’s response to Collectivism during a period of crucial political and social change in the United Kingdom and the Anglosphere. The familiar political equipoise was disturbed by the widening of the franchise and the emergence of radical new threats in the form of New Liberalism and Socialism. Some conservatives responded to these changes by emphasising the importance of individual liberty and the preservation of the existing social structure and institutions. -
Edward Carpenter
E DW AR D CARPENTE R H I S I D E A S A N D I D EA L S BY M A M ON C R S I M E . H U W I T H A P ORT RA I T 1 N P H OT OG R AVURE OF E D R A R P E N E R 1 1 2 W A D C T , 9 B ’ N N E L L Y L E N A. C O LON D ON " E GAN AUL T E N C H T R U BN E R C o . LT D . P , R , , N E Y W O R " D C O . U O : E . P TT N 1 9 1 6 C ON T E N T S C H A P T E R I B G P C L . IO RA HI A L L P I I . G ENERA PHI OSO HI C POSITI ON W WE M Y III . HAT DO EAN B V H U M N Y AN D C M I . A IT RI E M ARRIAG E AN D THE SE"ES VI I M D T YP . NTER E IATE ES VI P A I . C AR ENTER S POET V M L D M III . ORA S AN ANNERS I ". LOVE AND DEATH C OM P ARISON W ITH N IETZ SC HE L M P "I . G ENERA I RESSIONS B Y "I I . SEVENTIETH IRTHDA BI BLIOG RAP HY 5 1 6 8 7 3 E DW ARD C ARP E N T E R CHAPTER I B I O G RA P H I C AL HE external incidents of Edward Car ’ enter s so we p life are not , far as know , especially dramatic or exciting . -
Phemister2017.Pdf
This thesis has been submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree (e.g. PhD, MPhil, DClinPsychol) at the University of Edinburgh. Please note the following terms and conditions of use: This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights, which are retained by the thesis author, unless otherwise stated. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given. ‘Our American Aristotle’ Henry George and the Republican Tradition during the Transatlantic Irish Land War, 1877-1887 Andrew Phemister PhD University of Edinburgh 2016 Abstract This thesis examines the relationship between Henry George and the Irish on both sides of the Atlantic and, detailing the ideological interaction between George’s republicanism and Irish nationalism, argues that his uneven appeal reveals the contours of the construction of Gilded Age Irish-America. The work assesses the functionality and operation, in both Ireland and the US, of Irish culture as a dynamic but discordant friction within the Anglophone world. Ireland’s unique geopolitical position and its religious constitution nurtured an agrarianism that shared its intellectual roots with American republicanism. This study details how the crisis of Irish land invigorated both traditions as an effective oppositional culture to the processes of modernity. -
Morris, Carpenter, Wilde, and the Political Aesthetics of Labor
Victorian Literature and Culture (2004), 601–616. Printed in the United States of America. Copyright C 2004 Cambridge University Press. 1060-1503/04 $9.50 MORRIS, CARPENTER, WILDE, AND THE POLITICAL AESTHETICS OF LABOR By Ruth Livesey IN JUNE 1885 a group of radical intellectual Londoners gathered for the evening at that hub of nineteenth-century free thought, the South Place Institute. The event was organized by the Socialist League, a revolutionary socialist organization which counted William Morris, Eleanor Marx, and Edward Aveling as its most prominent members at that point in time. But this was no ordinary meeting. There were no lectures and no debates, just popular songs and dramatic recitations that had been carefully rehearsed by the membership in order to entertain for the cause. William Morris drafted a poem for the occasion, urging these “Socialists at Play” to cast their “care aside while song and verse/Touches our hearts.” Play, however, was not to lull the audience into a “luxurious mood”: War, labour, freedom; noble words are these; But must we hymn them in our hours of ease? We must be men (Morris 1885) Morris’s address reminded his audience that their political beliefs permeated both work and play. The members of the Socialist League should structure their leisure like warriors awaiting the call to arms: “Amidst their ballad sings the trumpet voice;/About the sheep-cotes girt for war they go.” The revolution was so self-evidently imminent for these socialists in the fraught mid-1880s that like Morris’s imagined medieval warriors they needed to display a readiness for struggle in all aspects of their lives and let “the cause cling”: About the book we read, the song we sing, Cleave to our cup and hover o’er our plate, And by our bed at morn and even wait. -
Bertram Lloyd, Humanitarian and Pioneer
BERTRAM LLOYD Humanitarian and Pioneer by SAMUEL ]. LOOKER 1uith a Portrait r rontispiecc. " Detested Sport, that 0 \\·e~ i ~-s pleasu res to another's pain." JV/1/inm Co7tljJcr. "\Vild animals never kill for sporl. .\bn is the onh· one to whom the torture and death of his fell ow -c re ature~-; is amusing- in itself. '' I A. Froudl'. BERTRAM LLOYD (1881- 1944). Prin ted by G. C. l\1. Printing Service L:d., ~5, I I umberstone Road Leicester, for Samuel J. Looke•·, 48, lng:11·sby Drive, Evington, Leicester, and 1\Irs. Sylvia Lloyd. Rickview, Bucklands \\'harf, Aylesbury, R uck~. 3 One of Bertram's most valuable achievements was his BERTRAM LLOYD. work in the Humanitarian Movement, often in conjunction Humanitarian and Pioneer (1881-1944) with his friend, Henry Stephens Salt, who had been a master at Eton for twelve years until he resigned to write and work by for the Humanitarian Cause. Like Salt, Bertram was a SAMUEL J. LOOKER. vegetarian from early years. Their crusade against cruelty and wrong to man and animals- Salt wrote powerfully against the Editor of Richard Jefferies. 'Flogging Craze ',- led to the founding of the National Society for the Abolition of Cmel Sports, in which Bertram I. Lloyd was associated with Henry Salt, Charles Oldham, Jessy Wade, and W. A. Sibley, Headmaster of Wycliffe It was one of the pleasures of English life in the past to College. As its dedicated and energetic Honorary Secretary know many brave, independent men and women, some the Society meant constant work and effort until the end of slightly eccentric in character, but none the worse for that. -
GANDHI‟S DIET and “THE OTHER” SIDE of ORIENTALISM By
GANDHI‟S DIET AND “THE OTHER” SIDE OF ORIENTALISM by VINCENT E. BURGESS B.A., The Ohio State University, 2007 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Religious Studies 2011 This thesis entitled: Gandhi‟s Diet and “The Other” Side of Orientalism written by Vincent E. Burgess has been approved for the Department of Religious Studies Dr. Loriliai Biernacki Dr. Greg Johnson Dr. Mithi Mukherjee Dr. Hugh B. Urban Date 7/13/2011 The final copy of this thesis has been examined by the signatories, and we Find that both the content and the form meet acceptable presentation standards Of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline. IRB protocol # __N/A______________ iii Burgess, Vincent Edward (M.A., Religious Studies Department) Gandhi‟s Diet and “The Other” Side of Orientalism Thesis directed by Associate Professor Dr. Loriliai Biernacki This paper examines the ways in which Gandhi‟s diet—his practice of eating meat as a young man in India, his associations with the London Vegetarian Society, his experiments in South Africa, and, ultimately, his important role in the resistance movement against the British Colonial project in India—functioned as an agentive means of constructing the subject via specific technologies of the self. It is my contention that the roots of Gandhi's social activism can be found in his dietetic practices, which were an essential component of his social philosophy as instigated, initially, as a young man in India, then developed in England, further refined in South Africa, and most famously applied in India. -
Review of Chushichi Tsuzuki, Edward Carpenter 1844-1929: Prophet Of
"A God above the bias of sex" by Kirk Willis Chushichi Tsuzuki. Edward Carpenter 1844-1929: Prophet of Human Fellowship. London and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980. Pp. x, 237. £15. US$34.50. THE LIFE OF a prophet is not an easy one. Enthusiasts commit excesses, zealots exaggerate and discredit, partisans defend too bitterly and vio lently, supporters fawn uncritically, dissidents complain and oppose, heretics splinter off and form rival sects, cynics charge self-interest and hypocrisy, critics carp and expose inconsistencies, enemies harass and threaten, and authorities persecute and imprison. Prophecy, then, is a difficult business. It is also a thankless one, for to be accepted as a prophet is to assume a vexing and tumultuous existence. Since the successful prophet is almost by definition a public figure, he is certain to spend his life at the centre ofa maelstrom ofcontroversy and to have his doctrines challenged, his motives questioned, and his actions scrutinized. The prophetic life is plainly not for the timid or the faint at heart. Nor is it for the self-important, for prophecy is also both a cyclical and a transient enterprise. Boom periods of prophetic enthusiasm, such as the seventeenth century in Britain, are usually succeeded by long stretches of quiescence which themselve~, by way of contrast and reac tion, inspire new spells ofprophetic expansionism. Although this cyclical trend is striking, perhaps even more important to the individual prophet and his followers is the brutal evanescence ofthe prophetic life. There are fashions in prophets as in everything else, and a prophet is fortunate ifhis appeal endures for even a generation; it is a sad truism of intellectual history that nothing is as passe or pathetic as the prophets, intellectual trend-setters, and cultural czars of the previous generation. -
Historicalmaterialism Bookseries
Otto Bauer (1881–1938) Historical Materialism Book Series Editorial Board Sébastien Budgen (Paris) David Broder (Rome) Steve Edwards (London) Juan Grigera (London) Marcel van der Linden (Amsterdam) Peter Thomas (London) volume 121 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/hm Otto Bauer in 1931 Otto Bauer (1881–1938) Thinker and Politician By Ewa Czerwińska-Schupp Translated by Maciej Zurowski leiden | boston This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the cc-by-nc License, which permits any non-commercial use, and distribution, provided no alterations are made and the original author(s) and source are credited. Published with the support of Austrian Science Fund (fwf) First published in German by Peter Lang as Otto Bauer: Studien zur social-politischen Philosophie. © by Peter Lang GmbH. Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, Frankfurt am Main, 2005. The Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available online at http://catalog.loc.gov LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2016031159 Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 1570-1522 isbn 978-90-04-31573-0 (hardback) isbn 978-90-04-32583-8 (e-book) Copyright 2017 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. This work is published by Koninklijke Brill NV. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi and Hotei Publishing. Koninklijke Brill nv reserves the right to protect the publication against unauthorized use and to authorize dissemination by means of offprints, legitimate photocopies, microform editions, reprints, translations, and secondary information sources, such as abstracting and indexing services including databases. -
1 Georgism and the Decline of Liberalism in Interwar Britain Jules
1 Georgism and the Decline of Liberalism in Interwar Britain Jules Gehrke, Saginaw Valley State University [The following is a work in progress. No portion of the paper should be cited without the author’s permission.] Few historical studies have critically examined the decline of Georgism in Britain after the First World War. 1 The loss of an electorally effective Liberal Party and the emergence of a Labour Party dedicated to taming the menace of capitalism have been highlighted as important factors in the steady decline in the influence wielded by Georgist supporters. Nonetheless, Georgist organizations continued to organize during the interwar period and worked to adapt their messages to altered social and economic conditions. Adherents sought new support for initiatives politically and economically tied to radical liberalism. The study of interwar Georgism allows for critical examination of how a political, social, and economic movement born in late Victorian Britain struggled to negotiate the politics of an interwar period in which the new centers of political power lay with the Labour and Conservative parties. Georgism propounded a message of reform that its adherents suggested would not only would give new life to the deflated capitalism of interwar Britain, but establish a fundamentally new basis of social and economic justice. An examination of how and why Georgism remained confined to the political margins during a period of economic upheaval helps to illuminate critical elements of the altered political make-up of interwar politics and the fate of political liberalism in early twentieth-century Britain. The ideas of Henry George defied easy political categorization, but were nonetheless the spark for early movements in social and economic reform. -
Carlo Cafiero and the International in Italy from Marx to Bakunin
chapter �4 Carlo Cafiero and the International in Italy From Marx to Bakunin Mathieu Léonard Translated from the French by Constance Bantman The history of internationalism has been written many times, and has come to focus on a few familiar categories and famous fights. In the case of Italy, the most famous of these fights pitched Marx against Bakunin. Thus, in 1909, the German-Italian sociologist Roberto Michels claimed that “Bakuninism” had set the scene for Marxism in Italy. This testified to the prevalence of these interpretative frameworks.1 A biographical trajectory may prove valuable to avoid repeating these frameworks: history on an individual scale may help us grasp the changing nature of situations and therefore revise some interpreta- tions and open up new paths for further research. It may be the case that the unusual itinerary of Carlo Cafiero, a major player within the International’s Italian Federation – which first split from the Gen- eral Council even before the Hague congress – epitomises the stakes of the International’s history in Italy and the complex tensions between the stances inspired by Marx and Bakunin respectively. Moreover, this provides food for thought regarding the role of irrationality, interpersonal relations and subjec- tivity in political choices. Indeed, in the fight for influence unfolding in Italy, Bakunin’s closeness to a handful of Italian players may have exerted powerful attraction over the small initial group of internationalists – against which the general Council’s cold and distant injunctions were bound to remain power- less. The history of the Italian Federation of the International therefore testi- fies to the singular paths taken by the various tendencies – be they autonomous or not – of the International Working Men’s Association (iwma), which, as it fell apart, failed in pointing out one single organisational way to the sections which it had been instrumental in setting up.