The Places of Good Daimon and Fortune in Astrology

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Places of Good Daimon and Fortune in Astrology CHAPTER 2 Keeping in Good Spirits: The Places of Good Daimon and Fortune in Astrology The departure of the good Daemon What can I do in Poetry, Now the good Spirit’s gone from me? Why, nothing now but lonely sit And over-read what I have writ. Robert Herrick1 Tyche and Daimon are commonly paired in the Hellenistic and Greco-Roman eras. Astrology follows this propensity, literally connecting fortune and dai- mon in its mechanics, and often in its practices, as we saw in the Introduction. Chapter One initiated the discussion of how astrology connects fortune to daimon in the use of lots, and implicated daimon and fortune (as chance) in the workings of Greek fate. This chapter introduces essential cultural links and significations between Good Fortune (Agathe Tyche) and Good Daimon (Agathos Daimon). It will then examine the use of good fortune and daimon in the astrological places. We begin with a short introduction to the importance of Tyche and Daimon in Hellenistic Egyptian and Greco-Roman cultures. This précis will serve to establish the significance and relationship of these two concepts both religiously and philosophically. They will then be explored, primarily in an astrological context, through the rest of the chapter, and in greater detail in Chapter Three. Ultimately, this chapter has two purposes in examining Daimon and Tyche as a pair. The first is to establish the parameters and signification of the link between Daimon and Fortune. The second is to explore the uses of the Agathos Daimōn and Agathē Tuchē in the astrological places. Both the eleventh place (called Good Daimon) and the fifth (Good Fortune), which are connected in many respects, will be considered. In addition, by exploring the cultural Agathos Daimon in a (mostly) Greek milieu, we set the stage for its transfer into Egypt after Alexander, and the crucial connections between the Greek and Egyptian guises of the Agathos Daimon. Throughout the chapter, the enduring 1 In R. Herrick, The Poetical Works of Robert Herrick (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956). © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004306��9_004 Keeping in Good Spirits 47 and inextricable link between the Agathos Daimon and Agathe Tyche under- scores its significance in both the theory and the practice of Hellenistic astrology. 1 Why Tyche and Daimon? Some Cultural and Historical Background One of the answers to this question lies in the culture of Alexandria, where the cults of Fortune and Daimon were well developed by the second century CE. There were not only cults to the general deities Agathe Tyche and Agathos Daimon, but the concept of one’s personal tuchē and daimōn also had some currency.2 In the Hellenistic period in Alexandria, the Agathos Daimon and Agathe Tyche become linked to Sarapis and Isis, as well as to the strictly Egyptian deities Shai (god of ‘fate’) and Renenet (goddess of nourishment). However, other cultural roots for the Agathos Daimon and Agathe Tyche lie in Greece.3 In books like Plutarch’s Parallel Lives the underlying theme shows the good or bad fortune given to each of the biographical subjects, as well as the con- nection with either a good or bad, a strong or weak, daimon.4 There is evi- dence of a personal Agathos Daimon for ‘ordinary’ people beginning around the fourth or third century BCE. For example, one Posidonius of Halicarnassus, who consulted an oracle of Apollo at Telmessus, was told that he should pay homage to ‘the Agathos Daimon of Posidonius and Gorgis’ (his own and his wife’s daimon).5 Both Fortune (Tyche) and Daimon are, from the Hellenistic period into Late Antiquity, given great power in the determination of human fate. Cults of Agathe Tyche and Agathos Daimon arose to propitiate these deities as early as the fourth century BCE, and they were still flourishing when the Hellenistic form of astrology came to prominence. (In Roman Egypt, children were even 2 See P. M. Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria, 3 vols (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), here I, 241–43. 3 For an account of the Agathos Daimon in Greece and Alexandria, see D. Ogden, Drakōn: Dragon Myth and Serpent Cult in the Greek and Roman Worlds (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 271–309. This resource is helpful for all things god, snake and serpent related in the ancient Mediterranean world. 4 For discussion of daimōn and tuchē in the Lives, see Brenk, In Mist Apparelled, 148–54, 159–83. 5 G. Sfameni Gasparro, ‘Daimôn and Tuchê in the Hellenistic Religious Experience’, in Conventional Values of the Hellenistic Greeks, ed. Per Bilde, et al. (Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 1997), 89 and nn. 172–173..
Recommended publications
  • The Higher Aspects of Greek Religion. Lectures Delivered at Oxford and In
    BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIET OF Henirg m. Sage 1891 .A^^^ffM3. islm^lix.. 5931 CornelJ University Library BL 25.H621911 The higher aspects of Greek religion.Lec 3 1924 007 845 450 The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924007845450 THE HIBBERT LECTURES SECOND SERIES 1911 THE HIBBERT LECTURES SECOND SERIES THE HIGHER ASPECTS OF GREEK RELIGION LECTURES DELIVERED AT OXFORD AND IN LONDON IN APRIL AND MAY igii BY L. R. FARNELL, D.Litt. WILDE LECTURER IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD LONDON WILLIAMS AND NORGATE GARDEN, W.C. 14 HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT 1912 CONTENTS Lecture I GENERAL FEATURES AND ORIGINS OF GREEK RELIGION Greek religion mainly a social-political system, 1. In its earliest " period a " theistic creed, that is^ a worship of personal individual deities, ethical personalities rather than mere nature forces, 2. Anthrqgomorphism its predominant bias, 2-3. Yet preserving many primitive features of " animism " or " animatism," 3-5. Its progress gradual without violent break with its distant past, 5-6. The ele- ment of magic fused with the religion but not predominant, 6-7. Hellenism and Hellenic religion a blend of two ethnic strains, one North-Aryan, the other Mediterranean, mainly Minoan-Mycenaean, 7-9. Criteria by which we can distinguish the various influences of these two, 9-1 6. The value of Homeric evidence, 18-20. Sum- mary of results, 21-24. Lecture II THE RELIGIOUS BOND AND MORALITY OF THE FAMILY The earliest type of family in Hellenic society patrilinear, 25-27.
    [Show full text]
  • Either a Daimon, Or a Hero, Or Perhaps a God:” Mythical Residents of Subterranean Chambers
    Kernos Revue internationale et pluridisciplinaire de religion grecque antique 15 | 2002 Varia “Either a Daimon, or a Hero, or Perhaps a God:” Mythical Residents of Subterranean Chambers Yulia Ustinova Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/1385 DOI: 10.4000/kernos.1385 ISSN: 2034-7871 Publisher Centre international d'étude de la religion grecque antique Printed version Date of publication: 1 January 2002 ISSN: 0776-3824 Electronic reference Yulia Ustinova, « “Either a Daimon, or a Hero, or Perhaps a God:” Mythical Residents of Subterranean Chambers », Kernos [Online], 15 | 2002, Online since 21 April 2011, connection on 01 May 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/1385 ; DOI : 10.4000/kernos.1385 Kernos Kemos 15 (2002), p. 267-288. "Either a Daimon, or a Hero, or Perhaps a God:" Mythical Residents of Subterranean Chambers In his list of seers who uttered gods' orders and messages to mortals not only when alive, but also after their death, Strabo1 mentions "...Amphiaraos, Trophonios, Orpheus, Musaios, and the god of the Getae, formerly Zalmoxis, a Pythagorean, who is in our time Dekaineos, the diviner of Byrebistas... ,,2 Aristides groups together Trophonios, Amphiaraos, Amphilochos and the Asclepiads.3 Celsus includes Zalmoxis, Mopsos, Amphilochos, Amphiaraos, and Trophonios in his register of mortals who died and were nevertheless worshiped, whieh makes Origen wonder, "whether one of these is either a daimon, or a hero, or perhaps a god, more active than mortals" (ft ècr'tt nç èv 'toîç 'tOtQU'tOlÇ Eï'tE 8atllcov Eï'tE llPcoÇ Eï'tE Kat 8E6ç, èVEPYéOv 't!Va lldÇova ft Ka'teX av8pco1tov;).4 The bewilderment of Origen 'is reasonable, given the elusiveness of these figures.
    [Show full text]
  • Fate and Death Through a Daimonic Lens
    FATE AND DEATH THROUGH A DAIMONIC LENS FATE AND DEATH THROUGH A DAIMONIC LENS By JASON SOLOMON BINDER, B.A.Sc., B.A. Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts McMaster University © Copyright by Jason Solomon Binder, September 2014 MA Thesis – J. Binder; McMaster University – Classics. McMaster University MASTER OF ARTS (2014) Hamilton, Ontario (Classics) TITLE: Fate and Death through a Daimonic Lens AUTHOR: Jason Solomon Binder, B.A.Sc., B.A. (McMaster University) SUPERVISOR: Dr. Sean Corner NUMBER OF PAGES: vi, 101 ii MA Thesis – J. Binder; McMaster University – Classics. Abstract This thesis is concerned with the ancient Greek conceptualization of fate and death, as explored through the figure of the daimon in literature from Homer and Hesiod to Plato and Euripides. Filling a gap in scholarship, I elucidate the spectrum of meaning inherent in the word daimon, and how it shifts over time. From the Archaic to the Classical period the word daimon is found as a synonym for theos, “god”, as a vocative address, or in reference to “fate” and the generalized “will of heaven.” At the same time, a particular group of divine personifications, including Thanatos, Moira, Ker, and Erinys are counted as daimones. We also find the term used to designate unnamed but individuated lesser divinities, guardian spirits, and demonic possessors, and even as the divine aspect of the self. In the early Archaic poets these latter categories are only nascent. The individuated daimon becomes the focus of the lyric poets and pre-Socratic philosophers; in the later pre-Socratics the daimon begins to be internalized, moving from possessive spirit to psychic force.
    [Show full text]
  • Ancient Greek and Roman Explanations for Drunkenness
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Avondale College: ResearchOnline@Avondale Christian Spirituality and Science Issues in the Contemporary World Volume 8 Issue 1 Alcohol and the Christian Faith Article 2 2010 “Daimon Drink”: Ancient Greek and Roman Explanations for Drunkenness Steven W. Thompson Avondale College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://research.avondale.edu.au/css Recommended Citation Thompson, S. W. (2010). “Daimon Drink”: Ancient Greek and Roman explanations for drunkenness. Christian Spirituality and Science, 8(1), 7-24. Retrieved from https://research.avondale.edu.au/css/vol8/ iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Avondale Centre for Interdisciplinary Studies in Science at ResearchOnline@Avondale. It has been accepted for inclusion in Christian Spirituality and Science by an authorized editor of ResearchOnline@Avondale. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Thompson: “Daimon Drink” “Daimōn Drink”: Ancient Greek and Roman Explanations for Drunkenness Dr Steve Thompson Emeritus Senior Research Fellow Avondale College hat did ancient Greek and the population, according to current WRoman wine drinkers believe interpretation of surviving literary and was the mechanism, force, or proc- material remains. A “sober” estimate ess which caused their drunkenness? by a recent researcher places per capita Three primary answers to this question consumption of wine by occupants emerge from the extensive ancient of the city of Rome at 100 litres per Greek and Roman literary references person per year.1 A recent estimate to wine and drinking.
    [Show full text]
  • Roman Domestic Religion : a Study of the Roman Lararia
    ROMAN DOMESTIC RELIGION : A STUDY OF THE ROMAN LARARIA by David Gerald Orr Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Maryland in partial fulfillment of the requirements fo r the degree of Master of Arts 1969 .':J • APPROVAL SHEET Title of Thesis: Roman Domestic Religion: A Study of the Roman Lararia Name of Candidate: David Gerald Orr Master of Arts, 1969 Thesis and Abstract Approved: UJ~ ~ J~· Wilhelmina F. {Ashemski Professor History Department Date Approved: '-»( 7 ~ 'ii, Ii (, J ABSTRACT Title of Thesis: Roman Domestic Religion: A Study of the Roman Lararia David Gerald Orr, Master of Arts, 1969 Thesis directed by: Wilhelmina F. Jashemski, Professor This study summarizes the existing information on the Roman domestic cult and illustrates it by a study of the arch­ eological evidence. The household shrines (lararia) of Pompeii are discussed in detail. Lararia from other parts of the Roman world are also studied. The domestic worship of the Lares, Vesta, and the Penates, is discussed and their evolution is described. The Lares, protective spirits of the household, were originally rural deities. However, the word Lares was used in many dif­ ferent connotations apart from domestic religion. Vesta was closely associated with the family hearth and was an ancient agrarian deity. The Penates, whose origins are largely un­ known, were probably the guardian spirits of the household storeroom. All of the above elements of Roman domestic worship are present in the lararia of Pompeii. The Genius was the living force of a man and was an important element in domestic religion.
    [Show full text]
  • Daimon Appearances in Arendt's Account of Disclosive Action By
    1 Daimon Appearances in Arendt’s Account of Disclosive Action by Trevor Tchir – University of Alberta [I]t is more than likely that the “who,” which appears so clearly and unmistakably to others, remains hidden from the person himself, like the daimon in Greek religion which accompanies each man throughout his life, always looking over his shoulder from behind and thus visible only to those he encounters.1 –Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition Hannah Arendt argues that political action discloses who the actor is, as it discloses the world. Following Arendt’s notion of natality, action consists of deeds and speech that disclose new or unexpected aspects of the world in ways that break normalizing social processes. It can also manifest a new space for further action. It is widely acknowledged that Arendt’s notion of action is a re-working of Aristotle’s notion of praxis. As such, action may take the form of public debate about the ends and meaning of the political community, a re-articulation or augmentation of the constitution, understood as a shared political way of life. According to Arendt, the meaning of an actor’s disclosive speech or deed is retrospectively judged, through interpretive argument, in a discursive community of spectators. She further holds that action is only meaningful through the disclosure of who the actor uniquely is, a form of revealing that she posits as the basis of human dignity, and suggests that disclosive action’s existential achievement is a form of redemptive reconciliation to one’s existence.2 In the following, I propose two theses.
    [Show full text]
  • Apollo and His Purpose in Sophocles' Oedipus Tyrannus
    APOLLO AND HIS PURPOSE IN SOPHOCLES’ OEDIPUS TYRANNUS Stuart Lawrence Abstract Apollo actively intervenes in the fulfilment of Oedipus’ destiny through oracles and immanently in the onstage action. Rather than to punish him for any offence, the god’s purpose appears to be to impress upon Oedipus his existential insignificance. In the context of an ordered but absurd universe, Sophocles emphasises the paradox of the moral greatness of a man whose ‘official’ existential value is less than zero. With the partial exception of Athena in the Ajax, Sophocles’ gods are largely inscruta‐ ble. In no play is this inscrutability more problematical than in the Tyrannus, and the resulting difficulties for the interpreter are well stated by R. Parker (1999), who warns us about drawing inferences where the poet is silent. Sensitive critics have always been struck by these silences of Sophocles’ text, of which the most famous is doubtless the apparent silence in Oedipus Tyrannus about the ulti‐ mate motivation for the destiny prophesied for Laius and Oedipus. In a sense the cen‐ tral problem for any study of Sophocles’ presentation of the divine is that of respond‐ ing to these silences: at all events, it is at this point that the paths of even the best critics diverge. Does Sophocles leave the divine will unexplained because to reason about it would be a distraction from the true human centre of the plays? Or is the point rather the ultimate incomprehensibility to mortals of the divine world? And if so, if the ways of the gods are incomprehensible, is that because those ways are good, but human comprehension weak? Or because mortals seek justice where none is to be found?1 Apollo never appears in person in the Tyrannus, though he declares his condition for the salvation of Thebes in the oracle that requires the discovery of Laius’ killer while he predicts the parricide in the original oracle to Laius and both the parricide and the incest in the later oracle given to Oedipus.
    [Show full text]
  • THE ENDURING GODDESS: Artemis and Mary, Mother of Jesus”
    “THE ENDURING GODDESS: Artemis and Mary, Mother of Jesus” Carla Ionescu A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN HUMANITIES YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, ONTARIO May 2016 © Carla Ionescu, 2016 ii Abstract: Tradition states that the most popular Olympian deities are Apollo, Athena, Zeus and Dionysius. These divinities played key roles in the communal, political and ritual development of the Greco-Roman world. This work suggests that this deeply entrenched scholarly tradition is fissured with misunderstandings of Greek and Ephesian popular culture, and provides evidence that clearly suggests Artemis is the most prevalent and influential goddess of the Mediterranean, with roots embedded in the community and culture of this area that can be traced further back in time than even the arrival of the Greeks. In fact, Artemis’ reign is so fundamental to the cultural identity of her worshippers that even when facing the onslaught of early Christianity, she could not be deposed. Instead, she survived the conquering of this new religion under the guise of Mary, Mother of Jesus. Using methods of narrative analysis, as well as review of archeological findings, this work demonstrates that the customs devoted to the worship of Artemis were fundamental to the civic identity of her followers, particularly in the city of Ephesus in which Artemis reigned not only as Queen of Heaven, but also as Mother, Healer and Saviour. Reverence for her was as so deeply entrenched in the community of this city, that after her temple was destroyed, and Christian churches were built on top of her sacred places, her citizens brought forward the only female character in the new ruling religion of Christianity, the Virgin Mary, and re-named her Theotokos, Mother of God, within its city walls.
    [Show full text]
  • The Gospel of Hellas 
    the gospel of hellas THE GOSPEL OF HELLAS The Mission of Ancient Greece and The Advent of Christ the gospel of hellas eneral view of side, W. view ofeneral side, G Athens: Acropolis Acropolis Athens: THE GOSPEL OF HELLAS The Mission of Ancient Greece and The Advent of Christ by F R E D E R I C K H I E B E L We must not follow those who advise us mortals to think of mortal things, but we must, so far as we can, make ourselves immortal. – aristotle (Nikomachean Ethics) 1949 ANTHROPOSOPHIC PRESS new york 2008 Research InstitUte for Waldorf EDUcation Wilton, NH the gospel of hellas The electronic publication was funded by the Waldorf Curriculum Fund © Research Institute for Waldorf Education, 2008 Editor: David Mitchell Scanning and Copyediting: Ann Erwin Cover design: Scribner Ames Antrhrposophic Press, 1943 ISBN: None Preface Out of print reference books are often difficult to locate. Through the foresight and support of the Waldorf Curriculum Fund, this title has been resurrected and is now available gratis in an electronic version on www.waldorflibrary.org, one of the websites of the Research Institute for Waldorf Education. We hope you will find this resource valuable. Please contact us if you have other books that you would like to see posted. – David Mitchell Research Institute for Waldorf Education Boulder, CO August 2008 the gospel of hellas To my dear wife Beulah Emmet Hiebel By the same author: shakespeare and the awakening of modern consciousness TABLE OF CONTENTS preface ........................................................................................................11 introduction: A New View of Hellenic Culture ....................................13 chapter I: The Hellenic Consciousness ....................................................18 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Aeschylus, Genealogy, History
    SHADOWS ON THE SON: AESCHYLUS, GENEALOGY, HISTORY DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Richard Evan Rader Jr., M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 2007 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Anthony Kaldellis, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins _____________________________ Adviser Professor Bruce Heiden Greek and Latin Graduate Program ABSTRACT This dissertation examines genealogy and history in Prometheus Bound, Seven against Thebes, and Persians. It asks how a character‘s relation to his own family history affects his perspective on the past. I argue that in each play the conflict between a son and a father, say between Xerxes and Darius, is replicated at the level of a theory of history. Genealogy suggests two different relations between the past generations and the present, since it is both a reproduction of the same (the ideal son who takes after his father) and a production of difference (the son can never be identical to the father). These two genealogical relations correspond to two theories of history: what I identify as a retrospective view of history, which transfigures discrete historical events into teleology and inevitability, where history becomes the movement of necessity; and a prospective one, which sees historical events as only the trace of desire, hope, potential and human agency, where history becomes the movement of what could have been, the contingent unfolding of unlimited possibilities. In the Prometheus Bound, for example, Aeschylus stages the discord between Zeus and Prometheus as a conflict between two views on history: Prometheus leverages a secret about Zeus‘ sexual desire against him because he sees a necessity of repetition in Zeus‘ genealogical past; but Zeus, the play stresses, is fully capable of reason, compromise, and collaboration, and thus his future (unlike his predecessors‘) remains open to will, desire, and choice.
    [Show full text]
  • Universe and Inner Self in Early Indian and Early Greek Thought
    UNIVERSE AND INNER SELF IN EARLY INDIAN INDIAN AND INNER SELF IN EARLY UNIVERSE ‘The philosophical traditions of Greece and India are divergent but also GREEK THOUGHT AND EARLY show striking convergences. This book is an important and valuable contribution to the comparative study of the two ancient cultures. The various chapters are learned and sophisticated and considerably enrich our understanding of Greek and Indian philosophy.’ Phiroze Vasunia, University College London How can we explain the remarkable similarities between early Indian and early Greek philosophy? UNIVERSE AND Around the middle of the first millennium BCE there occurred a revolution in thought, with novel ideas such as that understanding the inner self is both vital for human well-being and central to understanding INNER SELF the universe. This intellectual transformation is sometimes called the beginning of philosophy. The revolution occurred in both India and Greece, but not in the vast Persian Empire that divided them. How was IN EARLY INDIAN this possible? This is a puzzle that has never been solved. This volume brings together Hellenists and Indologists representing AND EARLY GREEK a variety of perspectives on the similarities and differences between the two cultures, and on how to explain them. It offers a collaborative Richard Seaford Richard THOUGHT contribution to the burgeoning interest in the Axial Age, and is of interest to those intrigued by the big questions inspired by the ancient world. by Edited Richard Seaford is Emeritus Professor of Ancient Greek at the University of Exeter. Cover images: Detail from The School of Athens, 1511, Raffaello Sanzio da Urbino, Wikimedia Commons.
    [Show full text]
  • PDF Download
    AKAAHMIA A0HNQN KENTPON EPEYNfil TID: APXAIOTHTO~ IBIPA MONOrPA<l>IQN 6 ~QPON TIMHTIKO~ TOMO~ rIA TON KA0HrHTH ~:IIYPO IAKQBI~H EII~HMONIKH EIIIMEAEIA ~E~IIOINA ~ANIHAI~OY A0HNA2OO9 © AKAAfIMIA A0HNQN KENTPON EPEYNJ-Il: Tifl: APXAIOTIITOL AvayvwITTOJtO'UA.OU14 106 73 AEhjva TTJA..210-3664612 - FAX 210-3602448 ISSN 1106-9260 ISBN 978-960-404-160-2 ~QPON TIMHTIKOL TOMOL ITA TON KA0HI'HTH ~IIYPO IAKQBI~H CONTINUITY FROM THE MYCENAEAN PERIOD IN AN HISTORICAL BOEOTIAN CULT OF POSEIDON (AND ERINYS) As is well known, Spyros lakovidis has always been very interested in the full range of Mycenaean culture and its place within the Hellenic tradition, past and present. He has also been interested in detailing the archaeological evidence for what leading researchers call 'the horse of Poseidon' 1, i.e., the terrible earthquake damage that might have contributed to the demise of Mycenaean palatial culture. I offer this exploration into continuity of an unusual cult of Poseidon in Boeotia from the Bronze Age into the classical period, as a modest trib­ ute to the great breadth of vision and exacting care in research of Professor Iakovidis. Much of the evidence from the Linear B tablets for religion2 can be connected with an extra-palatial element of Mycenaean religious ritual or at least to sanctuary sites out in the landscape and outside the immediate orbit of the palatial centers. The worship of Dionysos is attested in a theophoric name on KN tablet Dv 1501. The reference is to a shepherd on Crete . This at least indicates that religious feeling for Dionysos reached popula tion groups outside the palatial centers and at levels below the upper-class elites at these palatial cen­ ters.
    [Show full text]