1 (1883-1946) John Maynard Keynes Was a British Economist During The
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Van Der Waag 1
Van der Waag 1 Georgetown University College of Arts and Sciences Theology Department Course Title: God, Power, and Money Course #: THEO 158-01 Location: Walsh 492 Time: TTH 4:15-5:30 PM Office Hours: and by appt. Office Location: Berkley Center 3307 M Street, Suite 200 Contact: [email protected] I. Course Description: Normative discussion about the basic institutional patterns for economic life remains a major point of debate today among both secular and religious groups throughout the world because of economic globalization and the persistence of wide-scale poverty. The desire to address the challenges of economic globalization and the problem of global poverty, as defined by The United Nation’s Millennium Development Goals, is a commitment shared by many within these groups. Although secular and religious organizations often share a common commitment to address the challenges brought about by economic globalization as well as meet the needs of the poor and marginalized, they often differ about the most suitable means to meet this challenge and their needs. The purpose of the course is to examine how religious groups, particularly Christian denominations, have thought about these issues – particularly the problem of eradicating poverty today. The first part of the course focuses on the teaching aspect of the Christian tradition regarding economic life and its basic institutional structures. The historical survey begins at the end of the nineteenth century at the height of the Industrial Revolution to the rise of economic globalization -
Marxist Economics: How Capitalism Works, and How It Doesn't
MARXIST ECONOMICS: HOW CAPITALISM WORKS, ANO HOW IT DOESN'T 49 Another reason, however, was that he wanted to show how the appear- ance of "equal exchange" of commodities in the market camouflaged ~ , inequality and exploitation. At its most superficial level, capitalism can ' V be described as a system in which production of commodities for the market becomes the dominant form. The problem for most economic analyses is that they don't get beyond th?s level. C~apter Four Commodities, Marx argued, have a dual character, having both "use value" and "exchange value." Like all products of human labor, they have Marxist Economics: use values, that is, they possess some useful quality for the individual or society in question. The commodity could be something that could be directly consumed, like food, or it could be a tool, like a spear or a ham How Capitalism Works, mer. A commodity must be useful to some potential buyer-it must have use value-or it cannot be sold. Yet it also has an exchange value, that is, and How It Doesn't it can exchange for other commodities in particular proportions. Com modities, however, are clearly not exchanged according to their degree of usefulness. On a scale of survival, food is more important than cars, but or most people, economics is a mystery better left unsolved. Econo that's not how their relative prices are set. Nor is weight a measure. I can't mists are viewed alternatively as geniuses or snake oil salesmen. exchange a pound of wheat for a pound of silver. -
The Origins and Evolution of Progressive Economics Part Seven of the Progressive Tradition Series
AP PHOTO/FILE AP This January 1935 photo shows a mural depicting phases of the New Deal The Origins and Evolution of Progressive Economics Part Seven of the Progressive Tradition Series Ruy Teixeira and John Halpin March 2011 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG The Origins and Evolution of Progressive Economics Part Seven of the Progressive Tradition Series Ruy Teixeira and John Halpin March 2011 With the rise of the contemporary progressive movement and the election of President Barack Obama in 2008, there is extensive public interest in better understanding the ori- gins, values, and intellectual strands of progressivism. Who were the original progressive thinkers and activists? Where did their ideas come from and what motivated their beliefs and actions? What were their main goals for society and government? How did their ideas influence or diverge from alternative social doctrines? How do their ideas and beliefs relate to contemporary progressivism? The Progressive Tradition Series from the Center for American Progress traces the devel- opment of progressivism as a social and political tradition stretching from the late 19th century reform efforts to the current day. The series is designed primarily for educational and leadership development purposes to help students and activists better understand the foundations of progressive thought and its relationship to politics and social movements. Although the Progressive Studies Program has its own views about the relative merit of the various values, ideas, and actors discussed within the progressive tradition, the essays included in the series are descriptive and analytical rather than opinion based. We envision the essays serving as primers for exploring progressivism and liberalism in more depth through core texts—and in contrast to the conservative intellectual tradition and canon. -
Global Wealth Inequality
EC11CH05_Zucman ARjats.cls August 7, 2019 12:27 Annual Review of Economics Global Wealth Inequality Gabriel Zucman1,2 1Department of Economics, University of California, Berkeley, California 94720, USA; email: [email protected] 2National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA 02138, USA Annu. Rev. Econ. 2019. 11:109–38 Keywords First published as a Review in Advance on inequality, wealth, tax havens May 13, 2019 The Annual Review of Economics is online at Abstract economics.annualreviews.org This article reviews the recent literature on the dynamics of global wealth https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-economics- Annu. Rev. Econ. 2019.11:109-138. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org inequality. I first reconcile available estimates of wealth inequality inthe 080218-025852 United States. Both surveys and tax data show that wealth inequality has in- Access provided by University of California - Berkeley on 08/26/19. For personal use only. Copyright © 2019 by Annual Reviews. creased dramatically since the 1980s, with a top 1% wealth share of approx- All rights reserved imately 40% in 2016 versus 25–30% in the 1980s. Second, I discuss the fast- JEL codes: D31, E21, H26 growing literature on wealth inequality across the world. Evidence points toward a rise in global wealth concentration: For China, Europe, and the United States combined, the top 1% wealth share has increased from 28% in 1980 to 33% today, while the bottom 75% share hovered around 10%. Recent studies, however, may underestimate the level and rise of inequal- ity, as financial globalization makes it increasingly hard to measure wealth at the top. -
The Principles of Economics Textbook
The Principles of Economics Textbook: An Analysis of Its Past, Present & Future by Vitali Bourchtein An honors thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Science Undergraduate College Leonard N. Stern School of Business New York University May 2011 Professor Marti G. Subrahmanyam Professor Simon Bowmaker Faculty Advisor Thesis Advisor Bourchtein 1 Table of Contents Abstract ............................................................................................................................................4 Thank You .......................................................................................................................................4 Introduction ......................................................................................................................................5 Summary ..........................................................................................................................................5 Part I: Literature Review ..................................................................................................................6 David Colander – What Economists Do and What Economists Teach .......................................6 David Colander – The Art of Teaching Economics .....................................................................8 David Colander – What We Taught and What We Did: The Evolution of US Economic Textbooks (1830-1930) ..............................................................................................................10 -
(1899-1992) Born in Austria in 1899, Nobel Prize-Winning Economist Friedrich Von Hayek Was an Advocate of Free-Market Capitalism
Friedrich von Hayek 1 (1899-1992) Born in Austria in 1899, Nobel Prize-winning economist Friedrich von Hayek was an advocate of free-market capitalism. He is known for his criticism of the prevailing economic theories of the 20th century, Keynesian economic models and socialism. Excerpt from The Commanding Heights by Daniel Yergin and Joseph Stanislaw, 1998 ed., pp. 141-144. In retrospect, it was the awarding of the 1974 Nobel Prize in economics that first captured, almost by chance, the great intellectual change. The Swedish academy wanted to honor Gunnar Myrdal, distinguished Keynesian, a father of development economics, and a great figure of Swedish socialism. But the grantors, worried about the appearance of choosing so local a favorite, decided that they ought to balance the ticket with a more conservative figure, and they awarded the prize to Myrdal jointly with Friedrich von Hayek. A good part of the economics profession was scandalized by the choice of Hayek; many economists in the United States, if polled, would have hardly even considered him an economist. He was regarded as right-wing, certainly not mainstream, even something of a crank as well as a fossil from an archaic era.... Yet the award documented the beginning of a great shift in the intellectual center of gravity of the economies profession toward a restoration of confidence in markets, indeed a renewed belief in the superiority of markets over other ways of organizing economic activity. Within a decade and a half, the shift would be largely complete. And the eventual victory of this viewpoint was really a tale of two cities—Vienna and Chicago. -
Job Creation Programs of the Great Depression: the WPA and the CCC Name Redacted Specialist in Labor Economics
Job Creation Programs of the Great Depression: The WPA and the CCC name redacted Specialist in Labor Economics January 14, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R41017 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Job Creation Programs of the Great Depression: the WPA and the CCC ith the exception of the Great Depression, the recession that began in December 2007 is the nation’s most severe according to various labor market indicators. The W 7.1 million jobs cut from employer payrolls between December 2007 and September 2009, when it is thought the latest recession might have ended, is more than has been recorded for any postwar recession. Job loss was greater in a relative sense during the latest recession as well, recording a 5.1% decrease over the period.1 In addition, long-term unemployment (defined as the proportion of workers without jobs for longer than 26 weeks) was higher in September 2009—at 36%—than at any time since 1948.2 As a result, momentum has been building among some members of the public policy community to augment the job creation and worker assistance measures included in the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (P.L. 111-5). In an effort to accelerate improvement in the unemployment rate and job growth during the recovery period from the latest recession,3 some policymakers recently have turned their attention to programs that temporarily created jobs for workers unemployed during the nation’s worst economic downturn—the Great Depression—with which the latest recession has been compared.4 This report first describes the social policy environment in which the 1930s job creation programs were developed and examines the reasons for their shortcomings then and as models for current- day countercyclical employment measures. -
Research & Policy Brief No.47
Research & Policy Briefs From the World Bank Malaysia Hub No. 47 May 24, 2021 Demand and Supply Dynamics in East Asia during the COVID-19 Recession Ergys Islamaj, Franz Ulrich Ruch, and Eka Vashakmadze The COVID-19 pandemic has devastated lives and damaged economies, requiring strong and decisive policy responses from governments. Developing Public Disclosure Authorized the optimal short-term and long-term policy response to the pandemic requires understanding the demand and supply factors that drive economic growth. The appropriate policy response will depend on the size and duration of demand and supply shocks. This Research & Policy Brief provides a decomposition of demand and supply dynamics at the macroeconomic level for the large developing economies of East Asia. The findings suggest that both demand and supply shocks were important drivers of output fluctuations during the first year of the pandemic. The demand shocks created an environment of deficient demand—reflected in large negative output gaps even after the unprecedented policy response—which is expected to last through 2021. The extant deficient demand is suggestive of continued need to support the economic recovery. Its size should guide policy makers in calibrating responses to ensure that recovery is entrenched, and that short-term supply disruptions do not lead to long-term declines in potential growth. The Pandemic-Induced Shock Low external demand will continue to affect economies reliant on tourism, while sluggish domestic demand will disproportionally affect The pandemic, national lockdowns, and reverberations from the rest economies with large services sectors. Understanding the demand of the world inflicted a massive shock to the East Asia and Pacific and supply factors that drive economic growth is critical for region in 2020 (World Bank 2020a). -
Epidemics in the Neoclassical and New Keynesian Models∗†
Epidemics in the Neoclassical and New Keynesian Models∗† Martin S. Eichenbaum‡ Sergio Rebelo§ Mathias Trabandt¶ June 19, 2020 Abstract We analyze the e§ects of an epidemic in three standard macroeconomic models. We find that the neoclassical model does not rationalize the positive comovement of consumption and investment observed in recessions associated with an epidemic. Intro- ducing monopolistic competition into the neoclassical model remedies this shortcoming even when prices are completely flexible. Finally, sticky prices lead to a larger recession but do not fundamentally alter the predictions of the monopolistic competition model. JEL Classification: E1, I1, H0 Keywords: Epidemic, comovement, investment, recession. ∗We thank R. Anton Braun, Joao Guerreiro, Martín Harding, Laura Murphy, and Hannah Seidl for helpful comments. †Matlab/Dynare replication codes will be made available by the end of June 2020 at the following URL: https://sites.google.com/site/mathiastrabandt/home/research ‡Northwestern University and NBER. Address: Northwestern University, Department of Economics, 2211 Campus Dr, Evanston, IL 60208. USA. E-mail: [email protected]. §Northwestern University, NBER, and CEPR. Address: Northwestern University, Kellogg School of Man- agement, 2211 Campus Dr, Evanston, IL 60208. USA. E-mail: [email protected]. ¶Freie Universität Berlin, School of Business and Economics, Chair of Macroeconomics. Address: Boltz- mannstrasse 20, 14195 Berlin, Germany, German Institute for Economic Research (DIW) and Halle Institute for Economic Research (IWH), E-mail: [email protected]. 1Introduction Acentralfeatureofrecessionsisthepositivecomovementbetweenoutput,hoursworked, consumption, and investment. In this respect, the COVID-19 recession is not unique. At least since Barro and King (1984), it has been recognized that, absent aggregate productivity shocks, it is di¢cult for many models to generate comovement in macroeconomic aggregates. -
The Socialization of Investment, from Keynes to Minsky and Beyond
Working Paper No. 822 The Socialization of Investment, from Keynes to Minsky and Beyond by Riccardo Bellofiore* University of Bergamo December 2014 * [email protected] This paper was prepared for the project “Financing Innovation: An Application of a Keynes-Schumpeter- Minsky Synthesis,” funded in part by the Institute for New Economic Thinking, INET grant no. IN012-00036, administered through the Levy Economics Institute of Bard College. Co-principal investigators: Mariana Mazzucato (Science Policy Research Unit, University of Sussex) and L. Randall Wray (Levy Institute). The author thanks INET and the Levy Institute for support of this research. The Levy Economics Institute Working Paper Collection presents research in progress by Levy Institute scholars and conference participants. The purpose of the series is to disseminate ideas to and elicit comments from academics and professionals. Levy Economics Institute of Bard College, founded in 1986, is a nonprofit, nonpartisan, independently funded research organization devoted to public service. Through scholarship and economic research it generates viable, effective public policy responses to important economic problems that profoundly affect the quality of life in the United States and abroad. Levy Economics Institute P.O. Box 5000 Annandale-on-Hudson, NY 12504-5000 http://www.levyinstitute.org Copyright © Levy Economics Institute 2014 All rights reserved ISSN 1547-366X Abstract An understanding of, and an intervention into, the present capitalist reality requires that we put together the insights of Karl Marx on labor, as well as those of Hyman Minsky on finance. The best way to do this is within a longer-term perspective, looking at the different stages through which capitalism evolves. -
New Monetarist Economics: Methods∗
Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis Research Department Staff Report 442 April 2010 New Monetarist Economics: Methods∗ Stephen Williamson Washington University in St. Louis and Federal Reserve Banks of Richmond and St. Louis Randall Wright University of Wisconsin — Madison and Federal Reserve Banks of Minneapolis and Philadelphia ABSTRACT This essay articulates the principles and practices of New Monetarism, our label for a recent body of work on money, banking, payments, and asset markets. We first discuss methodological issues distinguishing our approach from others: New Monetarism has something in common with Old Monetarism, but there are also important differences; it has little in common with Keynesianism. We describe the principles of these schools and contrast them with our approach. To show how it works, in practice, we build a benchmark New Monetarist model, and use it to study several issues, including the cost of inflation, liquidity and asset trading. We also develop a new model of banking. ∗We thank many friends and colleagues for useful discussions and comments, including Neil Wallace, Fernando Alvarez, Robert Lucas, Guillaume Rocheteau, and Lucy Liu. We thank the NSF for financial support. Wright also thanks for support the Ray Zemon Chair in Liquid Assets at the Wisconsin Business School. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the Federal Reserve Banks of Richmond, St. Louis, Philadelphia, and Minneapolis, or the Federal Reserve System. 1Introduction The purpose of this essay is to articulate the principles and practices of a school of thought we call New Monetarist Economics. It is a companion piece to Williamson and Wright (2010), which provides more of a survey of the models used in this literature, and focuses on technical issues to the neglect of methodology or history of thought. -
Chapter 24 the Great Depression
Chapter 24 The Great Depression 1929-1933 Section 1: Prosperity Shattered • Recount why financial experts issued warnings about business practices during the 1920s. • Describe why the stock market crashed in 1929. • Understand how the banking crisis and subsequent business failures signaled the beginning of the Great Depression. • Analyze the main causes of the Great Depression. Objective 1: Recount why financial experts issued warnings about business practices during the 1920s. • Identify the warnings that financial experts issued during the 1920s: • 1 Agricultural crisis • 2 Sick industry • 3 Consumers buying on credit • 4 Stock speculation • 5 Deion is # 1 Objective 1: Recount why financial experts issued warnings about business practices during the 1920s. • Why did the public ignore these warnings: • 1 Economy was booming • 2 People believed it would continue to grow Objective 2: Describe why the stock market crashed in 1929. Factors That Caused the Stock Market Crash 1. Rising interest rates 2. Investors sell stocks 3. Stock prices plunge 4. Heavy sells continue The Crash Objective 3: Understand how the banking crisis and subsequent business failures signaled the beginning of the Great Depression. Depositor withdrawal Banking Crisis Default on loans The Banking Crisis Margin calls and Subsequent Business Failures Unable to obtain resources Business Failures Lay-offs and closings Objective 4: Analyze the main causes of the Great Depression. • Main causes of the Great Depression and how it contributed to the depression: • Global economic crises, the U.S didn’t have foreign consumers. • The income gap deprived businesses of national consumers • The consumers debt led to economic chaos Section 2: Hard Times • Describe how unemployment during the Great Depression affected the lives of American workers.