translating movement into power The Role of Independent Political Organizing in the Racial Justice Victory Over Anita Alvarez in the Cook County State’s Attorney Race

Reclaim , The People’s Lobby, SOUL (Southsiders Organized for Unity & Liberation), Center for Racial & Gender Equity, and Action Now Sections

I. Summary 2 II. Setting the Frame and Defining the Incumbent 3 III. Creating a Bigger, Bolder Contest 7 IV. Conclusions & Questions 15 V. Appendix 18

Translating Movement into Power • 1 I. Summary

Chicago community-based independent political organizations played a critical role in the successful campaign to defeat incumbent Cook County State’s Attorney Anita Alvarez, a staunch opponent of police and criminal justice reform, in the March 2016 Democratic primary. Black-led community organizations set the stage for the contest by publicly defining Alvarez as an opponent of accountability and reform, shaping the lead protagonist (challenger ) into a bold leader, and catapulting Foxx to a landslide victory over Alvarez. SOUL (Southsiders Organized for Unity & Liberation), The People’s Lobby, and Reclaim Chicago in particular led an inside-outside strategy over several years that built toward this historic and game-changing racial justice victory and, together with other allied community organizations, collectively made 310,000 calls/door knocks to contribute to a resounding victory on election night.

The defeat of Alvarez and victory of Foxx represents a win for the Movement for Black Lives and signifies a political awakening for racial justice. It also represents a victory for the broader progressive movement, a victory that can teach key lessons about the combined power of high-profile movement activism and independent political organizing (often less visible) that can translate energy and intentions into large-scale electoral engagement and the exercise of community power. This report tells the story of the role of independent political organizations on the ground in Chicago and offers lessons and questions for progressives about what it takes to build political power for racial justice and the broader movement long-term.

Translating Movement into Power • 2 II. Setting the Frame and Defining the Incumbent

Anita Alvarez was elected Cook County State’s Attorney as a reformer and an independent in 2008 and faced no challenger in her re-election in 2012 (her predecessor, Richard Devine, had been in office for three terms, since 1996). But like other successful Chicago politicians, the reform-sounding, smooth exterior that won popular support for Alvarez masked a dark leadership bent on protecting and reinvigorating an unaccountable police state.

Under Alvarez, Chicago’s criminal justice institutions became deeply resistant to change and increasingly opaque and vindictive toward anyone who would push for transparency. While other jurisdictions began shifting to finally address structural problems with mass incarceration and police brutality -- for instance, reforming drug laws, addressing prison and jail overcrowding, rethinking juvenile sentencing and incarceration, and creating measures of accountability for law enforcement -- Chicago and Cook County lagged behind. Alvarez began to build a track record of protecting police officers involved in misconduct and wrongful shootings (the city also spent half a billion dollars on legal claims for these cases), prosecuting innocent people, and using the power of the State’s Attorney’s office to silence critics and reformers. She also made it extremely difficult to get information about what was going on in the State’s Attorney’s office, setting a record for refused FOIA requests. And so Chicago continued to be the home of the nation’s biggest pre-trial detention center - Cook County Jail - where roughly 10,000 people are locked up at any given time, with 90% awaiting trial behind bars because they can’t afford bail, 70% held for arrests for non-violent offenses, and 86% people of color (compared to 50% people of color in the county population). Most of this went on in the dark and without protest for years; these issues only began to receive attention as a public crisis in Chicago media after community organizing groups intervened to put a spotlight on them.

Translating Movement into Power • 3 In 2013, SOUL began making Alvarez a target of black activism and organizing on the South Side and in the south suburbs of Chicago. That year, SOUL launched its campaign to end mass incarceration in . Cook County Board President Toni Preckwinkle (a close ally of SOUL) was also beginning to push for criminal justice reform and was also encountering fierce resistance from Alvarez. SOUL and its black clergy began demonstrating their displeasure with Alvarez’s obstruction of reform and called on her to support deferred prosecutions for low-level drug possession, to reform the cash bail system that was keeping the Cook County Jail overcrowded with poor people held on minor offenses, and to provide alternatives to prosecution and incarceration for youth offenders. The Workers Center for Racial Justice (501c3)/Center for Racial & Gender Equity (501c4) joined SOUL in pressuring Alvarez after coming off a victory winning “Ban the Box” legislation in Illinois. Together, they represented a growing base of organized black congregations, community institutions, workers, formerly incarcerated people and their families, all focused on criminal justice reform and the office of the Cook County State’s Attorney.

Delegation of Faith and Community Activists Will Deliver a Freedom of Information Act Request to the Home of Cook County State’s Attorney Anita Alvarez November 10, 2014

Activists demand an end to mass incarceration, expand its diversion program December 11, 2014

Cook County States Attorney Alvarez in Political Trouble March 11, 2015

Translating Movement into Power • 4 These early demands and pressure campaigns began to frame the debate and define Alvarez based on her record, painting her as defensive, unaccountable, and an obstructionist standing against the will of the people on criminal justice reform issues. The organizing and resulting press coverage also began to shed light on the office of the Cook County State’s Attorney, which had rarely garnered much attention in elections and whose sweeping powers to decide who is prosecuted and how criminal justice policy is set were widely overlooked.

Difference in Overall Cook County Democratic Primary Turnout vs. State’s Attorney Primary Turnout

2004 -123,966 -4.71%

2008 -140,587 -5.29%

2012 -97,318 -3.63%

2016 -85,473 -2.89%

The percentage roll-off in the 2016 State’s Attorney primary was roughly half what it was in the previous contested primaries (2012 was uncontested and the lowest turnout of these primaries).

Translating Movement into Power • 5 Translating Movement into Power • 6 III. Creating a Bigger, Bolder Contest

SOUL is a 501c3 organization, but its sister 501c4 organization is The People’s Lobby which also runs a political committee and alliance called Reclaim Chicago in partnership with National Nurses United. After successfully electing 10 progressive aldermen and helping force the city’s first mayoral runoff against incumbent mayor Rahm Emanuel in the 2015 Chicago municipal elections, The People’s Lobby and Reclaim Chicago turned their attention to Anita Alvarez and the Cook County State’s Attorney race where their assessment suggested a strong challenger running on a reform agenda could have a path to unseat Alvarez in the March 2016 Democratic primary.

In the summer of 2015, Reclaim Chicago began meeting with former assistant prosecutor Kim Foxx as she announced her candidacy. Reclaim Chicago shared its plans to screen candidates, endorse a challenger to Alvarez (if there was one who would run on a reform agenda), and build a major voter contact effort in the race. Foxx was responsive to Reclaim Chicago’s endorsement committee and seemed to share their vision, both for a State’s Attorney committed to reforming the local and state policies that perpetuate mass incarceration (sentencing laws, money-based bail, and other policies that criminalize people based on poverty, race, youth, or low-level drug offenses) and for a campaign that would clearly align itself with the racial justice movement as a strategy to win rather than soft-peddle on race issues.

In September, Reclaim Chicago endorsed Foxx and quickly began to assemble a volunteer field campaign structure. The Center for Racial & Gender Equity - another black organization on the South Side and close ally of SOUL - was also beginning to put together its own canvass operation to talk to voters about criminal justice reform. The Center’s sister 501c3, Worker’s Center for Racial Justice worked with SOUL and BYP100 to organize a counter convention to the International Association of Police Chiefs conference that was held in Chicago in October.

Alvarez’s favorability as a public figure had been sinking since the groups began putting the spotlight on her in 2013, but after the release of the video of Laquan McDonald’s killing, Alvarez’s disapproval ratings took a nosedive and left as many as 55% of voters undecided about who they would support in the primary.

Translating Movement into Power • 7 2015 closed out with more mass demonstrations and civil disobedience that kept the media focused on Laquan McDonald and other victims of police violence against people of color like Rekia Boyd whose police killer had also escaped full criminal liability under Alvarez. Organizations also joined forces to collect 35,000 petition signatures calling for Mayor Emanuel and Alvarez to resign and organized occupations of the Cook County and city buildings.

Protesters Pack County Building To Demand Anita Alvarez Resignation December 3, 2015 Tanya Watkins, SOUL leader at the Dec 3 protest and delivery of petition signatures. (By Aaron Cynic/Chicagoist))

Despite the rising tide of opposition, Anita Alvarez was proving to be a formidable politician. She fended off calls for her resignation skillfully (and in perfect message coordination with Mayor Emanuel) and maintained a fundraising and polling lead in the face of the growing community pressure.

It was at this critical juncture, at the very end of 2015, that National People’s Action Campaign and SuperPAC were able to partner with a key set of donors whose early investments made it possible to launch field programs in African American neighborhoods through The People’s Lobby, The Center for Racial & Gender Equity, and Action Now. The critical early investment of $341,500 ultimately leveraged close to $1 million in resources, but more importantly helped establish this independent and allied effort through a combination of aggressive issue advocacy and independent expenditures for direct voter contact and mail. By reinforcing the budding alliance of the black organizing groups, this early investment of 501c4 and PAC money created a snowball effect of participation and interest in the race, including: • ColorofChange.org creating an online campaign, voter guide, mailers and remote phone bank for the #ByeAnita campaign that BYP100, Assata’s Daughters, Black Lives Matter Chicago and Fearless Leading the Youth started, generating a national slogan and hashtag for the overall movement effort; • Chicago Votes Action Fund engaging its growing list of young voters with 501c4 voter guides on the State’s Attorney election; • MoveOn and Democracy for America endorsing Kim Foxx and communicated with their online members about the race; and • Progressive labor unions endorsing Kim Foxx and the United Working Families project of SEIU Healthcare Illinois & Indiana and the Chicago Teachers Union launching a canvass to help elect her as well.

Translating Movement into Power • 8 Early 501c4 money also paid for important polling for the allied black organizing effort. This polling confirmed a major problem groups were encountering in their canvasses and reporting anecdotally in early January: many voters (41%) still did not know who Kim Foxx was, including many African American voters (40%). To make matters worse, canvassers reported that black voters thought Donna More (the third candidate in the race) was the black candidate since her name “sounded like a black name” more than “Kim Foxx”. This added to the threat that More could win the anti-Alvarez vote and the base voters Foxx was already having trouble reaching. And still worse, the effort’s poll indicated that if Foxx attacked Alvarez without establishing her own candidacy, it would lead to growth for More. (A poll released in the first week of February confirmed that More’s vote share had doubled from 6% to 12% while Foxx’s had not grown much in respect to Alvarez.)

Meanwhile, Alvarez was turning to offense, restating the case for her own leadership and attacking Foxx, threatening to define Foxx in a negative light before most voters even knew who she was. (Polls showed Alvarez was successfully mitigating her negatives, dropping them from 52 to 42 toward the end of January.)

These challenges were sobering - Foxx’s campaign wasn’t getting the lift-off it needed despite the incredible vulnerability of Alvarez. The allied effort realized that Foxx’s campaign simply didn’t have the capacity to reach black voters at scale across the second most populous county in the nation (with over 5 million people and about 2.8 million registered voters).

With this in mind, the allied effort began focusing on building name recognition for Foxx as partners continued ramping up their field programs in black wards and suburbs. An additional set of donors (inspired by the early donors) contributed another $110,000, which allowed the groups to produce pro-Foxx door literature and send pro-Foxx mail to their targeted universes.

Translating Movement into Power • 9 It was a tough choice to dedicate resources to building Foxx’s name recognition given the imperative to continue challenging Alvarez and highlighting her obstructionist record. But it helped that groups like BYP100, Assata’s Daughters, Black Lives Matter Chicago, and Fearless Leading the Youth continued to bird-dog Alvarez at events, keeping negative attention on her through earned and social media. Still, there was no indication in the polling that the roughly 30% of undecided voters were getting closer to a choice and Foxx still trailed Alvarez in the polls.

In white and Latino neighborhoods on the North Side (and one South Side geography, Ward 5), Reclaim Chicago’s volunteer canvass acted as the field program for Foxx’s campaign itself, which was mostly focused on saving up resources for TV ads. Reclaim Chicago’s effort was unique in that it was able to coordinate its activities directly with the campaign because of its status as a coordinated PAC. This allowed for extra efficient voter targeting so there was no duplication with campaign efforts. And Reclaim Chicago was able to consult with the campaign to work with a common set of messages.

Reclaim Chicago’s major field role embedded with the Foxx campaign was possible because Reclaim had built a robust volunteer field program through a strong community organizing, training, and leadership development methodology. Reclaim didn’t even have to hire new staff; it was able to produce extraordinary results over two and a half months simply by dedicating three existing organizers to the effort. These three organizers generated 1,502 volunteer shifts (averaging 501 each), totaling 4,506 hours of work and producing 174,420 calls/door knocks and 32,100 one-on-one conversations with voters. These results would normally cost a campaign at least six figures to generate through a paid field program, but was much more cost- effective through mass volunteerism thanks to Reclaim’s model of long-term base building. (For Reclaim, this was also an increase from 2015 when their organizers produced an average of 387 volunteers shifts each.) According to Foxx’s campaign itself, Reclaim produced a full 50% of the campaign’s coordinated GOTV operation.

While Reclaim Chicago and the allied black organizing groups could not coordinate with each other during the election due to campaign finance laws, the aggregate of their direct voter contact work can now be seen below, including the map of Chicago wards shaded by levels of Foxx performance and highlighted where the organizations ran their voter engagement programs.

Translating Movement into Power • 10 Pro-Foxx Voter ID Volunteer Attempts Contacts Conversations Positive IDs and Motivate-to-Vote Shifts Reclaim Chicago / The People's Lobby 164,303 48,366 26,556 15,285 912 Center for Racial & Gender Equity 53,206 27,457 19,219 5,799 Action Now 13,785 4,024 3,388 United Working Families 77,156 15,431 10,016 TOTAL 308,450 95,278 45,775 34,488 912

GOTV GOTV GOTV Volunteer GOTV Attempts Contacts Conversations Shifts Reclaim Chicago / The People's Lobby 146,122 21,694 11,672 590 Center for Racial & Gender Equity 4,190 1,157 439 Action Now 9,000 United Working Families 17,121 4,256 TOTAL 176,433 27,107 12,111 590

Translating Movement into Power • 11 Since the polling indicated Foxx trailing and then a tightening race at the end, Foxx’s landslide victory can only be understood as the product of a wave-like election and a testament to the limits of polling, especially among historically disenfranchised voters who are not polled as “likely voters.” Nearly the same turnout rate was achieved in this primary election (and more votes were cast) as in the only other wave-like primary, in March 2008 when presidential candidate Barack Obama won the Illinois primary. And a record number and percent turnout was achieved in 2016 compared to recent State’s Attorney primary elections.

IL Democratic Primary Election Turnout

Dem State’s Registered Voters Dem Turnout Turnout % Turnout % Attorney Turnout

City 1,334,909 482,326 36.13% 396,719 29.72% Suburbs 1,295,632 279,538 21.58% 241,179 18.61% 2004 Total 2,630,541 761,864 28.96% 637,898 24.25%

City 1,306,819 643,835 49.27% 553,645 42.37% Suburbs 1,350,580 447,173 33.11% 396,776 29.38% 2008 Total 2,657,399 1,091,008 41.06% 950,421 35.77%

City 1,288,293 267,121 20.73% 203,497 15.80% Suburbs 1,394,649 173,752 10.04% 140,058 10.04% 2012 Total 2,682,942 440,873 16.43% 343,555 12.81%

City 1,514,912 687,977 45.41% 636,922 42.04% Suburbs 1,443,261 468,691 32.47% 434,273 30.09% 2016 Total 2,958,173 1,156,668 39.10% 1,071,195 36.21%

A progressive wave like this is indicative of an undetected groundswell of voter interest that also developed its own momentum going into election day. This groundswell was fed by numerous contributing factors - the early issue framing work on Alvarez and mass incarceration, the snowballing street and social media activism and involvement of progressive groups, the Laquan McDonald video scandal, the enormously successful anti- Trump rally days before the primary, and the mass direct voter contact work of over 484,000 calls/door knocks made by the community organizations and labor’s United Working Families.

Translating Movement into Power • 12 It also appears to be the case that - like 2008 - the black vote was the crest of this wave. Much more research is needed, but a simple clustering of wards by majority racial demographic shows that black wards indeed overperformed in turnout for the State’s Attorney election and in their support for Foxx.

Translating Movement into Power • 13 Translating Movement into Power • 14 IV. Conclusions & Questions

The defeat of Anita Alvarez in the State’s Attorney Democratic primary election demonstrates the symbiotic relationship between highly visible movement activism and the less visible independent political infrastructure for on-the-ground grassroots organizing and inside-outside political strategy. Each is stronger with the other and necessary to achieve major victories like this and to advance the longer term goals of defining a new progressive political agenda and worldview. This campaign did more than unseat Anita Alvarez; it elevated and then decisively voted in a bold agenda for criminal justice reform, as evidenced by the unexpected landslide margin and the political narrative associated with it.

The local grassroots organizations who played their part from the earliest stages to the final large-scale voter mobilization push conducted their strategy on their own terms and, as a result, were able to choose the wards and suburban municipalities where they wanted to canvass anyway to build their lists, establish a rapport, and begin to build membership and organization. They were also able to develop their own canvass scripts that best resonated on their turf and establish their own goals for contact rates. Most of all, this flexibility combined with the seriousness and urgency of the moment led to the consolidation of a new alliance that will now pursue a strategy of co-governance and accountability with Kim Foxx (provided she also wins the general election in November).

Reclaim Chicago, The People’s Lobby, The Center for Racial & Gender Equity and Action Now are also now several steps more advanced in running such election programs with more developed staff, data, and legal entities. And, of course, they are now more politically powerful and able to advance a progressive agenda and shape the politics of both Chicago and Illinois. There is no doubt that because of this growing independent political capacity, Chicago’s progressive movement is growing and having more impact on policy and politics with every cycle.

Translating Movement into Power • 15 Additionally, this independent, locally-driven racial justice victory with a progressive Democrat defeating an establishment, “tough on crime” Democrat highlights a number of strategies progressives should build on, including:

1. Running prosecutor campaigns on bolder and more substantive reform platforms (like Foxx’s) that include: 1) special prosecutors in cases of police crimes, 2) ending the school to prison pipeline and taking children out of the criminal justice system, and 3) shifting to alternatives to incarceration for those arrested for nonviolent offenses. 2. 3. Building winning coalitions on racial justice and economic justice between communities of color and progressive or progressive-leaning white voters. Steve Phillips makes the case for this as the electoral strategy progressives need to pursue across the nation. This elections seems to be a case in point, which begs the question of where else can a nascent coalition like this be animated and built. It should also be studied further as a case for how black organizing and activism can persuade and motivate white people as well as people of color. While the campaign and the outcome represented a watershed electoral victory for communities of color and for racial justice, white voters also played a significant contributing role. Across Cook County white voters dumped Alvarez, not only in the white liberal parts of Chicago, but also in municipalities like River Forest where Anita Alvarez herself hails from. 4. 5. Investing in local strategies to reverse mass incarceration, including targeting district attorneys and state’s attorneys as a strategy to build local progressive power, but also to advance reforms in major cities, counties, and at the state level. States and local jails are the drivers of the enormous prison population in the United States and the fastest growth in incarceration is happening in local jails and detention centers. 6. 7. Early investments in independent political strategies for the purpose of shaping election contests and related public narratives can make a major impact and redefine what is politically possible. These are the donors who have the greatest impact, rather than those who only place late bets on contests that are already likely determined. If we want to set up a lot more big wins like this one, we need more donors to partner with city and state-based community organizations to shape elections early, creating bigger, bolder contests, and investing in long-term political power-building strategies. This election was part of a long series of local election cycles in Chicago that are transforming it politically over time through on-the-ground independent political organizing.

Translating Movement into Power • 16 For the Chicago organizations, there is also more research to be done on the question of black voter participation. Chicago’s population declined by 200,000 people between the 2000 and 2010 census, with the bulk of that decline in the black population. Black voter registration and participation have also lagged since the last known surge during Harold Washington’s historic mayorship in the 1980s. More research is needed to understand the level of impact this election had on black voter participation (Chicago redistricted its wards in 2012, making historical ward comparisons impossible without a full precinct level analysis), but the results seem to suggest a significant uptick and perhaps a trend that could begin in the right direction.

Finally, the investment in meaningful voter engagement in Cook County in this race was a big step toward a progressive strategy to build a highly-active voter base and local organizing infrastructure both in Illinois and as a template for the national progressive movement. The allied field program engaged voters in two-way conversations that connected the life experience of the canvasser directly to that of the potential voter and this election. These conversations were designed to be more than quick ‘verbal commercials’. (See one of the scripts in the appendix.) More than 45,000 such quality conversations were had pre-GOTV alone (of which roughly $300,000 of the funds raised directly supported this field work.) While several million dollars were spent by the candidates on paid media and a smaller amount raised and spent by the local organizations on mail and radio, progressive donors should look to invest greater resources in field efforts such as these. There is ample opportunity in the upcoming November election and beyond for these organizations to continue expanding their independent political capacity and power rooted in quality voter work such as this.

Translating Movement into Power • 17 V. Appendix

A. The trend as told by polling combined from the independent allied effort and public polls.

(dates conducted) Dec 8-9 Jan 13-18 Jan 20-28 Feb 24-28 Vote Preference (uninformed) Alvarez 33 24 34 31 Foxx 24 20 27 31 More 11 6 12 5 Other/Undecided 32 50 26 32

Alvarez - Favorable/Unfavorable Favorable 44 33 26 40 Unfavorable 50 52 42 44 No opinion 12 27 13 Don’t know 6 3 5 3

B. A canvasser door knocking script from the allied effort.

State’s Attorney Canvassing Script

INTRO & ENGAGE: Hi, may I speak with ______? My, Name is ______, and I am a canvasser with The People’s Lobby. The People’s lobby is a membership organization that is fighting for Well a fair I’m economy out here today and because a racially just Cook society. Country How are you is doing in today a crisis. ?

Black and Brown young men and women are being murdered by Chicago Police! And our current States attorney, Anita Alvarez, is turning a blind e eye. I car about this issue because (Share your story). What are your concerns about the current state of our criminal justice system? Anita Alvarez, and I see 20,000 people every year being locked up for low-­‐level offenses I hear you. I look at someone like , 86% of which are black and Latino. And I see someone who sat on the video of Laquan McDonald, being murdered by CPD, for over Donna a More, What year! do who you claims think to be a “democrat” about that? but supports Governor Rauner and other republicans Then there’s and also claims she wasn’t involved in the torture cases even though she was deputy Kim prosecutor Foxx is during running the for time. States Attorney th The good news is there’s an election March 15 and . I am interested in what she could bring e to restor integrity and fairness to the system. What do you think about the current candidates? • Translating Movement into Power • 18 I hear you. I like Kim Foxx because she’s had a life experience similar to so many people in Chicago: Kim Foxx was raised in Chicago’s Cabrini-­‐Green housing project, her Mom had her when she was a teenager. Kim knows how important it is to • invest in our young knows people and that building more prisons for youth is not the answer. • She served as an Assistant State’s Attorney and then Chief of Staff for Cook County Board President, Toni Preckwinkle • She believes in treatment for those with mental illness and drug addiction instead of incarceration She worked on juvenile cases, and has seen hundreds of children, many being • children of color who had been neglected and/or abused, navigate the criminal justice system. Kim is committed to ending wrongful convictions and holding bad police officers accountable when they break the law.

We have an opportunity to bring about real change th in Cook County. I want you to join me in voting for Kim Foxx for State’s Attorney on March 15 .

State’s Attorney Canvassing Script

INTRO & ENGAGE: Hi, may I speak with ______? My, Name is ______, and I am a canvasser with The People’s Lobby. The People’s lobby is a membership organization that is fighting for Well a fair I’m economy out here today and because a racially just Cook society. Country How are you is doing in today a crisis. ?

Black and Brown young men and women are being murdered by Chicago Police! And our current States attorney, Anita Alvarez, is turning a blind e eye. I car about this issue because (Share your story). What are your concerns about the current state of our criminal justice system? Anita Alvarez, and I see 20,000 people every year being locked up for low-­‐level offenses I hear you. I look at someone like , 86% of which are black and Latino. And I see someone who sat on the video of Laquan McDonald, being murdered by CPD, for over Donna a More, What year! do who you claims think to be a “democrat” about that? but supports Governor Rauner and other republicans Then there’s and also claims she wasn’t involved in the Jon Burge torture cases even though she was deputy Kim prosecutor Foxx is during running the for time. States Attorney th The good news is there’s an election March 15 and . I am interested in what she could bring e to restor integrity and fairness to the system. What do you think about the current candidates? • I hear you. I like Kim Foxx because she’s had a life experience similar to so many people in Chicago: Kim Foxx was raised in Chicago’s Cabrini-­‐Green housing project, her Mom had her when she was a teenager. Kim knows how important it is to • invest in our young knows people and that building more prisons for youth is not the answer. • She served as an Assistant State’s Attorney and then Chief of Staff for Cook County Board President, Toni Preckwinkle • She believes in treatment for those with mental illness and drug addiction instead of incarceration She worked on juvenile cases, and has seen hundreds of children, many being • children of color who had been neglected and/or abused, navigate the criminal justice system. Kim is committed to ending wrongful convictions and holding bad police officers accountable when they break the law.

We have an opportunity to bring about real change th in Cook County. I want you to join me in voting for Kim Foxx for State’s Attorney on March 15 .

ASK VOTER TO COMMITT BASED ON THEIR VALUES: Can we count on your vote, for Kim Foxx?

IF YES: Awesome! th See you at the polls March 15

IF Undecided on States Attorney: Why do you think that? What are some of the concerns you have ______? Hear is th what I think (Share why you care) I hope we can earn your vote for ______on March 15 !

IF NO on States Attorney: anks Th for taking our survey! Have a good day/Night!

** IF highly engaged/excited:

We would like to keep you updated on what we are doing and we have many ways you can get ! involved

Verify best contact information and ask if we can contact them later!

Translating Movement into Power • 19