2 BALTIC JOURNAL OF SPORT & HEALTH SCIENCES No. 4(107); 2017; 2–16; ISSN 2351-6496 AUSTRALIAN RULES FOOTBALL CHEER SQUADS OF THE EIGHTIES: A CASE STUDY OF THE WEST CHEER SQUAD 1984–1986 Kieran James University of the West of Scotland, Paisley, Scotland

ABSTRACT Background. In this article I review key studies in the academic literature on football (soccer) hooliganism in the UK and around the world. I apply Armstrong’s anthropological approach to our 15–20 member West Perth unofficial cheer squad (hard-core supporter group) of 1984–1986 (Australian Rules football’s WAFL competition). Method. This is an ethnographic study of the West Perth cheer squad 1984–86 told from the viewpoint of the author who was co-founder and co-leader of this group. It is both strength and weakness of the research data that the author was an active participant in the events rather than a researcher performing typical ethnographic research as a non-participant. Results. I find that the anthropological approach is able to explain many aspects of our cheer squad’s culture and members’ behaviours including the quick disintegration of the cheer squad early in the 1986 season without anyone officially ending it. However, our group members did not adjust their commitment downwards during the cheer squad’s years of action; most members attended all home-and-away matches during May 1984–March 1986. This research also shows the diffusion of Australian Rules football supporter culture from Melbourne to Adelaide and from these two cities to Perth, to a lesser extent, and the impact of TV news reports of British football hooliganism on our group’s style and macho posturing. Conclusion. Detailed long-term ethnographic studies of individual football (soccer) hooligan firms and Australian Rules’ cheer squads are the most vital type of new research.

Keywords: football hooliganism, neo-tribes, Perth history, sports history, Western Australian football.

INTRODUCTION

eneral Introduction. “By channelling the of Giulianotti; the Marxist approach of Taylor, competitive hostility outwards towards Clarke, and Hargreaves; the “ethogenic” approach the tribe on the other side of the [usually of Marsh; the “psychological reversal theory” Gmetaphorical] hill, social bonds within one’s own approach of Kerr; and the historically sensitive / group are reaffirmed and maintained” (Marsh, historical approaches of King and Robson. I apply 1978, p. 50). Armstrong’s (1998) anthropological approach to In this article I review key studies in the our 15–20 member West Perth cheer squad (hard- academic literature on football hooliganism in the core supporter group) of 1984–1986 (Australian UK and around the world. The academic theories can Rules football’s WAFL competition). I find that the be divided into: the early dominant “figurational” anthropological approach is able to explain many or “process-sociological” approach of Dunning aspects of our cheer squad’s culture and members’ and colleagues; the “anthropological” approach of behaviours including the quick disintegration of the Armstrong and Harris (with its focus on fluid “post- cheer squad early in the 1986 season without anyone modern” “neo-tribes”); the post-modern approach officially ending it. However, our group members AUSTRALIAN RULES FOOTBALL CHEER SQUADS OF THE EIGHTIES: A CASE STUDY OF THE WEST PERTH CHEER SQUAD 1984–1986 3 did not adjust their commitment downwards during “neo-tribes” (Armstrong, 1998) to our West Perth the cheer squad’s years of action; most members cheer squad 1984–1986 and draw appropriate attended all home-and-away matches during May theoretically-informed conclusions from this 1984–March 1986. application. We also use Peter Marsh’s concept West Perth has been a foundation member of the “illusion of violence” (Marsh, 1978) which of the Perth-based Western Australian Football suggests that, in order to gain and demonstrate League (WAFL) competition since 1885. However, control over territory and resources, rival groups the WAFL was reduced to second-tier status engage in symbolic behaviours (advances and when Perth-based entered the retreats) which more often than not involve only expanded Victorian Football League (VFL) (now mild violence or no violence at all. If group self- Australian Football League (AFL)) in time for the respect, integrity, and territorial control can be 1987 season (Devaney, n.d.). The VFL/AFL now achieved without actual violence then, as the operates as a de facto national premier league (first theory goes, so much the better. division). As in American professional sport, there Motivation. It is important to study the is no promotion to or relegation from the VFL/ behaviours and cultures of Australian Rules AFL to the various second-tier leagues. During the football hard-core supporters and cheer squads twentieth century, up to 1982, the VFL/AFL was as this has been an under-researched area. Much based solely in the state of Victoria (and 11 of its of what we do know to date comes largely from 12 clubs were then based in the city of Melbourne). personal memories and anecdotes and from A cheer squad (an Australian Rules football occasional comments and digressions in Australian term) is a semi-organized group of hard-core Rules football history books of various kinds (see, supporters (comprising typically but not always for example, Muyt, 2006). a male teenager majority) which sits in the same Background. The three largest population strategic place at home matches and which supports centres where Australian Rules football is the most the team through chants, songs, flags, and banners. popular winter sport are Melbourne, Adelaide, and It may attend some or all away matches, and usually Perth. Traditionally the Melbourne-based VFL/ sits in a humble location at away venues (near the AFL competition had and has the best football, the entrance which is closest to the train station for largest crowds, and the most passionate supporters example) and rarely tries to take over the home compared to the local competitions based in the cheer squad’s territory. Australian Rules football other two cities (the SANFL in Adelaide and the cheer squads should not be confused with the cheer WAFL in Perth). Football supporter culture has squads of American Football which are, obviously, typically diffused from Melbourne to Adelaide completely different. The dominant culture at (654 kilometres to the west) and, only to a lesser Melbourne- and Adelaide-based cheer squads, extent and at a slower rate, from these two centres since the formation of the first cheer squad at VFL/ to Perth. Slow diffusion to Perth is largely due to AFL club Richmond in 1959 (Critchley, 2010), distance: Perth is located far away on the country’s has included an important fraternal ethos among west coast 2.131 kilometres from Adelaide and rival cheer squad members especially away from 2.721 kilometres from Melbourne. Until recent the grounds. The cheer squads took on some of the years poorer people rarely travelled from Perth to “illusion of violence” (Marsh, 1978) or tough-guy Melbourne but travel from Adelaide to Melbourne posturing from British and European hooligans was much more common due to the fact that it was and ultras. However, this was more in terms of within easy driving distance. As a result seventies style and posturing; cheer squads rarely sought and eighties football supporter culture diffused out or engaged in actual violent actions. Another faster and to a greater extent from Melbourne to influence arguably was the ultras groups formed Adelaide than from these two cities to Perth. by Australian football (soccer) supporters from In the peak cheer squad years of the VFL/AFL European ethnic immigrant backgrounds including in the seventies and eighties, when the then it was those connected to clubs such as Melbourne a Melbourne suburban competition plus Geelong, Croatia; Sydney Croatia; South Melbourne Hellas; cheer squad members from various clubs would and Sydney Olympic (James & Walsh, 2017). catch up with each other after games at Flinders The aim of this article is to apply Gary Street Station and shout across station platforms Armstrong’s theory of fluid “post-modern” the scores from their respective grounds. There was 4 Kieran James also a place called Classic Cafe in Melbourne city- might have had 20–30 people on a good day, and centre where cheer squad members congregated our West Perth group had a stable core of 15–20. and interacted on Saturday nights after the regular By the second half of our existence we had around Saturday afternoon home-and-away games (Muyt, 15 large red-and-blue flags or one flag per core 2006). If anything, cheer squad members have member. been less violent than ordinary supporters of West Perth in fact had three cheer squads during Australian Rules’ clubs. A distinction has been the 1984–1986 period: (a) Fat Pam’s cheer squad, made between the inner and outer cheer squad at which disbanded at the end of the 1983 season but Collingwood (Muyt, 2006) where the inner cheer continued to still make the banners the players ran squad was the approved membership that adhered through before the game; (b) our unofficial group to fraternal cheer squad ethics whereas the outer situated behind the northern-end goals, which cheer squad was the hooligan element not under replaced Fat Pam’s group which had formerly the restraining influence of cheer squad leaders. used that location; and (c) the Grandstand Falcons, However, I argue that, despite this, the “illusion a group of older guys then in their twenties who of violence” has always been important, to some sat at the top of the grandstand extent, for Melbourne- and Adelaide-based cheer and sang songs (but had no flags or floggers). This squads. shows the passion and commitment of grassroots The fraternal Melbourne- and Adelaide-based supporters for many of the Western Australian cheer squad culture merged with the outwardly Football League (WAFL) clubs during the eighties more aggressive English football (soccer) hooligan when average match attendances for home-and- culture, which regularly appeared on Australian TV away fixtures were around seven to eight thousand. news reports, to create the ethos of groups such as our At one (neutral-venue) game, West Perth cheer squad. Growing up as teenagers our cheer squad sat in front of the Grandstand in Australia in the eighties we all saw the TV news Falcons with a third section of seats in front of our cheer squad reserved for our flags and banners. reports of football hooligan violence coming from (Our group never took floggers to away games the UK and, being eager to prove our credentials, but instead we stored them in the West Perth FC we adopted some of their tough-guy posturing or club facilities at Leederville Oval.). Altogether “illusion of violence” (Marsh, 1978); the influence there would have been over 50 people there that was there definitely at the subconscious level if not day across both groups combined. The noise the at the conscious level. So to say that Australian combined group made under the grandstand roof, Rules football crowds and football (soccer) crowds on the second- (middle-) tier of the three-tier stand are unrelated topics is simply nonsense. However, behind the Fremantle-end goals, was magnificent we never initiated violence and we were only once when magnified by the echoes. We sang the seriously threatened by it (at ). Grandstand Falcons’ powerful song “This Time, The events of that particular day will be presented We’ll Get It Right”1 about England’s 1982 World and analysed in the Results and Discussion sections Cup hopes (with England changed to West Perth of this article respectively. and the “white” dropped from “red, white, and As mentioned, the Australian Rules football blue”). This song summed up perfectly people’s cheer squad culture, coming out of Melbourne and emotions at the time because it had been a decade to a lesser extent Adelaide, involved a fraternal since West Perth had last played in a grand-final ethics between rival cheer squads, especially away (Atkinson, 2008) and hopes had been dashed on from the grounds, and that was a countervailing many occasions. In hindsight, this was our cheer force, and probably our dominant influence. Our squad’s greatest day. posturing was macho and our songs and chants The largest and best organized cheer squad were loud and insulting but we were not interested was ’s under the leadership of in initiating violence. The leading cheer squads in a very warm, cheerful, and sophisticated “metro- WAFL (Perth) football in 1984–85 were Perth FC, sexual” guy with blond-rinse hair called Nick. Nick Claremont, Subiaco, West Perth, and East Perth, brought the disciplined and fraternal Melbourne- probably in that order or with West Perth as third. based (VFL/AFL) cheer squad ethics over to the None of the remaining three WAFL clubs had semi-organized cheer squads of any type as far 1 See: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2w3_ as key people were aware. Perth and Claremont PZh0IR4 [accessed 14 September 2017]. AUSTRALIAN RULES FOOTBALL CHEER SQUADS OF THE EIGHTIES: A CASE STUDY OF THE WEST PERTH CHEER SQUAD 1984–1986 5

Perth Football Club. This cheer squad had existed Savage, 2005). Local East London historian John since at least around 1981. To this day the wooden G. Bennett (who led a “Jack the Ripper” guided bench seats behind the northern- or city-end goals tour I attended in Whitechapel on 10 June 2010) at , Perth’s home ground, are painted cites Sham 69’s song “George Davis is Innocent” red-and-black, a permanent reminder of the days from the band’s debut album 1978’s Tell the Truth: (and years) when Nick’s passionate cheer squad “They’re never gonna leave you alone / They’re occupied those benches. never gonna leave you alone / You know where The Claremont cheer squad was probably you bloody live / East London is your home!”2 As similarly influenced by the Melbourne-based Sham 69 was in fact from Hersham in outer south- cheer squads since one of its core members wore west London, this song suggests that East London a Melbourne-style duffel coat with club name had by 1978 become a romanticized spiritual and favourite player name and number (Peter 15 locality uncontainable by its actual geographic Jamieson) emblazoned on the back in big iron-on boundaries. However, despite song lyrics such as lettering. The duffel-coat culture never caught on in these, the close links between West Ham United’s Perth as, unlike in Adelaide, few school-aged Perth- ICF and band members of The Business, Cock based supporters then made trips to Melbourne or Sparrer, Cockney Rejects, and Sham 69 are less Adelaide to watch VFL/AFL or SANFL games, well documented. A famous picture shows the and the only places to see the duffel-coat culture Cock Sparrer band members proudly posing inside were Melbourne and Adelaide. Furthermore, the the gates at West Ham’s Upton Park stadium. As Perth winter is milder and too hot for duffel coats. Pennant (2003, chap. 6) writes, this known link These duffel coats were excellent for standing between certain East London punk bands and West on the terraces in the rain on Saturday afternoons Ham’s ICF resulted in Cockney Rejects’ concerts in Melbourne because the rain-soaked coats could in the Midlands and north of England becoming 3 simply be left out to dry and would be wearable sites of football-related violence. It was football- related violence because the band members were one week later. It was common in 1982 to see attacked because of their identification with and these duffel-coats with team and player names and support for West Ham United and the ICF and not pin-on player badges being worn on the streets by for any other reason. teenagers on weekdays in the city-centre. However, Moving on to today, Cockney Rejects released a by 1986, the coats were mostly only being worn at very moving new single and video-clip on 11 April games while by the nineties they had disappeared 2016 called “Goodbye Upton Park” about West from the stadiums as well. All-seater stadiums with Ham’s permanent move from the Boleyn Ground / covered roof sections had made them redundant. Upton Park to the London Olympic Stadium.4 It can By the late-nineties the VFL/AFL had abandoned be argued that this video-clip goes beyond a simple scheduling fixtures at most traditional suburban farewell to a veiled protest at the corporatization home grounds of the clubs with their uncovered of football and the destruction and sale of valuable concrete terracing; and most games were being personal and community memories. scheduled at the larger, all-seater stadiums namely This article also considers why hooliganism of the (MCG); VFL Park; the British variety never caught on in Australian and, from 2000, the Docklands’ Stadium. Rules or even in Australian football (soccer) and Literature review. Several authors touch is unlikely to do so in the future especially with on the fascinating intersection between football regards to the former. This is a complex question. hooliganism and punk rock music. West Ham It is important to point out that British football United Inter-City Firm (ICF) leader Cass Pennant hooliganism, like British punk rock, was a unique (Pennant, 2003, chap. 6) considers the case of product of time and place. Marsh (1978, p. 90) punk rock bands Sham 69 and Cockney Rejects whose East London identifications are well known. 2 Sham 69 lyrics as cited in Bennett (2009, p. 34). These East London identifications made sense 3 See also interview with Cockney Rejects’ frontman within the punk rock scene which has always had Jeff Geggus aka Jeff Turner aka “Stinky” Turnerat: a sociologically informed emphasis upon place https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9nKdqO279kI [ac- which can be traced back to the Sex Pistols and cessed 11 January 2017]. the SEX shop run by Westwood and McLaren at 4 See: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HAsyGA5- 430 The King’s Road, Chelsea (Bestley, 2011; a-g [accessed 5 January 2017]. 6 Kieran James explains as follows: “aggro always reflects, in the insight from all of the relevant theories, none of particular form it takes on, the social forces of a which should be completely cast aside. given era”. Sociologically football hooliganism Dunning (1999) theorizes that football violence belonged to the seventies and eighties, the time when occurs around a given city or region’s “fault- the post-war “consensus” between the two major lines” which might be class-based (as in England); political parties had broken down; unemployment religion-based (as in Glasgow); ethnicity-based (as was rising appreciably for the first time since in South African soccer and Australia’s former the end of World War II; the Labour Party under National Soccer League (NSL) (1977–2004)); or the late James Callaghan faced the indignity of regional-based; or city-versus-country-based. enforced civil service cuts under an International Interestingly, Pave Jusup and Kova of Monetary Fund (IMF) austerity package; and Melbourne Croatia Fans (the current ultras group (later) Mrs. Thatcher’s economic rationalism and at ex-NSL club Melbourne Knights) distinguish anti-trade union stance rendered life much more Melbourne Knights’ “political” rivalries with difficult for what remained of the working-class Yugoslav communist clubs such as Footscray (Savage, 2005, p. 480). Even in a different era in the JUST and Serbian clubs such as Springvale White UK (or an “alternative history” using a concept of Eagles with the (non-political) “football” rivalries Slavoj Žižek) hooliganism may not have happened with old NSL clubs such as the Italian community’s or possibly would not have happened. Adelaide City Juventus and the Greek community’s Dunning et al. (2002) outline the major South Melbourne Hellas (source: group interview “popular” theories of hooliganism put forward by with the author, Sunshine North, 11 January 2011). non-academics in the media and politics. After this Pave argues that the rivalries with Adelaide City they outline the main academic approaches used by and South Melbourne are “non-political” since the academic researchers. The popular arguments they resulted simply from on-field events such tend to be difficult to shed light on through empirical as Melbourne Knights’ grand-final defeats at the research and hence difficult to conclusively accept hands of these two clubs rather than to Italian- or reject. Another point to note, highlighted in Croatian or Greek-Croatian issues. Dunning et al.’s (2002) review chapter, is that some Dunning (1999) theorizes that working-class of the popular theories contradict each other. For people identify with their football team to the extent example, the theory that hooliganism is due to that they feel pride and self-respect when the team unemployment appears to contradict the theory does well and loss of pride and loss of self-respect that hooliganism is due to affluence. The popular when the team does badly. Regarding Australia’s theories are as follows: football hooliganism is ethnic soccer clubs in the former NSL (which was caused by: “[1] excessive alcohol consumption; replaced by the A-League in 2004–05), Lynch and [2] violent incidents on the field of play or biased Veal (1996, p. 259) write that: “Nationalistic loyalty and incompetent refereeing; [3] unemployment; [4] also played a part: a club victory could take on the affluence; and [5] ‘permissiveness’” (Dunning et stature of a ‘victory’ for a homeland, just as a defeat al., 2002, p. 11). was also somewhat about loss of national face”. The The academic theories can be divided into: strength of these feelings of pride / loss of pride is the early-dominant “figurational” or “process- based on the degree of the person’s identification sociological” approach of Dunning et al. (Dunning, with the team and with the district and the number 1999; Dunning et al., 1991); the “anthropological” of interests that she / he has outside of football. approach of Armstrong and Harris (Armstrong, For the person with strong identification with the 1998; Armstrong & Harris, 1991); the post-modern district and few outside interests, the pride or loss approach of Giulianotti; the Marxist approach of of pride felt when the team does well or badly is Taylor, Clarke, and Hargreaves; the “ethogenic” at the maximum level. West Ham United ICF lead approach of Marsh (1978); the “psychological man Bill Gardner (Gardiner, 2006) has said that the reversal theory” approach of Kerr; and the West Ham fans of the seventies and eighties were historically sensitive / historical approaches of dispirited and felt a loss of pride because of the first King and Robson (cited in Dunning et al., 2002, XI’s poor showings and lack of effort; this inspired p. 13). We rely predominantly on Armstrong’s the ICF to become the strongest football hooligan anthropological approach while hoping to gain firm in the country. AUSTRALIAN RULES FOOTBALL CHEER SQUADS OF THE EIGHTIES: A CASE STUDY OF THE WEST PERTH CHEER SQUAD 1984–1986 7

Next I move on to review the ethnographic a football context and so football-related violence academic research on hooliganism that began is unacceptable. in the nineties with two landmark PhD theses, Significantly, neither Blades nor Owls one in the UK by Gary Armstrong on Sheffield members meet frequently outside of football United’s Blades hooligan firm (later published seasons (Armstrong, 1998, p. 268) because such as Football Hooligans – Knowing the Score) and meetings are ambiguous and hard to interpret as one in Australia by John Hughson on Sydney being football-related. Armstrong (1998, p. 268, United’s Bad Blue Boys NSL firm from the emphasis original) writes as follows: [T]he raison early-nineties. Subsequent articles by Hughson d’être of the Blades was a football match, and a (1997a, 1997b, 1999, 2000, 2002) synthesize key collective identity more or less died outside the findings of these two studies and relate some of football season, to be resurrected at the early August Armstrong’s key findings to the unique context pre-season friendly games”. On the other hand, it of south-west Sydney’s Bad Blue Boys (BBB), a was possible for the Blades’ collective identity to group of Croatian-Australian teenagers who are, or assert itself as dominant at gatherings outside of perhaps were, hard-core supporters of the former the football season such as a marriage celebration th NSL’s Sydney Croatia club (which was renamed and a 30 -birthday celebration (Armstrong, 1998, Sydney United in the nineties). It should be pointed pp. 269–270). Armstrong (1998, p. 270, emphasis out that these “anthropological” authors have original) states as follows: “Blade identity could been criticized on a number of grounds by other therefore be automatically sustained away from the club and the match in other contexts that did academic researchers (see, for example, Dunning not need a game of football [nor even the football et al., 2002). Armstrong (1998) has also criticized season]”. the early-dominant Leicester University School Likewise, our West Perth cheer squad 1984– approach of Dunning and Williams. 1986 (which sat behind the northern-end goals at Using the anthropological approach, Armstrong West Perth’s Leederville Oval and had around 15– (1998) focuses on the disorganized nature of 20 core members) met only once outside of football Sheffield United’s Blades’ firm and the fluidity of seasons – when Mike C., his younger brother group membership. People come to and go from Pete C., and I arranged to attend a one-day domestic the Blades according to the needs of their lives cricket match at the WACA Ground. However, at particular stages and no-one is ever “bound” this was early in the cricket season (October or to the Blades in any sense. People connected November) and the planning to meet took place with the Blades acknowledge that hooliganism is at the last West Perth football game. In effect, this an acquired taste and a profession at the edge of cricket match can be seen as a special one-day even hard-core fan support (Allan, 1989, p. 109). extension of the football season. Armstrong (1998, p. 306) talks in terms of fluid I now move on to discuss the “phases of “post-modern” “neo-tribes” and this terminology hooliganism” theory as outlined in various places and its associated logic is taken up by Hughson in by Dunning and his Leicester University School. his ethnographic study of Sydney United’s BBB. In the first phase, Dunning argues that violence Armstrong (1998) points out that firm allegiance mostly involved attacks on players and officials. is bounded and held in tight check. It is generally It emerged from uncontrolled passions inspired subordinated to ordinary relationships so that a directly by events on the field (Duke & Slepička, Blades member would put to one side (or suppress) 2002, p. 60). This type of violence, referred to as his / her hostility towards Sheffield Wednesday’s “spectator disorderliness” by Roversi and Balestri “Owls” hooligans when relating in the normal way (2002, p. 131), was not pre-planned. Duke and to friends, family members, and work colleagues. Slepička (2002, p. 52) explain that, in the pre-1946 When Blades and Owls meet outside of match days or pre-communist era in the then Czechoslovakia: the context is often ambiguous and people have to “most of the crowd incidents ... were match determine whether this is a “football context” where related. Attacks on players and officials were fighting is justified or not. When groups of Blades characteristic of football spectator behaviour in or Owls invade each other’s pubs on London Road the first Czechoslovak republic. Battles between or West Street on a Friday night this is a football groups of rival fans were not common, and context whereas if Blades or Owls are socializing there were no reported examples of the police with women or with non-hooligan mates this is not coming under attack from gangs of fans”. 8 Kieran James

After the sixties “core football hooliganism” p. 102). During the last phase, since the eighties, emerged in England which was rival gangs of “hooligan violence has been displaced from the super-fighters intent on fighting each other; in grounds and diffused into city centres, suburbs this phase the violence was often pre-meditated and even further away from the ground itself and (Duke & Slepička, 2002, p. 60). Through a may take place independently of the outcome of process of diffusion, the English hooligan style the game, for fighting can begin before or after the aka the “English disease” diffused firstly to game and can continue for a long time” (ibid., p. Western Europe in the seventies (Duke & Crolley, 102). The Leicester University School’s “phases” 1996; Duke & Slepička, 2002, p. 53) and later to categorization fails to take into account the alleged communist or post-communist Eastern Europe. general hardening up of attitudes and behaviours In the then Czechoslovakia, Dunning’s second in England which took place around 1974. Pennant phase did not diffuse into the local setting until the and Silvester (2004) nominate 1974 as a key mid-eighties (Duke & Slepička, 2002, p. 60). The dividing year. reason for the slow diffusion was “because of the Armstrong (1998) ends his book by describing relative isolation, restricted media coverage and how Blades would sometimes in 1997 watch games rigorous repression under the communist regimes” at pubs close to the Bramall Lane ground partly as (ibid., p. 60). a protest against rising ticket prices. This is the Duke and Slepička (2002) also allege that beginning of, in Armstrong’s words, “post-fan” communist rule was associated, especially in its behaviour. Armstrong’s data ends in 1997 and so early years, with a reduction in all types of football we do not how the Blades are functioning in the new violence. Spectator disorderliness decreased from millennium. Generally rising season ticket prices its pre-communist levels and core hooliganism and the rising cost of train travel have meant that started much later and on a much lesser scale in the the demographic of football support has changed then Czechoslovakia compared to Western Europe. while improved policing methods are a further These authors attribute this to mass communist factor in creating disinterest in hooliganism. repression being effective in its early years but “Core football hooliganism” (Dunning’s term) declining in its effectiveness by the eighties. It has never been diffused successfully to Australia. was not until the nineties that the new Czech There has been occasional Australian Rules’ Republic experienced its first cases of fan attacks crowd violence of the “first phase” type referred upon police. Overall, Duke and Slepička (2002, to as “spectator disorderliness”. This type involves p. 60) conclude that: “developments in the Czech isolated attacks on players and umpires emerging Republic occurred later both in terms of the degree out of passions generated by the match itself. Most of organisation involved and the nature of the Australian Rules’ reference books suggest that violence”. This suggests that hooliganism diffuses these incidents occurred more frequently in the at different speeds and to various extents to different sport’s early years prior to World War I (Critchley, regions and that some types of hooliganism are 2010). They do not appear to have grown more never diffused to some locations. serious or frequent as the years have passed. As The Leicester University School’s “phases” with North American professional sport crowds theory has been developed beyond that discussed (Young, 2002), I argue that Australian Rules’ in Duke and Slepička (2002) and explained in the crowds have not moved beyond the Leicester previous paragraph. According to Dunning et al. University School’s “spectator disorderliness” (2002, p. 102), there were three phases of English phase and are unlikely to do so in the future given soccer hooliganism in the post-war era. Firstly, in top-level Australian sports’ increasing mimicking the fifties and sixties, “the conflicts on the terraces of the North American professional sport culture were interpersonal in character, took place mainly and the ideological re-positioning of the supporter in the soccer grounds and on trains, and were as consumer. for the most part directly related to the outcome Armstrong (1998) produces very interesting of the match” (ibid., p. 102). Secondly, during the data in the form of a list compiled in April 1987 seventies, “football hooliganism was transformed of 190 Blades with ages, occupations, and criminal into mass violence, which took place outside as record (if any) listed. He classifies these into sub- well as inside the grounds and took the form of gangs and, as with our West Perth cheer squad violent collective, or crowd, behaviour” (ibid., (see Appendix for a list of West Perth cheer squad AUSTRALIAN RULES FOOTBALL CHEER SQUADS OF THE EIGHTIES: A CASE STUDY OF THE WEST PERTH CHEER SQUAD 1984–1986 9 sub-gangs), some sub-gangs might have had as not acknowledge, of professional football moving few as two or three members. Larger sub-gangs to a higher stage of capitalism where supporters which were part of the Blades included Old Lads; are re-classified as “consumers”. Armstrong (1998) Drug Squad; Suicide Squad; Max’s Coach Blades; also rejects the neo-Marxist Althusserian concept Villagers; and Rotherham Blades. These last two of Ideological State Apparatuses and the related groups were the most obviously separate since idea that schools, police, courts, politicians, and their outside-of-Sheffield locations influenced how media all operate, in the last instance, to further they viewed themselves, other Blades, and other and safeguard the interests of capital (Althusser, firms, and also influenced their willingness to fight. 2001/1971). However, the physical rebuilding They felt that certain City Blades were too close to of Sheffield United’s Bramall Lane ground certain City Owls and hence sometimes not willing indeed shows the ideological re-interpellation of to confront them. Clearly, the out-of-Sheffield supporters as consumers whereby the consumers’ Blades were more idealistic and less pragmatic average spend becomes more important than their than the City Blades. Armstrong also recounts the degree of passionate commitment. In fact, the interesting and ironic case of Rotherham Blades traditional supporters’ passionate commitment fighting Rotherham Owls or outside supporters is turned against them by the ruling-class of and, in doing so, defending the honour of a city football so that that passion is now viewed as a they do not live in. The present article follows liability which must be monitored and controlled. Armstrong’s (1998) example. Appendix lists Furthermore, Dunning et al. (2002, p. 14) claim our West Perth cheer squad’s sub-gangs and the that one weakness of Armstrong’s (1998) work members belonging to each. is his failure to take into account sufficiently the Armstrong (1998) emphasizes the casual nature special reality of Sheffield as a two-club city. of group ties and the recognition that a person was not morally bound to the firm in any way if he / she METHODS decided to give up football or give up hooliganism This is an ethnographic study of the West Perth as part of a natural evolution within his / her own cheer squad 1984–1986 told from the viewpoint personal life. Some people might “come out of of the author who was co-founder and co-leader retirement” for big matches against the Owls or if of this group alongside his school-friend Michael a confrontation came to them. They would often “Mike” Blewett. It is both strength and weakness continue to go to games and London Road Friday of the research data that the author was an active night pub sessions but sit with non-hooligan mates participant in the events rather than a researcher or sit with Blades but not leave the pub (bar) to meet performing typical ethnographic research as a a challenge outside (Armstrong, 1998, p. 266). non-participant. The author relies upon personal Generally, Hughson’s research of BBB memories backed up by newspaper and book supports this. He tells the humorous example of one reports from the time; his personal 1984 season Croatian-Australian hooligan with his girlfriend notes which were hand-written by him during 1984; being ridiculed by the group for his love interest to and interviews and discussions with Mike Blewett the extent that over time he, and others in similar conducted in person in Kalgoorlie, Australia on positions, disappeared to the fringes of the group 14 July 2011 and since then by personal online or left it entirely. This hooligan was taunted by communications. Other information about the era the Croatian word for “slippers” which signifies has been sourced from posts by supporters on the domestic bliss and a certain married lifestyle. Facebook page Lost WAFL and the Facebook group Critique of Armstrong (1998). Armstrong Say NO to any AFL Clubs in the WAFL. The author (1998) only discusses leaving hooliganism in terms applies Armstrong’s anthropological approach of changing life-stages without also referring to to his 15–20 member West Perth unofficial cheer people’s changed position in relation to capital. He squad (hard-core supporter group) of 1984–1986. sometimes uses the word “capitalism” in mocking inverted quotation marks (see, for example, RESULTS p. 311) as if to question either the concept or its relevance or both. At the same time, when he talks Fluidity of group ties. Our West Perth cheer about rising ticket prices and the social control of squad’s experiences in (1984– supporters this is within the context, which he does 1986) definitely lend credence to Armstrong’s 10 Kieran James

(1998) theory about the casual nature of group city-end. My personal 1984 season notes state that ties and the fluidity of group membership with the West Perth cheer squad had been invited to join telephone calls between our members being rare; the combined Perth-Claremont cheer squad, which members knowing most other members only by was representing WA that day in the grandstand, first name and / or nickname; members usually not but the West Perth cheer squad declined. Instead knowing where other members lived or if they did I went to the game not with the cheer squad but know they knew only the suburb name; members with a school and neighbourhood-based group meeting only five times outside of football match of friends. We all took the day off school, as did days and only once outside of the football season so many people for those well-attended Tuesday (the cricket match referred to above); and the group afternoon state games during the mid-eighties withering and dying of its own accord, without (annual games played on Tuesday afternoons from any fanfare, over a few weeks early in the 1986 approximately 1983–1989), and we arrived at the WAFL season. However, unlike some of the Blades game at 9.20am. WA defeated Victoria 21.16 (142) members in Armstrong (1998), our group members to 12.12 (84) that day and, according to my 1984 did not adjust their commitment downwards during season notes, the highlight of the match was Gary the cheer squad’s years of action; most members Ablett Senior kicking eight goals for the losing attended all home-and-away matches during May Victorian team. 1984–March 1986. Swan Districts versus West Perth, As mentioned, the West Perth cheer squad Bassendean Oval, 1985. A trip to Bassendean Oval had around 15 red-and-blue flags of various sizes, to play Swan Districts requires a long train journey shapes, and designs, or around one flag per core from the Perth city-centre on the ancient Midland member. The cheer squad also had a large 1.2m x train line. Swan Districts is the most remote from 1.2m red-and-blue banner with the words “Cop the city-centre of the six traditional WAFL clubs That” in white lettering, with the word “Cop” on the which are not Fremantle-based. (Fremantle is often red horizontal section on top and the word “That” regarded as a separate city in its own right.) By on the blue horizontal section making up the bottom WAFL standards Bassendean is a fairly compact half. The banner had thick wooden sticks on both ground with the outer grassy banks being less wide sides and could be raised up above head-level at and less high than those at East , significant moments. We were very proud of that Leederville Oval (prior to its recent renovations) or banner. It helped to give the cheer squad a tough and Lathlain Park. Like a soccer ground, all spectators confrontational but still humorous image. According are relatively close to the play. The famous old to my personal notes made during the 1984 season, stands hug the playing arena closely and cast much this banner made its official debut at the Round 14 of it in shadow in the late afternoons. (7 July) 1984 match at Leederville Oval when West Since the formation of West Coast Eagles Perth defeated reigning premiers (i.e. champions) in 1987, “Swans” has had a reputation, fiercely Swan Districts 18.11 (119) to 11.19 (85)5. and jealously guarded, of being the epitome Western Australia versus Victoria State of of a traditional WAFL club. Bill Walker of Origin game, Subiaco Oval, Tuesday afternoon Swan Districts was one of only two WAFL club 17 July 1984. I also took the “Cop That” banner presidents to vote against the entry of West Coast with some school and neighbourhood mates, Eagles into the expanded VFL (now AFL). Even including Mike Blewett (the West Perth cheer the once vibrant Midland and Guildford districts, at squad’s second co-founder), Paul Blewett, Chad the centre of Swan Districts’ geographic heartland, S., Pete L., Roy G., Paul D., “Gilby”, Wayne D., retain a large proportion of historic buildings and and Nick (not the Perth Football Club cheer squad they seemed to have remained somewhat shielded leader) to the Western Australia (WA) versus from the economic, social, and demographic Victoria State of Origin game held on Tuesday changes that the rest of Perth has experienced. afternoon 17 July 1984. The group stood on the old Bassendean Oval used to be a fearsome place for concrete terraces (now long gone) on the Roberts visiting supporters; every corner of it was claimed Road side of Subiaco Oval in front of the old by some gang or other of Swans’ supporters. Even tin shed just in front of the entrance gates at the today, Swans attract larger home crowds than other WAFL clubs and the compact nature of the ground 5 Source: Match scores are taken from Atkinson (2008, p. 334). makes a crowd of two to three thousand mostly AUSTRALIAN RULES FOOTBALL CHEER SQUADS OF THE EIGHTIES: A CASE STUDY OF THE WEST PERTH CHEER SQUAD 1984–1986 11

Swans’ supporters still a fearsome proposition for I can recall our West Perth group this day opposition fans and players. entering what were then the most popular gates Although there was and is a members’ stand, of the oval, in the south-west corner closest to the R. A. McDonald Stand, in the ground’s south- Success Hill train station, with the giant flags. In western corner, has always contained vocal and the environment of Bassendean Oval, these flags hard-core Swan Districts’ supporters of all ages. stood out like a sore thumb. Swans’ fans then The stand still contains such dedicated supporters had a dour and austere culture where you would today, although nowadays there are empty seats not wear club colours. Anything slightly showy during the main game. In the WAFL’s Golden Era was frowned upon as not befitting this working- patrons had to arrive long before the start of the class district far removed from the city-centre. main game to be assured a seat in the McDonald Furthermore, Swans’ colours are black-and-white; Stand (pronounced as if it had an extra “s” as in the cheer squad’s red-and-blue replica playing “McDonald’s Stand”). My late maternal grandfather jerseys and flags stood out like the first year of H.A.A. (1906–1999) and his mate Ernie Henderson colour television. People probably thought that we were show-offs and smart-arses. We took the path supported Swans and they always sat there, towards of least resistance and set ourselves up behind the the top, in the seventies and into the first half of the southern-end goals. The group’s flags and banners eighties. I also sat with them there, on three or four were right there in front of the line of sight of the occasions, although never when West Perth was the McDonald Stand’s inhabitants around 25-metres opponent. away7. The heritage-protected ground is largely On this most memorable day, most probably unchanged today. in 1985, the West Perth cheer squad headed out The cheer squad was chanting its usual chants to Bassendean Oval, from Perth city-centre on that day but with perhaps unusual venom. There the Midland train line. I cannot recall how many had been animosity between West Perth supporters people met in the city-centre beforehand. There and Swan Districts’ manager John Todd since was probably a sub-group which got on at the city- Todd left West Perth’s Brian Adamson out of a centre and the long journey then magnified our Western Australian combined state team in 1975 good spirits, self-confidence, and camaraderie. (Dawson, 2004, pp. 148, 150). This animosity had West Perth had been performing well on the field then followed Todd across from East Fremantle in 1985 and a win would certainly not have been to Swan Districts (ibid., p. 179). Dawson writes an unlikely outcome. The cheer squad was in as follows about the relationship between Swans celebration and party mood, travelling to a distant and West Perth during the 1980s: “The feud was and remote ground at the far end of the metropolitan always publicly denied, but continued into the area. Many cheer squad members would not have 1980s and all Swans-West Perth games were well- gone to the ground before. attended with many fiery incidents, off and on the No part of Bassendean Oval is seemingly field” ibid. ( , p. 179). Swans’ record home ground reserved for the away supporters (except perhaps the attendance remains today the 22,350 people who Bill Walker Stand which is located to the immediate watched Swans play West Perth on 10 May 1980 right of the McDonald Stand when viewed from (Round 6) (East, 2009, pp. 23, 212). inside the playing arena). The McDonald Stand is It may have been our “Ronnie Boucher walks on only 20- or 30-metres from the southern-end goals. water / everybody knows that bullshit floats” chant The northern-end goals6 are furthest from the train that made the Swan Districts’ fans increasingly station so, logically, that was not the place for the upset on this particular day in 1985. Swan Districts away fans. The logic of the era was that visiting had no recognized or organized cheer squad then cheer squads (out of humility and respect) would but generally cheer squads accept each other’s stay near the entrance that was closest to the train chants as just part of the job description and not station so that meant, for example, the southern- to be taken seriously. The McDonald Stand was an end at and the southern-end at intimidating place in that era and our cheer squad . 7 The view of the McDonald Stand from the south- ern-end goals and the opposite view can be viewed 6 The word “goals” is used in plural form in Austra- at the following link: http://waflgoldenera.blogspot. lian Rules football culture because the goals are made co.uk/2017/02/opinion-presidents-response-to-todays. up of four separate vertical posts. html [accessed 14 September 2017]. 12 Kieran James was insulting Swans’ favourite players and showing When the game ended, or possibly five or ten off its vibrant red-and-blue colours directly in front minutes prior to that, the West Perth cheer squad of their noses. The cheer squad also had its famous members looked around and we saw that the song, sung to the tune of the classic children’s song Aboriginal group had disappeared. I do not think “Old McDonald had a Farm”: “Old McDonald had that anyone even saw or heard its members leave as a stand / eyie eyie oh / and in that stand was full of they disappeared so quietly. pigs / eyie eyie oh”. The distant origins of the real This Swan Districts versus West Perth match Mr. R. A. McDonald8 meant that by 1985 our group was probably either the 19.14 (128) to 15.12 (102) clearly intended to insult a revered ancient folklore Swans’ victory on 8 April 1985 (attendance 10,500) deity instead of an actual known person. The song or the 22.12 (144) to 21.16 (142) Swans’ victory on was in effect an attack against local gods. 20 July 1985 (attendance 9,462)9. Around three-quarter time during the main game, we saw that a group of around eight bare- DISCUSSION chested Aboriginal youths, around the group members’ ages or slightly older, had very quietly Fluidity of group ties. When I stopped going surrounded us and taken up strategic seating to games during 1986, no-one ever contacted me positions just outside the group on all three sides. (and I had been co-founder and co-leader) and This Aboriginal group began to make intimidating when I met ex-member Pete C. at Fremantle Oval comments including that they would beat up our at a game against South Fremantle late in the group members after the game. The Aboriginal 1986 home-and-away season we conversed only group members wore no club colours but they as friends and neither of us made any mention (if were very clearly Swans’ supporters. They must my memory serves me correctly) of the end of the have been offended by the West Perth flags and cheer squad. There was only the two of us; we met chanting. Our West Perth cheer squad watched the by chance rather than by arrangement; and the flags game much more diligently and stopped playing up and banners were long gone. We probably avoided to and taunting the inhabitants of the McDonald discussing the cheer squad’s end as it might have Stand. I could tell that our group members were been a sad topic. Possibly people could sense my apprehensive. Aboriginal gang culture and the and key others’ new-found lack of enthusiasm for culture of the suburbs around Bassendean Oval the cheer squad in 1986 and the infectious zeal were not well known to any of the group. None of that had held the group together for two years us had any reputation in the area that we could call simply saw its opposite occur: people drifted away on. It was the classic away fans scenario. because the igniting zeal had left. Only the zeal for We all began to watch the game much more West Perth and for the cheer squad had kept the diligently and talk among ourselves; we adopted cheer squad together for two full years and through a much lower profile. We became just normal two complete summer off-seasons (which are six fans rather than a cheer squad as such. Even the months long in Perth). I admit that my new pre- noisiest members became quiet which was very occupation during 1986 was my university studies. remarkable. People became grossly absorbed in In hindsight I wish that I had been slightly more the match, looked straight ahead, and quietly pro-active in extending the life of the cheer squad conversed in their twos and threes. This was partly without feigning interest or departing from the a strategic act and partly a sub-conscious switch group’s original authenticity. to the self-preservation mode. The chanting mostly Western Australia versus Victoria State of stopped although I am sure that we still waved the Origin game, Subiaco Oval, Tuesday afternoon flags after West Perth goals. 17 July 1984. Mike B. and I decided that, because the game took place on a school-day, our ethical obligation towards our school friends exceeded our 8 The R.A. McDonald Stand was opened on 23 July ethical obligation to go with cheer squad members 1938, four years after the club was admitted to the and / or to join the combined Perth-Claremont WAFL (East, 2009, pp. 21, 87). R.A. (Dick) McDonald cheer squad representing WA that day. This was was President in the early years of the Swans club and played an important role in the then second-division the choice we made based upon our ethical values. club gaining WAFL admission in 1934 when he was acting in his capacity of member of the Bassendean 9 Source: Match scores are taken from Atkinson Road Board (ibid., pp. 12–16, 20, 191). (2008, pp. 334, 335). AUSTRALIAN RULES FOOTBALL CHEER SQUADS OF THE EIGHTIES: A CASE STUDY OF THE WEST PERTH CHEER SQUAD 1984–1986 13

We could plan together at school on the Monday never viewed this encounter as any sort of “racial with school friends for the next day and we felt war” – our group was multicultural and had a that we should attend the game with them on the multicultural ethos. For example, D.S. from Tuart Tuesday. We all took the day off school, as did Hill was an ethnic Chinese and the brothers Tony so many people for those well-attended Tuesday and Mario were of Italian ethnicity. In fact West afternoon state games during the mid-eighties. Perth supporters have long been referred to by the Swan Districts versus West Perth, Bassendean racist tag of “Garlic Munchers” (especially by East Oval, 1985. If we want some theorization of the Perth fans). This tag emerged because of the large West Perth cheer squad members’ behavioural southern-European immigrant supporter base self-modifications after being threatened by the which attached itself to the club in the post-World Aboriginal group of Swan Districts fans, we might War II period. cite Marsh (1978, pp. 19, 41) as follows: About the near-miss at Bassendean Oval, on “we can instantly recognize dominant or reflection, I can say that our group had probably submissive stances in other people and we had become a little over-confident. Our cheer squad frequently employ them ourselves ... Adopting went to Bassendean Oval thinking that, because a submissive posture is the clearest way in there was no organized Swan Districts’ cheer which ... a person ... can signal that he has had squad, we could pretty much express ourselves as enough and thus avoid serious injury”. we liked as far as flag-waving and noise-making When the game ended, or possibly five or ten were concerned. Being far from home created a minutes prior to that, the West Perth cheer squad carnival or a day-at-the-seaside atmosphere for our looked around and we saw that the Aboriginal group members. The hostility between the two clubs group had disappeared. Our West Perth group was a factor in the background which was probably had passed some kind of test. Possibly the Swan driving us on to chant a little louder. I probably did Districts’ group had decided that we were “good not “rate” the Aboriginal group when I first saw it guys at heart” or possibly they had just lost interest as it was not a Melbourne-style cheer squad and its in confrontation or had somewhere to go straight guys were shirtless and not wearing club colours. after the match. Swans’ on-field victory that day Why was this day memorable aside from just the might possibly have been seen by the Aboriginal physical threat? Perhaps because different concepts group as having been vindication enough for them of fandom, match-day behaviours, and dress (as Mike B. today claims10). codes were operating and these concepts clashed. Like the London Teddy Boys who menacingly I respected and tried to keep cordial relationships surrounded Desmond Morris and his wife in a with the Perth and Claremont cheer squads but I Camden Town cafe in 1957 but then paid the did not perceive any necessity to have a similar couple’s bill and left with a friendly greeting fraternal and respectful attitude with respect to (Morris, 1978, p. 7), the Swan Districts group had any or all Swan Districts’ fans (even though my reinforced territorial dominance by Swans’ fans grandfather supported the club). over Bassendean Oval, including the seats behind the southern-end goals, without resorting to actual CONCLUSIONS violence. Marsh (1978, p. 125) explains further as follows: “When men enter into aggressive General conclusions. In this article I have confrontations with each other, the object of the reviewed key studies in the academic literature exercise is not killing but preservation of dominance on football hooliganism. I have applied the relations, the defence of particular space or access anthropological approach to our 15–20 member to basic resources”. West Perth cheer squad of 1984–1986. I find that This event at Bassendean Oval’s southern-end Armstrong’s anthropological approach is able to goals was a near-miss for the West Perth cheer explain many aspects of our cheer squad’s culture squad and our group members probably learned and members’ behaviours including the quick a lesson to be somewhat quieter, more respectful, disintegration of the cheer squad early in the 1986 and more circumspect in hostile away territory. It season without anyone officially putting an end must be pointed out that the cheer squad members to it. However, our group members did not adjust their commitment downwards during the cheer 10 Source: Personal interview with the author, Kal- squad’s years of action; most members attended all goorlie, 14 July 2011. home-and-away matches from May 1984–March 14 Kieran James

1986. This research also shows the diffusion of 17 July 1984. The banner was later used in an Emu Australian Rules football supporter culture from Export beer commercial which ran for many years, Melbourne to Adelaide and from these two cities to and long after our West Perth cheer squad had Perth, to a certain lesser extent, and the impact of disbanded. For me the sighting of the banner on TV news reports of British football hooliganism on the beer commercial was one of the last tangible our group’s style and macho posturing. reminders of the then defunct West Perth cheer Personal reflections. I would like to make squad of 1984–86. I remember reading about the some personal reflections both as a researcher and graffiti tag “The Clash”, located on the Harrow as cheer squad co-founder. As a researcher, I think it Road in West London at the place where it passes is important that we document supporter and cheer under the Westway. Similarly to our banner on squad culture of Australian Rules football, and the beer commercial, the graffiti remained there, expose this research to an international audience. fading slowly, long after that punk-rock group’s vigorous life was over. I think that, following Redhead (2017), detailed Acknowledgements. I would like to thank long-term ethnographic studies of individual Brian Atkinson, Michael Blewett, John Devaney, football hooligan firms, ultras groups, and cheer Chris Egan, Lionel Frost, Sean Gorman, Chris squads are the most vital type of new research. Hallinan, and Roy Hay for encouragement and Redhead (2017) notes that since the publication of information provided during the course of the Armstrong’s book nearly 20 years ago there have research process. This research had zero funding been very few new detailed ethnographic studies from external sources. similar to his prize-winning PhD thesis and book. Dedication. This article is dedicated to my late A problematic topic, also covered well by Redhead maternal grandfather H.A.A. (1906–1999). (2017), is to what extent we should bring into Disclaimer. The opinions expressed herein academic discourses the confessions memoirs of are not necessarily the same as those of Brian ex-hooligans, referred to sometimes as hooliporn Atkinson; (WPFC); or, in Redhead’s words, the “hit and tell” genre. West Perth Football Club cheer squad 1984-86 or Although obviously not every fact in such books any of its members; Swan Districts Football Club can be taken as being accurate or every recollection (SDFC); Australian Football League (AFL); West truthful or every expression of regret sincere, they Coast Eagles Football Club (WCEFC); Western may be useful for filling in gaps in our knowledge Australian Football Commission (WAFC); Western especially for firms and cities not (yet) covered by Australian Football League (WAFL); and / or any academic ethnographic researchers (ibid). of the study’s interviewees. As a cheer squad co-founder I can say that the days of the cheer squad were among the APPENDIX happiest times of my teenage years; and it was a good experience for me in the areas of leadership, Sub-gangs, West Perth Cheer Squad, people-management, organizational skills, and 1984–86 (ages as at 1984) public-relations relating to such a diverse group of The Booragoon sub-gang people from a wide variety of social backgrounds 1 *The author, 15 years, Applecross Senior and aged from 8 to 18. I do regret some of our High School student (1984–85) then university insulting chants; especially “Benny’s got a Vigona” student (1986) aimed at South Fremantle’s star Aboriginal player 2 *Mike Blewett, 16 years, Applecross Senior Benny Vigona. Although not chanted with any High School (1984–85) then occupation unknown racist intent (at least not by me), I conclude that (1986), school friend of the author Aboriginal players do not need to be exposed to The Carine sub-gang unnecessary toilet humour, if it can be called 3 Courtney, 14 years, high-school student, humour, from the spectators’ side of the fence. junior football friend of Thommo. 4 Rohan H., 14 years, high-school student, POSTSCRIPT school friend of Courtney. Floaters / non-aligned Our cheer squad’s “Cop That” banner was 5 *Mark aka “Thommo”, 14 years, high-school captured on camera at the Western Australia student (1984–85), plasterer (1986); junior football versus Victoria match played at Subiaco Oval on friend of Courtney. AUSTRALIAN RULES FOOTBALL CHEER SQUADS OF THE EIGHTIES: A CASE STUDY OF THE WEST PERTH CHEER SQUAD 1984–1986 15

6 *Robbie, 14 years, joined cheer squad 1985, 12 *Female niece or cousin of the C. brothers, 4 lived in Balga, took buses home with Balga sub- years, attended 50% of games.. gang, knew Thommo before joining cheer squad. The Churchlands sub-gang The Balga sub-gang 13 Ben McA., 14 years, Churchlands Senior 7 *Peter “P.A.” Brennan (name changed), 18 High School student. years, lived in Balga. 14 Tony, 12–13 years, Churchlands student, 8 *Dave S. (name changed), 16 years, lived in school friend of Ben. nearby Tuart Hill but took buses to games with 15 Mario, 8–9 years, younger brother of Tony P.A. and Robbie, school / employment situation (also in younger members’ sub-gang). unknown. The younger members sub-gang The C. brothers sub-gang 16 Michael aka “Half”, 8 years, parents 9 *Mike C., 16 years, in and out of reform were financial members of West Perth, no blood homes. relationship to other cheer squad members, lived in 10 *Robert C., 15 years, only went to games Bayswater or Maylands. occasionally, had criminal record. 17 *”Thommo Junior”, 8 years, younger brother 11 *Pete C., 14 years, in and out of reform of Thommo. (* denotes took public transport to and from games). homes.

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Received on September 11, 2017 Accepted on September 28, 2017 Corresponding author Kieran James School of Business and Enterprise University of the West of Scotland Paisley campus Paisley Renfrewshire, Scotland, PA1 2BE Tel. +44 (0)141-848-3350 E-mail [email protected] [email protected]