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On the Record: Political Party Representatives Challenged Part 1: Political Platforms

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On the Record: Political Party Representatives Challenged Part 1: Political Platforms 3 On the record: Political party representatives challenged Part 1: Political Platforms Justine Hunter1 October 2004 Foreword 1 Introduction 2 Methodology 3 Section 1 of the questionnaire: Government 3.1 Decentralisation 3.2 Government efficiency 3.3 Government corruption 3.4 Transparency 4 Section 2 of the questionnaire: External relations 4.1 The United Nations 4.2 The African Union 4.3 New Partnership for Africa’s Development 4.4 The Southern African Development Community 5 Section 3 of the questionnaire: Democracy 5.1 Individual rights 5.2 Group rights 5.3 Constitutionalism 5.4 Democratic rule 5.5 Participation 5.4 Opposition 1Justine Hunter is Programme Coordinator of the Namiia Insitute for Democracy’s Public Dialogue Centre. 6 Section 4 of the questionnaire: Social fabric FOREWORD 1 INTRODUCTION 6.1 Law and order 6.2 Traditional morality This report is part of a larger research None of the parties have so far released their politi- cal programmes or manifestos, which would leave 6.3 National effort/social harmony project that compares the platforms the voters with little time to glean their election 6.4 Cultural pluralism of Namibias political parties ahead of promises. Swapo appears to be the only party that the 2004 national elections. Funded has hit the campaign trail. Opposition parties say a lack of resources is hampering them, but some 7 Section 5 of the questionnaire: Social groups by the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung observers point to deep[-]seated organisational (KAS) and carried out by researchers troubles to get work off the ground. 7.1 Labour groups (Amupadhi 2004) of the Institute for Public Policy Re- 7.2 Farmers search (IPPR) and the Namibia 7.3 Underprivileged minorities Free and fair elections, which require Institute for Democracy (NID), the 7.4 Non-economic demographic groups free competition between different overall study consists of three inde- political parties, lay the foundation for pendent articles that complement 8 Conclusion democratic rule. Emminghaus (2002: one another. Accordingly, Martin Boer 290—293) identifies four main functions (2004a) compiled the paper Spot the of political parties — irrespective of their References difference: Political party platforms regional context: representation, inte- compared, which analyses the ideo- gration, legitimation, and the recruit- Appendix: Questionnaire logical histories of Namibias political ment of political elites. Focusing on parties and compares their political some African multiparty systems, manifestos and other publications Erdmann (2002:268) identifies some across a wide range of social, eco- distinctive features shared by many of nomic and political issues. Boers the political parties in those systems: paper also serves as a pre-study for ¥ Barely distinguishable political this article on political party platforms platforms and for Robin Sherbournes forthcom- ¥ Few party members ing complementary work on the eco- ¥ Informal organisation nomic programmes of political par- ¥ Personality cults ties, entitled On the record: Political ¥ Missing links to civil society party representatives challenged. organisations Part II: Economic policy. Based on ¥ Regional or ethnic support bases, comprehensive questionnaires that and constitute the basis of in-depth inter- ¥ Mobilisation on the basis of party views with political party representa- loyalty. tives, both papers examine issues that are generally omitted by the mani- Furthermore, opposition parties in festos and other party publications. particular often lack the financial resources they need for election cam- The current study benefited from paigning (Tetzlaff 2002:247). comments by Christiaan Keulder, who also compiled the underlying ques- In Namibia, the structural power im- tionnaire on political platforms. I thank balance between the ruling party and him and Martin Boer (2004b), whose the opposition is the main challenge to SWAPO Party responses to party consolidating a multiparty democra- platform questionnaires proved in- cy. Both its historic achievements and dispensable. its ethnically-determined support base of more than half the Namibian popu- lation make the ruling party, the South West Africa Peoples Organisation (SWAPO) Party a superior political actor (Emminghaus 2002:302). Since Namibias independence, the former liberation movement has managed to 02 03 constantly increase its dominance, study is to contribute to the improve- Unfortunately, the ruling SWAPO identify members well-versed in politi- and it currently holds more than two- ment of voter education. The articles Party declined face-to-face inter- cal platforms who would be available thirds of the total number of seats in purpose is to compare the responses views. Owing to the dominance and as interviewees. In all cases, the parties the National Assembly. Thus, Namib- given by party representatives during political importance of the SWAPO selected either their president or ian politics are shaped by a demo- face-to-face interviews, and to exam- Party, the interviews were substituted another top party leader. In the sec- cratic system dominated by one ine whether there are substantial dif- by a thorough study of the partys ond stage, the persons interviewed party, making the chances of an elec- ferences in their parties priorities and political manifestos and other official were handed a questionnaire in pre- toral victory by the opposition very proposed policies. Five policy issues documents (Boer 2004b). Also, numer- paration for the interview. The third slim. As Sherbourne (2004:17) argues, in were chosen to provide a basis upon ous attempts to conduct a face-to- stage involved conducting and tran- a dominant-party system, opposition which potential policy differences face interview with the party repre- scribing the interviews. In the fourth parties are there at best to act as bell between the parties could be identi- sentative of the United Democratic and final stage, the party representa- ringers or at worst as part of a sys- fied, namely: Front (UDF) were unsuccessful due to tives responses were summarised and tem of state patronage that keeps key ¥ government the latters constant postponements. edited. These results were then com- constituencies and difficult individuals ¥ external relations The only remaining alternative was to pared with the written political mani- 2 happy. With regard to political party ¥ democracy exclude the UDF from the study. festo of the party concerned (as sum- platforms, Boer (2004a:18) concludes ¥ social fabric, and marised in Boer 2004a). Boer (2004a) and Hopwood (forth- that issues are not as important in ¥ social groups. coming:41—84) describe the parties The text that now follows comprises Namibian politics and elections as The five topics are further subdivid- included in this study, their history, and statements based on interviews with they are in other countries with ed into 22 categories. These cate- the evolution of their political plat- the following party representatives on stronger opposition parties, where gories serve to distinguish between forms. The parties themselves can be the dates indicated: some of them actually have a good party positions on those specific issues, arranged into three categories: ¥ Hewat Beukes, President of the chance of winning and implementing WRP; 13 August 2004 as well as parties general political pri- their policies. 1. Those that have been represented ¥ Rihupisa Kandando, President of orities across issues. While the in-depth in Parliament since independence SWANU; 11 June 2004 According to Keulders (2000:279) interviews examine in detail a number (the CoD, the DTA and MAG) ¥ Katuutire Kaura, President of the study on voting behaviour in Namibia, of topics that are addressed in the 2. Those that had dissolved in order DTA; 21 July 2004 party identification is the result of the various parties written manifestos, the to form part of the DTA for the ¥ Henk Mudge, President of the countrys history of race- and ethni- questionnaire includes a number of RP; 22 July 2004 Constituent Assembly elections in cally-based colonialism. As he (ibid.) issues that are generally omitted in ¥ Kosie Pretorius, Chairperson of 1989; broke away and reactivated points out, This, and the subsequent such official publications. As can be MAG; 14 June 2004 themselves in 2003; and won development of a liberation struggle, expected in the latter case, the inter- ¥ Kuiama Riruako, President of seats in the Local Authority caused a clear socio-political divide viewees personal opinion generally NUDO; 20 July 2004, and Elections in May 2004 (NUDO and ¥ Nora Schimming-Chase, in society. Party identification and comes to the fore. the RP), and Member of Parliament for the ethnicity shape voters perceptions of 3. Parties that have to date had no CoD; 14 June 2004 what makes the best party, and the electoral success (SWANU and distribution of party sympathy is rela- 2 METHODOLOGY References to secondary literature the WRP). and official party documents are also tively fixed. Given the inequality creat- Face-to-face interviews were con- indicated in the text. ed and sustained by apartheid and ducted with leaders of the following Being almost totally insignificant colonial rule, it is not surprising that the political parties, all of which are regis- today, Namibias first national move- need for change and improvement ment, SWANU, was included on tered with the Electoral Commission of 3 SECTION 1 OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE: was identified as an important voter account of its historical
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